Lisa Baldez Research Articles

Spaces of international gender justice: a reply to Baldez and DeLaet

In assessing the effectiveness of international human rights law to achieve meaningful gender equality, Lisa Baldez and Debra DeLaet offer two complementary yet different case studies. De Laet argues that despite the rhetoric and promise of international women's rights law, such codification has yet to achieve ‘systemic progress’ to address gender inequality. DeLaet concludes that progress is most often attributable to national law reform and enforcement rather than global legalism. Picking up on the importance of national context, Baldez comes to a different conclusion in examining the case of Cuba's submissions to Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women. Both papers point not only to the limitations and potential of international law but also to the limitations of feminist strategies that emphasize law reform at the exclusion of other non-juridical strategies for social change. As I read the papers together, I am reminded of the need to see global legal strategies as embedded in and alongside other strategies for social change. I argue that, despite its frailties, international law remains a useful resource for national or grass-roots feminist strategies for positive social change.

Political Women and American Democracy. Edited by Christina Wolbrecht, Karen Beckwith, and Lisa Baldez. New York: Cambridge University Press. 2008. 261 pp. $75.00 cloth, $24.99 paper.

Political Women and American Democracy. Edited by Christina Wolbrecht, Karen Beckwith, and Lisa Baldez. New York: Cambridge University Press. 2008. 261 pp. $75.00 cloth, $24.99 paper.

A Comparative Politics of Gender Symposium Introduction: Comparative Politics and the Logics of a Comparative Politics of Gender

This symposium is the culmination of work that began in October 2007, when fourteen scholars from Australia, the United Kingdom, and the United States convened at Case Western Reserve University to participate in the research conference Toward a Comparative Politics of Gender: Advancing the Discipline along Interdisciplinary Boundaries. The conference was funded by a Presidential Initiative Grant from the University and further supported by an ACES grant. Dr. Gregory Eastwood made available the Library of the Inamori Center for Ethnics and Excellence for our conference meetings. Many thanks to Linda Gilmore, Tonae Bolton-Dove, Gail Papay, Shelley White, and Sharon Skowronski for their expert administrative support. Professors Dorothy Miller (Women's Studies), Rosalind Simson (Philosophy, Law and Women's Studies), and Kelly McMann (Political Science and International Studies) served as discussants of the conference papers. To Theda Skocpol, who presented remarks at the opening dinner of the conference, and to the scholars who participated in the CPG conference and whose contributions are included in this symposium, I offer my deepest appreciation and gratitude.What do we mean by a comparative politics of gender? How would a comparative politics of gender advance our understanding of politics generally? What would it take to develop a gendered comparative political analysis? In the essays that follow, Teri Caraway, Louise Chappell, Leslie Schwindt-Bayer, and Aili Mari Tripp elaborate their understandings of a comparative politics of gender. Five additional essays focus specifically on issues of democratization (Lisa Baldez, Georgina Waylen), political institutions and representation (Mili Caul Kittilson, Mona Lena Krook), and comparative sex equality policies (Mala Htun and Laurel Weldon). In this introductory essay, I discuss what I mean by “gender” in the context of comparative politics. Briefly enumerating the advantages of comparative politics as a subfield for a gendered analysis of political phenomena, I discuss how a comparative politics of gender can serve to advance our understanding of politics generally, and I provide an example of subfield research—the study of political violence—where gender as a metaconcept may be particularly useful. I conclude by considering what it would mean to our study of gender and of comparative politics to place gender as a central concept in comparative political research and to move to a comparative politics of gender.

Political Women and American Democracy. Edited by Christina Wolbrecht, Karen Beckwith, and Lisa Baldez. (Cambridge University Press, 2008.)

<i>Political Women and American Democracy</i>. Edited by Christina Wolbrecht, Karen Beckwith, and Lisa Baldez. (Cambridge University Press, 2008.)

Masculinized or Marginalized: Decentralization and Women's Status in Regional Polish Institutions

Research on gendered institutions reveals that women often face a dilemma of being masculinized or marginalized. Female politicians downplay gender differences to fit in or risk sanction for highlighting women's issues. Sub‐national institutions are closer and less prestigious, so decentralization may facilitate women's participation and gender equality. Examining Poland's 1998 decentralization, I analyze 40 semi‐structured interviews with male and female regional political elites using a mixed‐methods approach to test five hypotheses about gender attitudes. Women initially respond “no gender inequalities” but change their answers; many support the notion of more women in politics, but not quotas or women's policy machinery. The author wishes to thank Lisa Baldez, Sunita Parikh, Kathleen Montgomery, Irfan Nooruddin, Mona Lena Krook, Candice Ortbals, John Carey, Gary Miller, Erica Townsend Bell, Celeste Montoya, the editors and two anonymous reviewers for their suggestions; the Eisenhower Institute for supporting this research, and most importantly, the legislators, civil servants, and women's group leaders in Poland who participated in this study. All errors are my own.

