Tree Of Liberty Research Articles

Apple aphid, Aphis spp. (Hemiptera: Aphididae), and predator populations in an apple orchard at the non-bearing stage: The impact of ground cover and cultivar

A two-year field experiment was conducted to determine whether a conservation biological control strategy could be applied to enhance the biological control of green apple aphids, Aphis spp., in a high-density and scab-resistant apple orchard at the non-bearing stage. The natural occurrence of aphid predators and their impact on aphid populations were evaluated in 2005. The impact of predation on aphid densities was evaluated by comparing a predator exclusion treatment with a control. In 2006, the possibility to enhance predator abundance/performance and aphid biological control with a flowering ground cover was tested: trees were grown either with a flowering ground cover of phacelia, Phacelia tanacetifolia Bentham, and buckwheat, Fagopyrum esculentum Moench, or with a conventional ground cover of mixed Poaceae species. In 2006, it was also determined whether aphid densities differ between Liberty and Topaz, 2 scab-resistant cultivars. Results indicate that the predatory arthropod community was dominated by Coccinellidae, Cecidomyiidae, and various spider species. The ladybird community was dominated by the exotic species Harmonia axyridis Pallas, and the abundance of this species was correlated with aphid density. Naturally occurring predators had little impact on aphid abundance, although the proportion of trees with aphid colonies was greater in the predator exclusion treatment on two consecutive dates in 2005. Ground cover types had no impact on aphid densities. The oviposition response of Cecidomyiidae to aphid density was greater in Liberty trees with flowering ground cover than with the conventional ground cover. Conversely, the response of ladybird adults to aphid density was more important in Topaz trees with the conventional ground cover than with the flowering ground cover. Finally, no difference occurred in aphid abundance between Liberty and Topaz trees. Those results are discussed from a biological control and ecological point of view.

“Creatures of Mimic and Imitation”: The Liberty Tree, Black Elections, and the Politicization of African Ceremonial Space in Revolutionary Newport, Rhode Island

Research Article| October 01 2007 “Creatures of Mimic and Imitation”: The Liberty Tree, Black Elections, and the Politicization of African Ceremonial Space in Revolutionary Newport, Rhode Island Edward E. Andrews Edward E. Andrews Search for other works by this author on: This Site Google Radical History Review (2007) 2007 (99): 121–139. https://doi.org/10.1215/01636545-2007-006 Cite Icon Cite Share Icon Share Facebook Twitter LinkedIn MailTo Permissions Search Site Citation Edward E. Andrews; “Creatures of Mimic and Imitation”: The Liberty Tree, Black Elections, and the Politicization of African Ceremonial Space in Revolutionary Newport, Rhode Island. Radical History Review 1 October 2007; 2007 (99): 121–139. doi: https://doi.org/10.1215/01636545-2007-006 Download citation file: Zotero Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu toolbar search search input Search input auto suggest filter your search Books & JournalsAll JournalsRadical History Review Search Advanced Search The text of this article is only available as a PDF. MARHO: The Radical Historians' Organization, Inc.2007 Article PDF first page preview Close Modal You do not currently have access to this content.

Liberty Tree: ordinary people and the American Revolution

ContentsList of IllustrationsIntroduction: Why Write the History of Ordinary People? Part I. The Out of DoorsThe Mechanics of the Revolution: By Hammer and Hand All Arts Do Stand Persons of Consequence: The Women of Boston and the Making of the American RevolutionTar and Feathers and the Ghost of Oliver Cromwell: English Plebeian Culture and American Radicalism Part II. AccommodationsConservatives, the Constitution, and the Genius of the People How Radical Was the American Revolution? Part III. Memory: Lost and FoundThe Celebration and Damnation of Thomas PaineThe Freedom Trail: Walking the Revolution in Boston Liberty Tree: Made in America, Lost in America Index About the Author

'A Song for the Future': A Response to Paul Pickering

This paper is a response to Paul Pickering's article on the book called 'Southern Tree of Liberty'.

The Southern Tree of Liberty: The Democratic Movement in New South Wales before 1856

The Southern Tree of Liberty: The Democratic Movement in New South Wales before 1856

Was the 'Southern Tree of Liberty' an Oak?

Sometimes some important thesis are not published due to certain reasons. This affects the scholarships and historical understanding. This paper discusses a book called'Southern Tree of Liberty' explaining its plus and minus points in detail.

