Political Science Literature Research Articles

Institutional Investors, Voting Power, and Voting Patterns: An Empirical Analysis

I investigate the role of voting power – the ability to influence a vote’s outcome – in the voting behavior of institutional shareholders. Using hand-collected data from Israel, an environment with concentrated ownership, I employ a power index borrowed from the political science literature to examine the voting power wielded by institutional shareholders and the voting patterns they display. I find that institutional shareholders’ voting power is negatively related to their tendency to vote against management: the stronger the shareholder, the higher the probability they will vote in favor of a management-sponsored proposal. Based on evidence obtained here, this behavior is attributable to pre-vote negotiations as well as to the voting strategy of “counting on my vote not counting.” Next, I use detailed data on shareholders’ votes to identify the channel through which a voting rule affects minority shareholder protection. I find that powerful institutional shareholders almost never use their voting power to vote against management, not even when signals of poor governance are discernible. I conclude that the effect of a voting rule on minority shareholder protection operates through proposal selection, rather than through direct voting.

Text-Mining Imf Country Reports – An Original Dataset

This article introduces an original panel dataset based on the text of country reports by the International Monetary Fund. It consists of a total of 5561 Article IV consultation and program review documents, published between 2004 and 2018 on 201 countries. The text of these reports provide indications of the perceived policy weaknesses, economic risks, ongoing reforms and implemented or neglected policy advice. Thus the content of IMF reports are widely used in the economics, political science and IR literature. To our knowledge this is the first comprehensive dataset that aggregates these country reports. The paper gives a detailed account on the data acquisition and management process. To demonstrate and validate the dataset's application for research we present three validation exercises. We find that Article IV reports can indicate incoming institutional reforms, show changes in IMF policy advice over time and identify potential gains from recently discovered natural resources in certain cases. Taken together, this paper contributes an original dataset of IMF country reports and demonstrates how it can be a useful foundation for further research into the role of international financial institutions.

Capturing Hearts: The Coverage of Iran's Charm Offensive during the 2015 Nuclear Deal Negotiations in the American and Israeli Press

ABSTRACT This paper focuses on the “charm offensive” of the Iranian Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif during the 2015 Iranian nuclear deal negotiations with the United States. Charm offensives are strategic public relations campaigns that political leaders use to shift their countries’ reputation swiftly and temporarily in the global arena. Based on visual and textual analysis of the journalistic coverage of Zarif's charm offensive in the American and the Israeli press, we show that in his interactions with the American team and announcements to the press, Zarif focused on the future in contrast to the confusing past; he aimed at a calm and narrowly focused process of negotiations and preferred closed-door discussions among experts and one-on-one conversations with Secretary of State Kerry over public press conferences. He warmly welcomed photographers with smiles and presented a persistent readiness for “friendly” interaction. Western journalists enthusiastically covered these “unexpected” features of the Iranian diplomacy, and ultimately helped Zarif achieve a favorable international media environment conducive to making the deal. Bringing together literatures in communication studies, sociology, political science and international relations, we argue that in the form of a “charm offensive” political leaders can thus utilize the press for momentary country image transformation internationally.

Causal interaction and effect modification: same model, different concepts

AbstractSocial scientists use the concept of interactions to study effect dependency. In the causal inference literature, interaction terms may be used in two distinct type of analysis. The first type of analysis focuses on causal interactions, where the analyst is interested in whether two treatments have differing effects when both are administered. The second type of analysis focuses on effect modification, where the analyst investigates whether the effect of a single treatment varies across levels of a baseline covariate. While both forms of interaction analysis are typically conducted using the same type of statistical model, the identification assumptions for these two types of analysis are very different. In this paper, we clarify the difference between these two types of interaction analysis. We demonstrate that this distinction is mostly ignored in the political science literature. We conclude with a review of several applications where we show that the form of the interaction is critical to proper interpretation of empirical results.

