Liberal Paradigm Research Articles

Synthesis as a strategy

It is evident that there is a great number of philosophical-political paradigms existing in contemporary political theory and practice. Each of the paradigms (liberal, radical, conservative, socialist) has certain advantages but also certain dangers. The author argues that their synthesis is necessary if they are to be applied to the present social moment in Serbia. The process of social transformation is specific for every country and each of them ought to find its own model in approaching it. It is the intention of this article to explore a possible synthesis of political paradigms and to propose a way of their merger. Liberal paradigm will, first of all, be taken into consideration, as well as the conservative and contemporary socialist (socialdemocratic) philosophical-political paradigms. The possibility of joining them together will also be taken into account.

Between past and Future: The Revolutions of 1989 and Their Aftermath by Sorin s> Antohi Vladimir Tismaneanu (review)

REVIEWS I73 interchange. The consequence has been the continuing economic decline of the RFE, its effective economic isolation, and its increased incapacity to deal with the challenge of integration into the broader economies of North East Asia. As Michael McFauleloquently argues, the futureof the RFE is perhaps the greatestchallenge for the Russian federal authoritiesand highlights their relativeimpotence in the face of local mafia-basedauthoritarianforces.As the other contributorsstress,the failureof the RFE to engage meaningfullywith the necessity to integrate in the broader economy of North East Asia only accentuates the challenges of managing their relationswith theirvastly more populated Chinese neighbour. The broaderregionalimplicationsof Chinese-Russianrelationsarecovered in the final section of the book. Martha Brill Olcott provides an insightful account of how the evolution of the relationship might impact on Central Asia. While noting that China is currentlysatisfiedwith a Russian hegemony of the region, she persuasively argues that China would be likely to fill any vacuum ifRussia'spost-imperialwithdrawalwere to continue. HarryGelman providesa contributionwhich looksmore broadlyinAsiatoJapan and Korea. It is a rather surprisingomission in Rapprochement andRivalry that there is no specific assessmentof the challenges presented to the United States from the burgeoning Sino-Russianrelationship. Overall, though, this is an informative and broadly balanced set of contributions which focus coherently on the key issues in the bilateral relationship. While attention is properly given to the multiple obstacles and weaknessesin the relationship,the book challengesthe assumptionthat this is a purelyrhetoricalor purelymalign strategicpartnership.As GilbertRozman argues,this is a relationshipwhich is 'likelyto endure and even to strengthen' (p. I49) and the challenge for the outside world is to channel this rapprochement in a broaderand positive multilateralframework. Geneva Centrefor Security Policy ROLAND DANNREUTHER Antohi, Sorin, and Tismaneanu, Vladimir (eds). Between PastandFuture.The Revolutions of1989 andTheirAfternath. CentralEuropeanUniversityPress, Budapest, 2000. xii + 4I4 pp. Notes. Index. fI 7.95 (paperback). THEeditors of this collection of essaysgive something of a hostage to fortune in situating this book within the 'retrospectiveand prospective ruminations' that the tenth anniversary of the fall of communist power in the erstwhile Eastern Europe has evoked, and in 'refraining from pushing for artificial consensus or superficialhomogeneity'. What keeps the book together is, the editorshope, a 'common quest for the meanings of what I989 epitomizes and symbolizes' (p. xii). With such a rationale the book is about as close to a dictionarydefinitionof a symposiumas one can get, and it has the meritsand faultsof a true symposium. It is difficult not to suspect that it is their confidence in the authors that enables the editors to riskan unorchestratedtext. Those twenty-two authors I74 SEER, 8o, I, 2002 include many who have made a distinguishedcontributionto the studyof the region and there is no room in a review to list all their particularmerits. In mentioning certainof them my intention is ratherto illustratethe themes that emerge fromthe workratherthan distributinglaurels. Two particularthemes standout. The firstconcernsthe natureof the events of I989 in the region. Here a menu of views is offered around the terms revolution(a number of authors,often subliminally),or 'refolution'(Timothy Garton Ash reproduces here his familiar mix of revolution and reform), or rebirth(KarolSoltan). A second theme is composite. At its centre are the questions raisedby the democraticaspirationsof the protagonistsin the eventsof I989 andthe upshot of these aspirations.Given the historyof the ten subsequentyears there is an air of melancholy over the discussion of these questions. From that core question of what became of the aspirationsof i 989 (concerning mostly the northern tier) stems a furtherquestion arising from the dismal events in the former Yugoslavia.What price the vaunted Western liberal democracy if it fails to cope with challenges within Europe itself? Among many perceptive views offeredI would directthe readerto those of MartinPalous,one of whose conclusions is that 'it is essential [. . .] to see the limitations of the liberal paradigm to understand not only the similaritiesbut also the differences between Europe before and after the ruinous attack on its identity by totalitarianideologies' (p. I I7). In so many ways we are presented with the geopolitics of Europebefore I939, and yet the worldhas moved on. To which it might be added thatwhilstdespondency in the face of Bosnia and Kosovo is justified, the challenge is a new one of universal importance as...