Beyond Liberty Trees to the Roots of the Welfare State: Civic and Democratic Festivals in Fin De Siècle France

In 1904, the largest banquet of the fin de siècle celebrated a new direction in evolving public opinion on national social solidarity. Flanked by the National Guard, 30,000 French citizens marched down the Champs-Elysées before pledging to the President of the Republic Emile Loubet the support of the new National Mutualist Federation of France (FNMF) to 'lead the nation […] in the path of fraternity'. For two million rank-and-file members of the largest social movement of the Third Republic, concerts and casse-croûte, songs, plays, and poetry cemented ties of financial solidarity in group health insurance, medical care, and pensions. In the shadow of divisive events like the Dreyfus affair and labour demonstrations, Mutualists gave stability to and generated consensus on the emergent welfare state. Mutualist celebrations suggest a politicization of popular culture but also its endurance in the face of commercialized entertainment. Borrowing from traditions of Republican fraternity, these gatherings transmitted values regarding class, gender, religion, and politics as well as secular, civic, and hygienic duties, including the fight against depopulation and tuberculosis. The planting of 'trees of solidarity and mutuality' consecrated the shift from liberty to solidarity as a core value which continues to shape modern French political culture.

External Association

Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Notes 1. Alvin Jackson, ‘Ireland, the Union, and the Empire, 1800–1960’, in Ireland and the British Empire, eds Kevin Kenny and Roger Louis, Oxford History of the British Empire Companion Series, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2004, p 123. 2. Jane H Ohlmeyer, ‘A Laboratory for Empire? Early Modern Ireland and English Imperialism’, in Ireland and the British Empire, eds Kevin Kenny and Roger Louis, ibid, pp 28–9. 3. Alvin Jackson, op cit, p 126. 4. Joe Cleary, ‘Misplaced Ideas? Colonialism, Location and Dislocation in Irish Studies’, in Ireland and Postcolonial Theory, eds Clare Carroll and Patricia King, Cork University Press, Cork, 2003, p 17. 5. Walter Benjamin, Illuminations, Fontana Press, London, 1992, p 247. 6. Seamus Deane, Strange Country: Modernity and Nationhood in Ireland since 1790, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 1997, p 183. 7. In particular see Gibbons’s Transformations in Irish Culture, Cork University Press, Cork, 1996; Edmund Burke and Ireland, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2003; David Lloyd, Anomalous States: Irish Writing and the Post‐colonial Moment, Duke University Press, Durham, NC, 1993; Ireland After History, Cork University Press, Cork, 1999 and Kevin Whelan, The Tree of Liberty: Radicalism, Catholicism and the Construction of Irish Identity, Cork University Press, Cork, 1996. 8. R F Foster, ‘Lifting the Blarney Stone that Held Down History: An interview by Sean Coughlan’, Times Higher Education Supplement, 19 October, 2001, pp 20–1. Elsewhere Foster has unilaterally dismissed the rendition of Irish history through the tropes of postcolonial theory as ‘a simplistic application of Frantz Fanon’s One Big Idea to an Irish situation sweepingly redefined as “post‐colonial”’, R F Foster, The Irish Story: Telling Tales and Making it up in Ireland, Allen Lane, London, 2001, p 20. 9. Edna Longley, The Living Stream: Literature and Revisionism in Ireland, Bloodaxe Books, Newcastle‐upon‐Tyne, 1994, p 30. For a particularly virulent assault on the legitimacy of Irish postcolonial studies see Stephen Howe, Ireland Empire: Colonial Legacies in Irish History, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2000. 10. Edna Longley, ibid, p 28. 11. Liam Kennedy, ‘Modern Ireland: Post‐Colonial Society or Post‐Colonial Pretensions?’, The Irish Review, Volume 13, 1993, pp 13, 119. 12. Stephen Howe, op cit, p 110. 13. Joe Cleary, op cit, p 29. See also D K Fieldhouse, The West And The Third World: Trade, Colonialism, Dependence And Development, Malden, MA and Blackwell, Oxford, 1999; and George M Fredrickson, White Supremacy: A Comparative Study in American and South African History, New York, Oxford University Press, 1981. 14. Neil Lazarus, ‘Academic Capital and Canon Formation in Postcolonial Studies’, unpublished version of the essay, 2002, p 1. 15. Colin Graham, Deconstructing Ireland: Identity, Theory, Culture, Edinburgh University Press, Edinburgh, 2001, p 110. 16. Colin Graham, ‘Subalternity and Gender: Problems of post‐colonial Irishness’, Journal of Gender Studies: Special Issue: Gender and Post‐Colonialism, 1996, 5:3, p 368. 17. Richard Kirkland, ‘Questioning the Frame: Hybridity, Ireland, and the Institution’, in Ireland and Cultural Theory: The Mechanics of Authenticity, eds Colin Graham and Richard Kirkland, MacMillan Basingstoke, 1999, pp 225–6. 18. Robert J C Young, Postcolonialism: A Historical Introduction, Blackwell, Oxford, 2001, p 302.