Queering Black Feminism

This article explores a Black queer feminist frame of reference as a critical response to the cisnormative and heteronormative Black political science literature. The contours of this frame are derived from the political thought of Cathy J. Cohen. Cohen’s political thought provides an exemplary case of how Black queer feminist political science can address the lacuna in which Black queer and trans individuals are marginalized within, if not excluded from, the literature on Black political thought and behavior. Cohen’s work exposes oppressive systems, demystifies the nature of political power, and inspires counter-hegemonic knowledge production that challenges the rigidity of what and who counts as “legitimate” subjects for political science inquiries. Before synthesizing a sample of Cohen’s political thought, this article succinctly reviews Black political science, including Black feminist political science, detailing its history, problems, trends, and how scholars have tended to carry out Black politics work within the discipline. Black political science is critically placed in its activist-scholar context. This article argues that Black political scientists must continue to look inward, not only considering how race and racist knowledge has structured the discipline, but also how power is distributed among (and between) various groups of Black political scientists themselves. It is Black queer feminism that will continue to advance the radical imperative of Black political science.

‘Authority Shifts’ in Global Governance: Intersecting Politicizations and the Reform of Investor–State Arbitration

<p>The global investment regime is a prime example of the so-called ‘politicization beyond the state.’ Investment agreements with an Investor–State Dispute Settlement (ISDS) mechanism have become contested in several corners of the globe, triggering a widespread reform process encompassing national, regional and multilateral levels. This article examines the consequences of this confluence of politicization processes, focusing on the European Union (EU) and two key venues of ISDS reform: the United Nations Commission on International Trade Law (UNCITRAL) and the Energy Charter Treaty (ECT). Combining different strands of politicization literature in International Relations and Political Science, the article advances a nuanced conceptualisation of the institutional consequences of politicization that goes beyond a deepening/decline dichotomy. Instead, the article examines whether and how politicization generates ‘authority shifts,’ either through a vertical move between international and national levels; and/or through a horizontal recalibration between public and private forms of governance. The article argues that although the EU’s initiative for global ISDS reform intended to rebalance public and private authority while strengthening its international character, the on-going reform processes at the UNCITRAL and the ECT may eventually lead to a (partial) dismantling of international authority.</p>

М.М. Сперанский: у истоков российского либерализма

The purpose of this work is to identify the role and significance of M. M. Speransky as the founder of a theoretically sound, holistic and systemic liberal doctrine in Russia. The article uses such methods of scientific research as the historical method, the retrospective method, and the hermeneutical method. The question of the founding fathers of Russian liberalism, which ideologically has a serious impact on all spheres of modern public life, continues to be quite controversial in the historical and political science literature. From the research position of the author of the article, it is M. M. Speransky stands at the origins of Russian liberalism. During the were identified the most important theoretical parameters of the richest philosophical, political, legal heritage of Speransky, on which were based all the ideologues of Russian liberalism, till our days: the adoption of Western political experience, a focus on the formation of civil society in Russia, the need for government guarantees the rights and freedoms of the individual, etc. these parameters are presented as individual subsections, at the end conclusions and generalizations. The article also provides information about the personality of M. M. Speransky, the most important stages of his biography and political and legal activities. According to Speransky, the effectiveness of ways, methods and forms of Russian transformations increases with the skillful borrowing of Western experience, gradual "grafting" of useful elements of the legal system and political culture of the advanced countries of Western Europe. He saw his political mission as the reorganization of Russian absolutism and potential despotism into a form of constitutional monarchy based on the separation of powers and subordination to a single ("root") law. The "root law" should provide for the interests and aspirations of all the main elements of society, and the rights and freedoms of all Russian citizens will be firmly respected. This will also ensure a response from the bottom up, an increase in social activity of the population, the development of social and individual self-activity, and the emancipation of entrepreneurial talents. M. M. Speransky justified the relationship between the development of liberal trends and the need to form a full-fledged civil society in Russia. The importance of M. M. Speransky gave social mobility for the successful development of society, defended the facilitated opportunities for intersectional movements of Russian subjects.

