Limitation Of Armament Research Articles

The Parity That Meant Superiority: French Naval Policy towards Italy at the Washington Conference, 1921-22, and Interwar French Foreign Policy

On December 16, 1921, Charles Evans Hughes (and President Warren Harding) pressed Aristide Briand to accept the famous 5, 5, 3, 1.75, 1.75 ratio on capital ships already reached by the United States, Great Britain, and Japan at the Washington Conference on the Limitation of Armament. France and Italy had been assigned the lower figures. Warning the French premier that the success of the entire conference hinged on his decision, the American secretary of state suggested that France ought to reconstruct its economy and country rather than build battleships-a threat from France's major creditor.' Briand and other French leaders responded positively as long as French demands in lighter ships (cruisers, destroyers, submarines, and others) were respected. Furthermore, although

Charles Evans Hughes and the speech heard 'round the world

Charles Evans Hughes presented one of the most significant conference speeches in American history. Yet his address of November 12, 1921, to the Conference on the Limitation of Armament, receives only occasional mention in our literature. This paper discusses the background, occasion, reaction to, and significance of that address.

Isolated Japan: Anglo-American Diplomatic Co-Operation, 1927-1936

DURING THE YEARS 1927 to 1936 the rising forces of totalitarian nationalism in Italy, Germany, and Japan stopped the drive toward armament limitation and eventual disarmament. In those self-styled have-not nations the economically burdened called for relief from armaments competition. There was no relief, but the leadership did direct the existing unrest into familiar nationalistic channels. In other countries more peaceful-minded statesmen, recognizing the dramatic though partial success of the Washington Conference for the Limitation of Armament, determined to try again. Thus the League Preparatory Commission for the Disarmament Conference commenced its seemingly interminable sessions in 1926, technical meetings that continued until the World Disarmament Conference convened at Geneva. But the na-

The Final Act of the London Conference on Germany

As Chairman of the Washington Conference on the Limitation of Armament, Secretary of State Charles Evans Hughes had occasion to observe that “certain of the resolutions … adopted by the Conference are put in treaty form. … In other cases, the resolutions are of a character not requiring such sanction in the form of a treaty, and are deemed to be binding upon the Powers according to their tenor when adopted by the Conference.” Problems of a comparable nature arise with reference to the obligatory force and juridical effect in international law of “decisions,” “agreements” and “arrangements” set forth in the Final Act of the London Conference of 1954 on Germany.

Commission of Jurists to Consider and Report Upon the Revision of the Rules of Warfare, General Report.

The Conference on the Limitation of Armament at Washington adopted at its sixth plenary session on the 4th February, 1922, a resolution for the appointment of a Commission representing the United States of America, the British Empire, France, Italy and Japan to consider the following questions:(a) Do existing rules of international law adequately cover new methods of attack or defence resulting from the introduction or development, since The Hague Conference of 1907, of new agencies of warfare?(b) If not so, what changes in the existing rules ought to be adopted in consequence thereof as a part of the law of nations?

Japan in the Modern World

JAPAN'S ratification of the London Naval Treaty shows not only that the majority of the Japanese people are thinking along the same lines as the peoples of England and America, but also that her vital interests are forcing her to adopt a definite policy in regard to world problems. Why was limitation of arma ment so popular in Japan, and why did her newly emancipated democracy support so strongly the policy of concert with Eng land and America? The reasons are political, economic and intellectual. I propose to take up briefly these three phases of Japanese national life and then to consider how far and how long Japanese democracy will follow this line of foreign policy. These are questions of international interest, for they have a direct bearing upon the future peace of the Western Pacific and even tually of the whole world.

Limitation of Armament from a Naval Viewpoint

Limitation of Armament from a Naval Viewpoint

Discussion: The Practical Program of Reduction and Limitation of Armament

Discussion: The Practical Program of Reduction and Limitation of Armament

Extraterritoriality in China

Among the subjects tentatively suggested by the Government of the United States in September, 1921, to the governments invited to participate in a conference on “ Limitation of Armament” and on “ Pacific and Far Eastern Questions” was that of the application of the principles that might be decided upon in questions relating to China to the territorial and administrative integrity of that state. When the Committee on Pacific and Far Eastern Questions took up the general discussion of matters within its purview, the expressions of high intention toward China on the part of the different interested Powers were so unanimous that it was deemed advisable to draw up immediately a statement of principle embodying these sentiments. At the first meeting of the committee the Chinese delegation had presented a group of statements of principle, of which the first reads: “ The Powers engage to respect and observe the territorial integrity and political and administrative independence of the Chinese Republic,” and the fifth as follows: “ Immediately or as soon as circumstances will permit, existing limitations upon China's political, jurisdictional and administrative freedom of action are to be removed.”