Politics By Peaceful Means: Artisan Mutual Aid Societies in Mid-Nineteenth-Century Lima, 1860-1879

In July 1866, Lima conducted its independence celebrations with great fanfare. The festivities began at the main portal of the walled city, where the members of various patriotic associations gathered to celebrate Independence Day. The participants included theSociedad de Fundadores de la Independencia, the veteran corps from both the Independence Wars and from the recent war with Spain, the national fire brigades, and the members of an artisan society named theSociedad de Artesanos de Auxilios Mutuos. Together they sang the national anthem while standing at the foot of a Tree of Liberty, a republican symbol dating back to the French Revolution. They subsequently marched into the city, thus initiating two days of celebrations that included fireworks displays and an intricate reenactment, in Lima's central plaza, of the recent naval combat with Spain. In the course of the ceremonies, two artisans were presented with prizes, one for the most outstanding piece of craftsmanship (in the 1866 celebration the prize was won by Vicente Pedraza for making an organ) and the other for the artisan who had shown the most bravery during the recent military encounter with Spain. The prizes were in the amount of 200 soles. At another point in the celebrations the Chief of the Artisan Fire Brigade gave a patriotic speech and following the speech a young girl offered the President Mariano Ignacio Prado a laurel wreath in the name of the artisans.

Civil Liberties in Wartime

Civil Liberties in Wartime GEOFFREY R. STONE* I have a simple thesis: In time of war—or, more precisely, in time of national crisis—we respond too harshly in our restriction of civil liberties, and then later regret our behavior. To explore this thesis, I will briefly review our experience in 1798, the Civil War, World War I, World War II, the Cold War and the Vietnam War. I will then offer some observations. The “Half War” with France The period from 1789 to 1801 was a critical era in American history. In an atmosphere of fear, suspicion and intrigue, the new Consti­ tution was put to a test of its very survival. Sharp internal conflicts buffeted the new na­ tion, which also found itself embroiled in a fierce international struggle between Europe’s two great powers, the French Republic and Im­ perial Britain. It was a time ofbitter party war­ fare and rampant hysteria.1 By 1798, many of the ideas generated by the French Revolution had aroused deep fear and hostilityin some segments oftheAmerican population. A rancorous political and philo­ sophical debate raged between the Federalists, then in power, and the Republicans. The Fed­ eralists feared that the sympathy ofthe Repub­ licans for the French Revolution indicated a willingness to plunge the United States into a similarperiod ofviolent upheaval. The Repub­ licans feared that the Federalist sympathy for England denoted a desire to restore aristocratic forms and class distinctions in America. As the war in Europe raged and the United States found it increasingly difficult to maintain a perilous neutrality, President John Adams sent John Marshall to Paris to nego­ tiate a treaty to guarantee the immunity of American shipping from attacks by French corsairs. When this effort failed because the French demanded “tribute” to help finance their war with England, Americans were out­ raged atthe arrogance ofthe French. A wave of patriotic fervor swept the nation under the ral­ lying cry “Millions for Defense, but Not One Cent for Tribute.” President Adams placed the United States into a“virtual state ofundeclared war.”2 Congress gave the President everything he asked for and more. It ordered additional war­ ships, appropriated substantial funds to fortify harbors, established a new Department of the Navy, expanded the army by adding twelve new regiments ofinfantry, authorized the navy 216 JOURNAL OF SUPREME COURT HISTORY This 1798 cartoon shows France as a monster, with one foot in Switzerland, saying to Britain “We will come and plant the tree of liberty in your hearts and make your nation free.” The Federalists entered into an undeclared war with France over its demand for tribute money to guarantee immunity from attacks by French ships, but the Republicans believed that America should stay out of the Anglo-French conflict. to attack armed French ships, and abrogated all treaties with France. George Washington was recalled from Mount Vernon to assume command ofAmerica’s military forces. Adams was suddenly a national hero. Whenever he ap­ peared in public, he was greeted with huzzas. The nation was on a war footing. The Republicans fiercely criticized these measures. Vice President Thomas Jefferson feared that a war with France would drive the United States into the arms of England and deliver the nation over to the forces of anti-republicanism and monarchy. He be­ lieved that if the United States could main­ tain its distance from the European conflict, the French might defeat the English and thus make republicanism secure once and for all in America.3 Republican Congressman Albert Gallatin protested that the Federalists had ex­ aggerated the dangers facing the nation and that the measures they proposed would precip­ itate an unnecessary and disastrous war with France. He derided as “wild” the Federalist claim that France intended to “subjugate our country.”4 Congressman Brent added that he was no more apprehensive of a French inva­ sion than he was of being “transported before night into the moon.”5 The Federalists were aghast. Congress­ man Robert Goodloe Harper warned that the nation had to prepare immediately rather than waiting until invasion was imminent, and Con­ gressman “Long John” Allen of Connecticut warned of“bloodshed, slaughter, pillage, and a complete subjection to...