Populism and health inequality in high-income countries.

The rise of populist parties and movements in general and right-wing populist parties in particular has been noted also in the public health literature. While economic and other factors behind the populist surge have been systematically analyzed in the political and social science literature, the understanding of this political phenomenon seems weak in important parts of the public health literature. The lack of analysis of economic effects on health inequity of immigration of people with low levels of work skills to many high-income countries is given with the WHO Commission on Social Determinants of Health report as an example. Public health scholars should be able to fully analyze all effects on health inequity within countries. Public health scholars and professionals may lose credibility if they do not fully assess all relevant determinants, and the investigation of health inequity within countries should consider all systemic roots. Health inequity between countries is a crucial issue and should be addressed through international cooperation between countries, regions and international organizations. The approach from political science and social science should be adopted.

Rethinking Legislative Advocacy

In an age of statutes, legislative advocates influence the substantive content of almost every law. Yet scholars know very little about the role that advocates play in shaping statutory law because the study of legislative advocacy has been left to political scientists, who focus on the political rather than the legal aspects of legislative lawmaking. This Article responds to this gap in the literature by presenting an innovative, mixed methods approach to studying legislative advocacy that brings law back into the study of legislative advocacy and provides more accurate descriptions of how legislative advocates behave. This legal approach to legislative advocacy improves on the existing political science literature by emphasizing the legislative process as a lawmaking enterprise and highlighting the importance of the substantive content of statutory laws to legislative advocates and their behavior. The Article demonstrates the utility of this approach by presenting new empirical data on American Indian advocacy. My analysis produces two important insights about legislative advocates’ behavior overlooked in previous studies. First, it reveals that advocates perceive legislative advocacy to be about modifying the substantive content of a proposed law. Legislative advocates take the law seriously as they engage in nuanced and sophisticated strategies to interact with legislators and other political actors to craft statutory laws. They advocate on a wide range of proposed laws, shift their positions strategically throughout the legislative process, and frequently seek to modify proposed laws. Second, my account of Indian advocacy emphasizes that legislative advocacy involves legal as well as political work. Indian advocates regularly used legal frames and arguments to educate and persuade legislators to shape the law in ways that better responded to their needs.

Does process matter? Experimental evidence on the effect of procedural fairness on citizens’ evaluations of policy outcomes

One of the key factors distinguishing democracies from non-democracies is the process by which political decisions are made. Central to democratic thought is the idea that policy made in a procedurally fair manner is more legitimate than policy that violates central tenets of procedural fairness. A large number of studies from social psychology show that procedural fairness matters in citizens’ evaluations of the success and legitimacy of various outcomes. Despite this observation, most political science literature focuses on the outcomes rather than the process of policy-making. Using survey experiments we find that procedural arrangements are an important factor in citizens’ judgement of policy outcomes. Specifically, we find that fair procedural arrangements increase outcome legitimacy to the extent that citizens perceive them to be fairer. Our findings suggest that policy-makers need to pay more attention to procedural arrangements when designing policies.

What Is “Labor” About Labor State Governments In Australia?

What Is “Labor” About Labor State Governments In Australia?

The Personal Sources of Responsiveness. Introduction to a Special Section

AbstractResponsiveness is a core value in democratic politics. Individual legislators are important mechanisms for implementing this concern in real‐world settings and thus facilitating responsive government. This introduction to the special section on this topic starts out by highlighting the special relevance of individual legislators in this regard and by sketching important theoretical considerations that emerge from the political science literature on this issue. In its main part, it summarizes the key findings of the contributions in relation to its main theme, namely the personal sources of responsiveness. We end with a short conclusion that reflects on possible tensions between responsiveness and the personalization of representative systems.