Political women and American democracy

1. Introduction: what we saw at the Revolution: women in American politics and political science Christina Wolbrecht 2. Gender as a category of political analysis in American political development Gretchen Ritter 3. Gender, public opinion, and political reasoning Leonie Huddy, Erin Cassese, and Mary-Kate Lizotte 4. Gender in the aggregate, gender in the individual, gender and political action Nancy Burns 5. What revolution? Incorporating intersectionality in women and politics Jane Junn and Nadia Brown 6. Women's movements and women in movements: influencing American democracy from the 'outside'? Lee Ann Banaszak 7. Representation by gender and parties Kira Sanbonmatsu 8. Women as candidates in American politics: the continuing impact of sex and gender Kathleen Dolan 9. Women as office holders: linking descriptive and substantive representation Beth Reingold 10. Theorizing women's representation in the United States Suzanne Dovi 11. Political women in comparative democracies: a primer for Americanists Lisa Baldez Conclusion: between participation and representation: political women and democracy in the United States Karen Beckwith.

Sheer Numbers: Critical Representation Thresholds and Women's Political Representation

Studies of women in legislatures indicate that achieving a “critical mass” of women may have the effect of changing the legislative priorities of women, increasing the number of legislative initiatives dealing with women and the passage rate of such initiatives, and altering the legislative priorities of men. In the absence of a critical mass, “token” women may be so constrained by their minority status as to be unable to respond proactively to their environment. Popular wisdom suggests that a critical mass may be necessary for women to make a difference as women in a legislature.Yet, critical mass is both problematic and under-theorized in political science research. The critical mass threshold is debated, the mechanism of effect is unspecified, possible negative consequences are overlooked, and the potential for small numbers of elected women to effect political change on behalf of women is neglected. Beyond sheer numbers, what are the conditions that govern the ability of women legislators to make a difference? We argue that two major contextual factors beyond the sheer numbers are likely to govern the extent to which female legislators serve to represent women. Relying on the secondary literature, this article maps parliamentary and civil society contexts to sheer numbers of women to locate conditions in which female legislators are most likely to have policy successes.Karen Beckwith is the Flora Stone Mather Professor of Political Science at Case Western Research University and Editor, with Lisa Baldez, of Politics & Gender (karen.beckwith@case.edu). Her published work includes Women's Movements Facing the Reconfigured State (Cambridge 2003, with Lee Ann Banaszak and Dieter Rucht), Political Women and American Democracy (forthcoming, with Christina Wolbrecht and Lisa Baldez), and articles on gender and politics in the European Journal of Political Research, Politics & Society, and Signs, among others. Kimberly Cowell-Meyers is Assistant Professor in the Department of Government at American University (kcowell@american.edu). She is author of Religion and Politics: The Party Faithful in Ireland and Germany (Greenwood, 2002) and articles published in Women & Politics, Nationalism and Ethnic Politics, and Irish Political Studies among others. She has worked in the British Parliament and the United States Institute of Peace.

Gender in the Aggregate, Gender in the Individual, Gender and Political Action

The literature on gender and political action comes in two forms—one that is aggregate, sometimes institutional, and often centered historically, and one that is individual and largely focused on the here and now. We care about both, of course—about the social organization and deployment of gender and about what gender means in individual lives. In this essay, I argue that we should encourage these two kinds of analysis to engage each other more intimately. This engagement would give political scientists the tools to say more about when, for whom, and for which outcomes gender matters. The conversation would give us better ways to understand how context makes gender relevant.Kate Gallagher provided incredibly thoughtful research assistance for this essay. Support for her work was provided by the Center for Political Studies at Michigan and by the Miller Professorship. I want to thank Jane Junn for a fabulous conversation about how to improve the essay. Lisa Baldez, Karen Beckwith, and Christina Wolbrecht provided important, critical feedback. The Center for Advanced Study in the Behavioral Sciences gave me the space in my life—and the amazing library staff—to finish the essay. Of course, all of the mistakes and omissions are mine.