Violence and the paradox of democratic renewal: A preliminary assessment

Jefferson's famous dictum that the ‘tree of liberty must be refreshed from time to time with the blood of patriots and tyrants’ is examined using a counterfactual argument and empirical and normative analysis. If Jefferson is right and there is an inescapable connection between democracy and violence, his dictum must contain a paradox since democracy in the first instance also predicates the creation and maintenance of institutional mechanisms for non‐violent resolution and management of conflict. What if Jefferson was wrong and the ‘blood of patriots and tyrants’ can destroy rather than fertilize the tree of liberty? Positing the counterfactual suggests (and permits analysis of) three derivative subhypotheses: (1) that democracies born in violence are more prone to periodic ‘violent challenges’ than those born peacefully; (2) that periodic violent challenges in democracies leave them less, rather than more, stable; and (3) that when democracies break down they usually do so when a culture of violence is created. Overall, the analysis tends to confirm the counterfactual hypothesis.

The tree of liberty. Radicalism, Catholicism and the construction of Irish identity, 1760–1830. By Kevin Whelan. (Critical Conditions. Field Day Essays and Monographs, 1.) Pp. x+236. Cork: Cork University Press, 1996. £14.95 (paper). 1 85918 060 4

The tree of liberty. Radicalism, Catholicism and the construction of Irish identity, 1760–1830. By Kevin Whelan. (Critical Conditions. Field Day Essays and Monographs, 1.) Pp. x+236. Cork: Cork University Press, 1996. £14.95 (paper). 1 85918 060 4 - Volume 50 Issue 2