Comparing Authoritarian Publics: The Benefits and Risks of Three Types of Publics for Autocrats

Abstract Researchers comparing political communication across non-democratic contexts presently lack a widely acknowledged theoretical framework to guide their efforts. In order to fill in this gap, this essay develops a theoretical account that proposes comparing not authoritarian media systems, but “authoritarian publics.” Drawing on theories of the multiple public sphere, two typologies are delineated: (a) a three-fold typology of partial publics, operating within authoritarian regimes and (b) a three-fold typology of “publics-at-large,” to be distinguished across authoritarian regimes. As it is argued, the publics-at-large of authoritarian regimes can be composed of three types of partial publics: (a) uncritical, (b) policy-critical, and (c) leadership-critical publics. With reference to political science literature about the emergence of formally democratic institutions in non-democratic regimes, critical publics are interpreted as institutions that help autocrats carry out important tasks. The benefits and risks associated with critical publics for autocrats are comparable to those of other pseudo-democratic institutions.

Public Opinion and the Legitimacy of Global Private Environmental Governance

The rise of global private environmental governance has inspired substantial research assessing whether organizations like the International Organization for Standardization (ISO) and the Forest Stewardship Council (FSC) are legitimate. These organizations address global challenges and help overcome collective action problems, but public opposition can severely curb their effectiveness. Yet, we do not know whether the public supports such organizations and perceives them as legitimate. This article draws on diverse political science literatures to outline why a focus on public opinion is important. The article tests two competing arguments explaining potential opposition toward organizations like the ISO and the FSC: accounts centered on the role of sincere preferences over the legitimate locus of authority and on the influence of domestic elite rhetoric. Results suggest that public opinion is generally positive and that elite rhetoric about a potential democratic deficit rather than simple information about the bodies’ governance structures decreases favorability.

Psychologiczne uwarunkowania aktów dehumanizacji

The psychological determinants of acts of dehumanizationThe article discusses the most important sources of various forms of dehumanization and destructive behavior. Modern knowledge and psychological research allow to understand dehumanization as a phenomenon going beyond behavioral acts. The main goal of this article is the presentation of two psychological traditions, that explain violence and social aggression in the light of the individual’s mental dysfunctions, as well as in the light of the dynamics of social processes above all group processes and interpersonal interaction. Presentation of this second research tradition is in my opinion of key importance for understanding the most important and the most serious determinants of dehumanization, although it is systematically underestimated or little known in sociological and political science literature. Identification of relevant sources of dehumanization can contribute to their quicker identification and inhibition.

Rethinking geographies of race and austerity urbanism

AbstractAusterity has become a key consideration for studying ongoing state restructuring of the urban since the economic crisis of 2008. However, academic debates have yet to fully interrogate the role of race in this process. This article reviews geographic literature on race and austerity. It outlines the emergence of austerity urbanism, and the geographic, sociological, and political science literatures from which it draws its origins from. Focusing on the interplay between race/racialization and austerity, this article engages with critical theories of race to better understand the “raced” nature of austerity, and how these processes shape cities. Critical theories of race have been influential in linking race to forms of state power and governance in geography, while also exploring racism as a material and discursive formation that is connected across space and time by capital. Austerity urbanism literature has yet to develop a sophisticated analysis of the racialized dimensions of austerity in the U.S. context. Rather, scholarship up to date theorizes race through fixed categories, where racialized groups are seen and mapped onto austerity policy outcomes. In this paper, I propose that critical theories of race can provide an analytical framework for geographers to better understand the relations between race and austerity through the lens of racial capitalism by revealing how periods of neoliberalization are organized along racial lines and operate through and upon terrains of racial domination and empire. This means framing race and racism as a process (i.e., racialization) that is inextricably embedded in the logic of the neoliberal project. This paper concludes with commentary on possible future directions, both empirical and conceptual, that engagements with racial capitalism can offer to the literature on austerity urbanism to interrogate race, power, and justice across the Global North and South.