From Civil Society to Civil Servants: Women's Organizations and Critical Elections in Croatia

This work examines the role of women's organizations in the 2000 elections in Croatia in an effort to understand when and how they play a significant role in promoting democracy and, in particular, the election of female candidates. Croatia offers a crucial case for the study of gender and democratization because it challenges two significant generalizations from the comparative literature on postcommunist transitions: first, that women's organizations have been more likely to succeed in postcommunist countries where democracy has proceeded the furthest and, in particular, where ethno-nationalist conflict and ideologies are least salient; and, second, that widespread opposition to gender quotas in postcommunist countries prevented their use as a tool for promoting women's equality. What conditions were present that facilitated the effectiveness of women's organizations in Croatia in promoting their goal of electing more women? Four factors are key to explaining their success: the organizational strength and unity of women's organizations; the extent of involvement by international organizations and donors; the perceived central role of women's organizations in democratization; and, finally, the character of their alliances with political parties.An earlier version of this paper was presented at the Thirteenth Berkshire Conference on the History of Women, Scripps College, June 2–5, 2005. I would like to thank Lisa Baldez, Karen Beckwith, Charlie Kenney, Carol Lilly, Andrew Halterman, and three anonymous reviewers for their valuable comments on earlier drafts of this article.

New APSA Council Members Elected

Eight new members of the APSA Council have been elected in APSA's fourth contested election in recent years. The new Council members are: Lisa Baldez, Dartmouth College; Susan R. Burgess, Ohio University; Dennis Chong, Northwestern University; Michael W. Doyle, Columbia University; Kerry L. Haynie, Duke University; Arthur Lupia, University of Michigan; Anna Sampaio, University of Colorado, Denver; and Melissa S. Williams, University of Toronto. André Blais, Université de Montréal, was not elected. Under APSA election rules, the APSA Nominating Committee proposes one name per open seat and additional nominations, sponsored by at least 10 members, may be made from the membership. This year, Susan Burgess, Ohio University, was nominated from the membership and was elected. The election was conducted by electronic ballot, with a 31% turnout—similar to other recent APSA elections. Detailed results can be found at http://apsanet.org/section_710.cfm.

Gender Quotas II

In the previous issue, scholars Jane Mansbridge, Mark P. Jones, and Miki Caul Kittilson addressed a series of questions about gender quota laws. Are quotas a good idea? Should more countries adopt them? Should the United States consider them? In this issue, three additional scholars weigh in. Lisa Baldez considers the pros and cons of gender quota laws on the basis of research she has done on the adoption and implementation of a gender quota law in Mexico. Mona Lena Krook maintains that the adoption of gender quota laws often reveals the deep-rooted nature of gender discrimination in existing processes of candidate recruitment. Finally, Medha Nanivadekar reflects on the lessons that can be drawn about gender quota laws from the example of the reserved seats for women in India, a measure that “created 1 million slots for women.”

Quota Problems: Combating the Dangers of Essentialism

As I write, descriptive representation by gender improves substantive outcomes for women in every polity for which we have a measure. And as I write, significant representation by gender cannot be achieved in any existing polity without some form of quota. At this historical moment, therefore, quotas play an important democratic role in increasing gender equality. Yet because quotas potentially produce institutional rigidity and their need should decrease as structural and cultural conditions improve, it is best to institute them in their most flexible form. Because quotas also encourage essentialism, it is best to institute them in conjunction with major efforts to define in nonessentialist ways the reasons for their institution. Although quotas will inevitably increase essentialist beliefs, a conscious, concerted campaign could mitigate the most destructive effects of this tendency.Many thanks to Lisa Baldez for help in editing these thoughts. Comments welcome: jane_mansbridge@harvard.edu.

Why Women Protest: Women's Movements in Chile

Journal Article Why Women Protest: Women's Movements in Chile Get access Why Women Protest: Women's Movements in Chile by Lisa Baldez. New York, Cambridge University Press, 2002. 240 pp. Cloth, $65.00; paper, $23.00. Elisabeth Jay Friedman Elisabeth Jay Friedman Barnard College Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar Political Science Quarterly, Volume 118, Issue 3, Fall 2003, Pages 531–532, https://doi.org/10.1002/j.1538-165X.2003.tb01247.x Published: 25 March 2013

Mexico: The Struggle for Democratic Development

Political Science QuarterlyVolume 117, Issue 1 p. 167-168 Mexico: The Struggle for Democratic Development by Daniel C. Levy and Kathleen Bruhn with Emilio Zebadúa Lisa Baldez, Lisa Baldez Washington UniversitySearch for more papers by this author Lisa Baldez, Lisa Baldez Washington UniversitySearch for more papers by this author First published: 15 February 2013 https://doi.org/10.2307/798124AboutPDF ToolsExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinked InRedditWechat No abstract is available for this article. Volume117, Issue1Spring 2002Pages 167-168 RelatedInformation