Parallel Struggles: Irish Republicanism in the American South, 1798–1876

PARALLEL STRUGGLES: IRISH REPUBLICANISM IN THE AMERICAN SOUTH, 1798–1876* DAVID T. GLEESON What is that in your hand? It is a branch. Of what? Of the Tree of Liberty. Where did it first grow? In America. Where does it bloom? In France. Where did the seeds fall? In Ireland.1 as this often cited password of the United Irishmen suggests, Ireland’s first republicans believed that there was a connection between their own revolutionary struggle and those taking place in other countries. Similarly, the efforts of later generations to break the connection between Britain and Ireland also seemed to depend upon extraterritorial aid, particularly from the United States. The sheer number of Irish immigrants in nineteenth -century America and their growing prosperity were vital to republican plans. Historians have recently begun to examine the impact that Irish republicanism had upon America, but they have not examined the subject in a regional context to any great degree. Just as we are learning that IrishIRISH REPUBLICANISM IN THE AMERICAN SOUTH, 1798–1876 97 * Research for this article was partially funded by grants from the O’Shaughnessy Irish Research Fund of the Irish American Cultural Institute and the Snellgrove Fund of the Department of History at Mississippi State University. 1 Quoted in Kevin Whelan, The Tree of Liberty: Radicalism, Catholicism, and the Construction of Irish Identity, 1760–1830 (Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 1996), 57. American economic and political life varied in regional terms, so too did Irish republicanism.2 In particular, the Irish in the antebellum American South did not seem to fit the traditional stereotype that historians have constructed of Irish republicans generally in America.3 While many of them embraced republicanism because they wished for revenge against British misrule in Ireland, a far greater number embraced it because it helped them to integrate more easily into southern society. I United Irish exiles in Jeffersonian America had an immediate affinity with their fellow republicans. Their belief in the universal tenets of republicanism helped them to adapt rapidly to the tumult of American politics. The political views that they espoused allowed them to maintain an interest in removing Britain’s dominance of Ireland without any fear of being considered “un-American.”4 However, what might be called “classical” Irish republicanism declined sharply after 1798, and in its place there arose a more Anglophobic nationalism that made it increasingly difficult for Irish refugees to assimilate. The millions who immigrated to America between 1815 and the beginning of the Civil War, and especially those who arrived in the wake of the great famine of the late 1840s, carried with them a “psychological legacy” of British oppression. To all intents and purposes they became cultural “exiles” in the United States, exiles who leaned heavily upon that familiar crutch of the republican faith: the desire to sepIRISH REPUBLICANISM IN THE AMERICAN SOUTH, 1798–1876 98 2 David N. Doyle, “The Regional Bibliography of Irish America, 1830–1930: A Review and Addendum,” Irish Historical Studies 23 (May 1983), 254–83; Dennis Clark, Hibernia America : The Irish and Regional Cultures (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1986). 3 In this paper the South is defined as the eleven states that officially joined the Confederacy in 1861. “Republican” is used here not just for immigrants who were active in the various republican movements but also for those who harbored similar views. Therefore, many Irish southerners, although they supported constitutional movements, could be justifiably defined as republican. 4 Nancy J. Curtin, The United Irishmen: Popular Politics in Ulster and Dublin, 1791–1798 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994), 282, states: “Early Irish republicanism bore little resemblance to its later separatist reincarnations” and “cannot be dismissed simply as separatist and anti-English.” Whelan also recognizes the uniquely eighteenth-century Enlightenment characteristics of the United Irishmen. David A. Wilson’s United Irishmen, United States: Immigrant Radicals in the Early Republic (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), 177, sees more of a continuity between the various incarnations of Irish republicanism in America but believes that United Irishmen assimilated well into American politics and were able “to bolster the country’s sense of mission, its belief that it was the political, social...

Effects of an Apple Scab-Resistant Cultivar on Use Patterns of Inorganic and Organic Fungicides and Economics of Disease Control.

An inorganic (sulfur) and a conventional organic fungicide spray program were evaluated on an apple scab-resistant (Liberty) and a scab-susceptible (McIntosh) cultivar for control of scab and for cost effectiveness. Trees of both cultivars were either nontreated, treated with inorganic fungicides only, or treated with a conventional fungicide program. McIntosh trees received full-season fungicide applications and Liberty trees received only the summer cover sprays (after petal fall) for control of summer diseases. In 1991, the number of fungicide applications ranged from 0 for nontreated Liberty to 12 for the full-schedule inorganic program on McIntosh, with both treatments providing excellent scab control. All nontreated McIntosh fruit were unmarketable due to scab infection. Due to a dry growing season and lack of summer disease development, nontreated Liberty fruit was of high quality. In 1992, the number of fungicide applications ranged from 0 for nontreated Liberty to 14 for the full-schedule inorganic treatment on McIntosh, with both treatments providing good to excellent disease control. Results were very similar in 1993. Scab incidence was low for all treatments except the nonsprayed McIntosh over all years. Over 3 years of testing, the conventional fungicide program resulted in an average of 9 and 5 applications per year for McIntosh and Liberty, respectively, compared to 12.6 and 7 applications, respectively, for the inorganic fungicide program. The large reduction in the number of sprays for both programs was due to the elimination of all pre-petal-fall applications on Liberty; post-petal-fall applications are needed to control summer diseases such as flyspeck and sooty blotch. An economic analysis for total cost of fungicide applications for each spray program and cultivar was conducted for hypothetical 4.0-, 8.1- and 16.2-ha farms. Regardless of farm size, the cost of fungicides per ha varied among treatments and cultivars. The inorganic and conventional spray program for McIntosh had similar total costs. On Liberty, the inorganic and conventional programs had 73 and 57% less total cost, respectively, than on McIntosh. Fungicides for the conventional program on Liberty were 1.45 times more costly per ha than fungicides in the inorganic program, but the inorganic program required more applications, resulting in a small difference in total treatment cost per ha.