No solidarity without liberty. Why is it so tricky to comprehend solidarity as a political ideal?

It seems complicated for contemporary literature in political science to use the concept of solidarity with a normative intention at the state level. If the concept experienced a boom in Europe at the end of the 19th century, it is supplanted today by other terms such as justice or the welfare state. In this article, I explore the following hypothesis: it is difficult to use the concept of solidarity because it conflicts with individual liberty, which is the cause of a specifically liberal caution concerning this concept. Contemporary liberal thinkers would prefer to ignore solidarity as a value because it has several characteristics that cause tension. I will mainly dwell on the binding dimension of solidarity and its relation to the centrality of individual liberty in liberalism .

A New Model of Corporatism in States Governed by Populist Political Parties: The Cases of Poland and Hungary

Between 1945 and 2010 three main types of corporatism were discussed in the political science literature: the ‘classic’ and ‘lean’ corporatism that existed in the West European countries and the ‘illusory’ corporatism that dominated in Central and Eastern Europe after 1989. The aim of the paper is to examine whether a new version of corporatism, which I call ‘patronage’ corporatism, emerged in Hungary and Poland during the first term of the governments formed by populist political parties (in Hungary between 2010 and 2014 and in Poland between 2015 and 2019). In patronage corporatism the authorities autonomously conduct heterodox economic policy. They enter into alliances only with ideologically close trade unions. While their cronies legitimize authorities’ decisions at the governmental level vis-à-vis the citizens and at the international level, the government fulfils some of their socio-economic and organizational demands. Furthermore, the government cooperates with its allies to destroy other trade unions that are perceived as hostile towards the authorities. The paper shows that the capture of power by populist parties in Hungary and Poland led to the development of patronage corporatism in these countries.

Institutional Change and Institutional Persistence

In this essay, we provide a simple conceptual framework to elucidate the forces that lead to institutional persistence and change. Our framework is based on a dynamic game between different groups, who care both about current policies and institutions and future policies, which are themselves determined by current institutional choices, and clarifies the forces that lead to the most extreme form of institutional persistence (“institutional stasis†) and the potential drivers of institutional change. We further study the strategic stability of institutions, which arises when institutions persist because of fear of subsequent, less beneficial changes that would follow initial reforms. More importantly, we emphasize that, despite the popularity of ideas based on institutional stasis in the economics and political science literatures, most institutions are in a constant state of flux, but their trajectory may still be shaped by past institutional choices, thus exhibiting “path-dependent change†, so that initial conditions determine both the subsequent trajectories of institutions and how they respond to shocks. We conclude the essay by discussing how institutions can be designed to bolster stability, the relationship between social mobility and institutions, and the interplay between culture and institutions.

Коллективный портрет лидеров региональных отделений парламентских политических партий (на примере субъектов УрФО)

Introduction. In the political science literature, there are several main approaches that explain the weakness of the political parties’ institution in Russia. These concepts point to reasons that are outside political parties. This study attempts to link the low status of political parties in Russia with the quality of party top management, in particular, with the parties’ regional leaders (United Russia, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, the Liberal Democratic Party and A Just Russia). The purpose of the study is to create a collective portrait of the heads of regional branches of parliamentary political parties. Methods. The identification of elites in this work is carried out within the framework of the positional approach. The main method for collecting and analyzing data is the biographical approach. Scientific novelty. An additional explanatory model of the weakness of political parties’ institution in Russia is proposed - the quality of party leadership. The factors influencing the internal party processes are considered. Results. A comparative analysis of the social and professional characteristics of the leaders of the parties’ regional branches, as well as their career trajectories is carried out. The average statistical portrait of the regional leaders of parliamentary parties is revealed. Conclusions. The head of the party’s regional branch is a middle-aged man with a higher technical education who has not served in the Armed Forces of the Russian Federation and is a native of the deputy corps or the business community.