The Laws of War Concerning Aviation and Radio

During the Conference on the Limitation of Armament at Washington nearly two years ago a resolution was passed establishing a “Commission of Jurists to consider amendment of the laws of war” covering the use of new agencies of warfare.

The International State of the Middle Ages: Some Reasons for its Failure

0 much has been said during the last few years about an international organization which shall bring peace and order to the people of the world and so little about previous efforts of society to achieve the same result that it seems not inappropriate to sketch again the outlines of one of the most successful of those attempts. It might appear rather rash, certainly visionary, to propose that the League of Nations, or Conference on the Limitation of Armament (new style), be empowered not only to administer territories gained by joint conquest, but, also, to recruit armies and levy taxes directly from the people, without the intermediation of national governments; to act as a supreme court, with original jurisdiction in cases arising between nations or against rulers of nations, and with appellate jurisdiction in all cases whether of nations or individuals; and to execute its judgments whether against individuals or against states, even to the extent of making war upon an obstinate state. That would seem a very dangerous array of powers, indeed, and yet, you will agree, this is but a sober summary of the powers actually exercised by such an international authority through nearly two centuries of medieval history. Of the various attempts to achieve international control in the Middle Ages only one need receive our serious attention, however high the hopes and ambitions of the others. This is the one headed by the papacy in the days from Gregory VII. to Boniface VIII. It has been customary to trace its development in the evolution of papal theories and policies of temporal power reaching back all the way to Roman days. That path, however, is a rather tortuous one, like an old and abandoned road through the northern forest. Seldom smooth,

Conference on the Limitation of Armament

The undersigned, appointed by the President as Commissioners to represent the Government of the United States at the Conference on Limitation of Armament, have the honor to submit the following report of the Proceedings of the Conference.On July 8, 1921, by direction of the President, the Department of State addressed an informal inquiry to the group of Powers known as the Principal Allied and Associated Powers—that is, Great Britain, France, Italy, and Japan—to ascertain whether it would be agreeable to them to take part in a conference on the subject of limitation of armament, to be held in Washington at a time to be mutually agreed upon. In making this inquiry, it was stated to be manifest that the question of Umitation of armament had a close relation to Pacific and Far Eastern problems, and the President suggested that the Powers especially interested in these problems should undertake in connection with the Conference the consideration of all matters bearing upon their solution with a view to reaching a common understanding with respect to principles and policies in the Far East.

Address of the President of the United States Submitting to the Senate the Treaties and Resolutions Approved and Adopted by the Conference on the Limitation of Armament

I have come to make report to you of the conclusions of what has been termed the Washington Conference on the Limitation of Armament, and to lay before you the series of treaties which the United States and the other powers participating in the conference have negotiated and signed, and have announced to the world. Apart from the very great satisfaction in reporting to the Senate, it is a privilege as well as a duty to ask that advice and consent which the Constitution requires to make these covenants effective.

The Limitation of Armament at the Conference of Washington

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The Resolution of the Conference on Limitation of Armament Respecting Extraterritorial Rights in China

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Conference on the Limitation of Armament and Problems of the Pacific

A conference of a group of Powers heretofore known as the Principal Allied and Associated Powers (the British Empire, France, Italy, Japan and the United States), to discuss the limitation of armament, and of these Powers, and Belgium, China, the Netherlands and Portugal, to consider Pacific and Far Eastern problems, will open in the City of Washington on November 11, 1921.

The Monroe Doctrine after the War

HE President of the United States on January 22, 1917, in the words, Perhaps I am the only person in high authority amongst all the people of the world who is at liberty to speak and hold nothing back, proposed a Monroe Doctrine for the world. This was in the now celebrated peace without victory address to the Senate. The President also said, I feel confident that I have said what the people of the United States would wish me to say, and later in the same address he asserted, I fain would believe that I am speaking for the silent mass of mankind everywhere. As president of the United States, Mr. Wilson's words may unquestionably and properly be regarded in foreign countries as expressing the policy of the United States government. As the head of the government of a state occupying an important place in the world, when many other states are engaged in war, the claim to be speaking for the silent mass of mankind everywhere is not wholly presumption. It can also certainly be claimed that a president of the United States in 1917 has an equal right with a president of the United States in 1823 to state what American policy is, and if in 1917 the policy of 1823 is reaffirmed, then such policy would be worthy of even greater consideration in international affairs. President Wilson on January 22, I917, proposing a concert of powers, government by consent of the governed, freedom of the seas, and limitation of armament, advocated that