The Tree of Liberty: A Documentary History of Rebellion and Political Crime in America, Volume I: Colonial Era to World War II

The Tree of Liberty: A Documentary History of Rebellion and Political Crime in America, Volume I: Colonial Era to World War II

The Tree of Liberty: radicalism, Catholicism and the construction of Irish identity, 1760–1830. By Kevin Whelan. Pp x, 236. Cork: Cork University Press. IR£14.95 paperback.

The Tree of Liberty: radicalism, Catholicism and the construction of Irish identity, 1760–1830. By Kevin Whelan. Pp x, 236. Cork: Cork University Press. IR£14.95 paperback.

New troll territory : Hawthorne's literature for children

New Troll Territory: Hawthorne’s Literature for Children Michael Kowalski (bio) Laura Laffrado. Hawthorne’s Literature for Children. Athens: U of Georgia P, 1992. Reading Laura Laffrado’s critical study of Hawthorne’s Literature for Children, I was reminded of the Black American folktale of “The Farmer and the Snake” retold by Julius Lester in The Knee-High Man (1972). One cold winter morning a kind farmer on the road to town found a half-frozen snake in the road. He picked it up and put it in his coat. When the snake started to move, the farmer asked the snake to promise not to bite him once he was thawed out. The snake agreed, but before they got to town the snake crawled out and bit the farmer on the neck. When the farmer complained to the snake, “You promised that you wouldn’t bite me,” the snake replied, “That’s what I promised Mr. Farmer, but I’m a snake. You knew that when you picked me up. And you knew that snakes bite. It’s part of their nature.” My complaint about Laura Laffrado’s in many respects excellent study of Hawthorne’s writing for children is that it is what it says it is—a biographical/literary career analysis of Hawthorne’s 1841 historical stories (Grandfather’s Chair, Famous Old People, Liberty Tree), his 1842 Biographical Stories for Children, his 1851 Wonder-book for Boys and Girls, and his 1853 Tanglewood Tales. Still, I wish it were not the nature of the critic to read through stories in order to construct the author. Much of their beauty and charm is lost. The thesis of the first chapter, “The Transcendence of Temporality,” is that while writing Grandfather’s Chair, Famous Old People, and Liberty Tree in 1840 Hawthorne discovers the “neutral territory” where the real and the fabulous meet. Laffrado notes how uneasy Hawthorne was with the disjunction between audience and material, lively children, and stern [End Page 110] Puritans. Hawthorne vows he has presented truth but has taken imaginative license in the creation of details. Moreover, in tales such as “The Indian Bible” Laffrado sees strong biographical reflections. John Eliot translated the Bible into an Indian language by creating words to reflect the sounds of the language. Ironically the work survived but scholars could never make sense of it. “Just as Eliot tries (and ultimately fails) to link Indian and Puritan culture through language, so Hawthorne tries to link the actual and imaginary of the past through the language of Grandfather’s Chair” (13). Laffrado concludes that the story “reflects the dilemma of artist striving to communicate what he fears is both essential and ultimately incommunicable” (13). Chapter two contains a reading of the Biographical Stories for Children (1842) as an almost masochistic “Denial of Invention” (41), in which Hawthorne limits himself to the “harsh world of the actual” (64). Laffrado believes that because Hawthorne’s life was in turmoil as he left Brook Farm in disappointment and had yet to marry, reality “takes a strangle-hold” (43) in these stories of the hard youth and problematic father-son relationships of, for instance, Benjamin West (eye problems), Samuel Johnson (guilt over denying help to his father), Oliver Cromwell (an unwanted child), and (a surrogate son) Christina of Sweden. Laffrado concludes that as do most of the children in the book, so too does Hawthorne invent; he invents a book of stories “which saves him by allowing him to write his enclosed condition, write his frustration, write his attempt at living his resignation” (63). Her argument is a convincing one; the biographies do present a submerged autobiography. Ten years later Hawthorne writes A Wonder Book for Boys and Girls, which for Laffrado expresses “The Renewal of Imagination and Faith.” She notes the book comes at a high point in the writer’s life: a happy father of three children, basking in the fame of The Scarlet Letter and The House of the Seven Gables, and living in the Berkshires near the admiring Melville. Having gained the success and familiar authority he craved, Hawthorne abandons the stern, paternalistic narrator of the first two children’s books for Eustace...

LIBERTY CAPS AND LIBERTY TREES

LIBERTY CAPS AND LIBERTY TREES* J. David Harden J. David Harden University of CaliforniaLos Angeles Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar * This research began during Carlo Ginzburg's seminar, “Representation and History”, at the University of California, Los Angeles. I am grateful to Ginzburg for the encouragement, support and enthusiasm he offered this project from beginning to end. I am also indebted to Mario Biagioli, John Brewer, Debora Silverman, Kevin T. Thomas, Eugen Weber, Rachel Bindman, Ruth Bloch and Tom Ingersoll for their suggestions, criticisms and contributions to this research during its various stages, and to Heather Lemtouni for help with translations. Author Notes Past & Present, Volume 146, Issue 1, February 1995, Pages 66–102, https://doi.org/10.1093/past/146.1.66 Published: 01 February 1995

Η Γαλλική Επανάσταση και η νοτιοανατολική Ευρώπη (review)

Reviews 285 Paschalis Kitromilides. Πασχάλης Κιτϕομηλίδης, H Γαλλική Επανάσταση και η νοτιοανατολική Ευϕώπη. Adiens: Diatton. 1990. Pp. 180. Professor Paschalis Kitromilides of Athens University has made a very important study of the influence of die French Revolution on souuieastern Europe, also known as the Balkans. This study is significant because even though many writers on the history of this region mention the influence of the French Revolution, few go into detail and none has penetrated so deeply into diis subject. Furthermore, what distinguishes diis work from otiiers is die vigorous analytical methodology diat die author has applied to his topic. The harsh and unpredictable rule of the Ottomans made the elites of southeastern Europe welcome the ideals of die French Revolution. It should be pointed out, however, that even tiiough Kitromilides emphasizes the French Revolution he does not neglect the intellectual movement of the Enlightenment , which preceded it. The Enlightenment arrived rather late in souuieastern Europe; that is why its influence as well as the influence of the French Revolution and of Napoleon overlapped and coalesced in an almost indistinguishable whole. Professor Kitromilides divides his study in three parts: (1) forging the revolutionary mentality; (2) the liberal critique of the French Revolution; (3) Balkan radicalism. In die first part the author conjures up the historical climate of the revolutionary period. He analyzes the political ideas current at the time, identifies the agents who propagated them, and describes how the southeastern European elites, especially the Greeks, responded to them. Kitromilides spends a great deal of time on Napoleon. More than his ideas, it was the commanding personality of this great general that caught the people's attention. The Greeks were highly impressed when Napoleon marched across nordiern Italy and then seized the Ionian Islands. He abolished the feudal vestiges on these islands, and the cry of Liberté, Égalité, and Fraternité was heard across the land. On that occasion fiery speeches were delivered welcoming die French, and many "liberty trees" were planted. Those Greeks who served in Napoleon's armies brought home their military experience, but even more importantly they brought to Greece their revolutionary spirit. That is why Kolokotronis, the most renowned chieftain in the Greek revolution against Turkey, said: "The French Revolution and Napoleon in my opinion opened die eyes of the people. Previously, nations as such were unknown; people thought the kings were like gods on earth; whatever they did was considered well done." If Napoleon impressed the nations of southeastern Europe so much it was because they were looking for a savior. The Greeks were affected more deeply, however, because in a number of ways they were more advanced than dieir neighbors. They had more contact with Western Europe, a larger commercial class, and a growing intelligentsia that could focus on the events of die French Revolution. Hence Kitromilides's observation that the French 1789 led to the Greek 1821. In the second part of his book, Kitromilides examines the views of the 286 Reviews liberal Greeks concerning the French Revolution. He regards the views of Adamantios Korais, known as Coray in France, as representative of Ulis group. Korais reached Paris in 1788 during the crisis that brought about the French Revolution. Kitromilides makes clear to us Koraïs's main views and most important concerns by providing long excerpts from his correspondence. We learn that he was endiusiastic about the French Revolution in its early stages, commenting with approval on the abolition of aristocratic privileges. The event that really impressed him, however, was the bringing of Voltaire's remains back to Paris to be buried in triumph. Nevertheless, Kitromilides points out that, after 1792, Koraïs's mood turned sour. Korais described the king's execution in such a way mat it leaves no doubt that he was against it. He completely mistrusted the Jacobins, considering Robespierre a tyrant. His favorite politician and thinker was Malesherbes, a minor figure to us today, but important to a humane and moderate ideologue like Korais. One can imagine his distress when the Jacobins sent his hero to the guillotine. Even so, Korais remained pro-French, going to the extent of advocating the creation of a "Graeco-French Republic." He was such an incurable Francophile diat he fancied die...

Hawthorne's "New Literature for the Young"

Hawthorne's "New Literature for the Young" Elizabeth Goodenough (bio) Hawthorne's Literature for Children, by Laura Laffrado. Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1991. Published between 1835 and 1853, Nathaniel Hawthorne's writings for children are representative of every kind of literature for the young that burgeoned in antebellum America. In forms as diverse as history and fairy tale, biographical sketch and Sunday school tract, geography and myth, these writings span the two decades of Hawthorne's emergence as a major literary artist. Nevertheless, because they were considered hackwork, students of Hawthorne have neglected them until recently. Calvin Schorer's unpublished dissertation (University of Chicago, 1948) remained the only extended examination of this material until Nina Baym included it in The Shape of Hawthorne's Career (1982) and Frederick Newberry devoted a chapter of Hawthorne's Divided Loyalties (1987) to The Whole History of Grandfather's Chair (1851). Of this now forgotten New England history, Baym startled Hawthorne scholars by claiming that the author "had never been in firmer control of matter and manner than in this series," then praised A Wonder-Book for Girls and Boys (1852) as "his most complex and successful framed narrative." Because Hawthorne adapted the first classical myths for children into English and is often credited with inaugurating the American literary focus on the child in "The Gentle Boy" (1832), a book-length study of all his writings for and about children is long overdue. Laura Laffrado's Hawthorne's Literature for Children fills a significant gap simply by calling attention to what a rich field of inquiry Hawthorne's six books for children represent. Surveying The Whole History of Grandfather's Chair (originally published in 1841 as three brief volumes: Grandfather's Chair, Liberty Tree, and Famous Old People), Biographical Stories for Children (1842), A Wonder-Book (1851), and Tanglewood Tales (1853) in four chapters, Laffrado points out that all of his juvenile works are collections. She examines his use of the framed narrative as a way of lending adhesion to these [End Page 183] texts, emphasizing that through fictive narrators like Grandfather, Mr. Temple, and Eustace Bright the author systematically distances himself from the stories that he tells. Arguing that in writing for children Hawthorne "is attempting to establish a certain mode of discourse, a way in which he can write confidently" (3), she sees him escaping financial insecurity and his struggles as a writer, "his own daily reality and personal history" (8), through three auctorial personas who differ from him in age, status, and experience. In the fireside storytelling of Grandfather's Chair Laffrado presents him experimenting with what he called "neutral territory," described a decade later in the preface to The Scarlet Letter as "somewhere between the real world and fairyland, where the Actual and the Imaginary may meet, and each imbue itself with the nature of the other" (7). Adducing this unusual domain, which Hawthorne later attested was congenial to the romance writer's work, Laffrado finds a plausible formula for explaining the success of both the Whole History and A Wonder-Book. Laffrado's biographical framework thus relates the production of children's books to the familiar contours of Hawthorne's career—a protracted and solitary apprenticeship, a burst of creative power, then a sudden, painful decline. The sunny pastoralism of A Wonder-Book for Girls and Boys is inevitably associated with the golden age of Hawthorne's personal and professional life, and the discussion of Tanglewood Tales, the final product of the author's two most prolific years, offers some biographical facts to suggest why Hawthorne's vision had soured so dramatically in a sequel written only eighteen months after the first book of myths. It is less clear, however, in chapter 2 why Biographical Stories for Children, written within a year of the Whole History, remained unfinished and is so inferior a work. Why, for example, does Laffrado liken Hawthorne in 1841, returning from Brook Farm eager to marry Sophia Peabody, to Edward Temple, suddenly "confined in misery-inducing circumstances," blindfolded in a darkened room (42)? Although her secondary sources are meticulously documented, primary research materials—family journals and letters, The American Notebooks—might have added fresh...