Africa and International Relations: Regional Lessons for a Global Discourse

Case studies, theories, and examples from Africa are exceedingly rare in international relations. Indeed, examples from Africa are, at best, valued for their nuisance potential. This article argues that the study of international relations is limited by this interpretation of Africa, and by a larger ignorance of African contributions. Key debates on the African continent surrounding the central concepts of mainstream international relations, including the state, power, and self-determination, are interrogated with a view to expanding their use in contemporary international relations. The examples of apartheid South Africa, the African debate on political economy and development, and African perspectives on questions raised by the liberal paradigm, are used to illustrate the importance of the region to the more global discourses. In examining the important contribution of African scholarship to debates central to international relations, this article highlights the necessity for engaging African scholars in the broader discourses of international relations.

Language Teaching at University: A Clash of Cultures

Language teaching at university may seem to be flourishing - many students take up the option of an extra module in a foreign language, to add to their skill-base. The thriving of language courses is largely due to the increased implementation of instrumental values in higher education, which regards language learning as a skill rather than as a creative medium to inform students' understanding of society. In this paper I trace the roots of these two dominant educational philosophies and I examine the place that language teaching occupies within them, relating this to the methodologies employed within these contexts. I argue that the opposing views both have a limited view on language teaching - one as a tool for providing access to esteemed canonical products and the other to provide a pragmatic application. Whilst the liberal humanist paradigm still influences language teaching at some institutions, the language debate in other institutions has been dominated by instrumental values. I argue that neither of these approaches to language teaching alone allow for a critical and deep understanding of how language functions within society now. I also argue for recognising language as a means of expressing individuality. Finally, I touch on the possibilities of an integrated approach within these two opposing paradigms.

City of the Devil: Bulgakovian Moscow and the Search for the Stalinist Subject

This article considers the question of the Stalinist subject, i.e. the way the self was constructed under the Stalinist regime, by means of a close reading of Bulgakov's satiric novel The Master and Margarita . Recent work on Stalinist subjectivity has drawn on Foucault to argue for a Stalinist subject that has fully internalised the system's ideology, thus, in effect, proposing a radical Sonderweg for the Soviet self if compared to the western, liberal paradigm. The article critically engages with the philosophical assumptions that underpin such an analysis and proposes an alternative reading of the Soviet self as hyper-liberal, hence as closely related to the western self of modernity. To do so, the article analyses Bulgakov's novel in the light of Thomas Hobbes's and Slavoj Zizek's respective visions of the subject. The Stalinist system of totalitarian terror itself is shown to be remarkably stable because it manages to utilise the self-supervision of its subjects, and because the individuals' strategies for survival and success played on Stalinist terms amount to a daily affirmation of the system. In light of its dismissal of the Sonderweg theory, the article concludes by examining the differences between liberal democracies and totalitarian regimes.

"Tending" and "Intending" a Nation: Conflicting Visions of American National Identity

Sheldon Wolin's categories of "tending" and "intending" expand the debate over the character of the American revolution and founding to include a central though often overlooked fact of late eighteenth-century America: the implications of the country's very fragile, very modern sense of itself as a nation. Both Federalists and Anti-Federalists articulated coherent conceptions of politics, bringing different elements of various liberal, republican and democratic paradigms together in defense of, respectively, "intendment" and "tendment" nationalities. Viewing their debates in light of this analysis not only demonstrates the complicated heritage of both the traditional liberal and republican positions, but also shows how these positions are inextricably connected with our own modern self-understanding. Wolin suggests that intending all but eliminated its rivals; it may be more accurate to say it absorbed them, merging different paradigms into a somewhat inconsistent, romantic, and very modern national identity.

Will social work contribute to social development into the new millennium?

Social work ought to be able to contribute to social development. However, despite its activity there is increasing marginalisation and social exclusion in society. Neo liberal paradigms have replaced the common good with individual achievement, societies with economies. Social work needs to move from managerial and market paradigms and align itself once more with those that are marginalised and disadvantaged. But how can it do this without taking on romantic notions of community or blindly accepting all diversity as worthy of celebration? It is argued that social work needs to acknowledge and understand the social and political construction of its knowledge and practice. It is then suggested that social work needs to adopt a critical theory stance to engage in practice that leads to greater liberation. The particular processes that are advocated in this article are those that enable new partnerships and relationships with those social work serves, wherein critical and reflective dialogue leads to negotiations that manage a journey through competing interests and tensions towards social development.

Markets and Regulation: On the Contrast Between Free-Market Liberalism and Constitutional Liberalism

A liberalism that does not close its eyes to the constitutional level of choice must seek to extend the same fundamental logic that it applies in its theory of the market to the questions of what the sovereignty of the individual can mean, and how it can be secured, in constitutional matters. The problems that arise with such an extension to the constitutional level may well be more difficult than those that the liberal theory of the market has to deal with, and the conclusions that a constitutional liberalism arrives at may be less determinate that what the free-market approach pronounces. Yet, if these difficulties are inherent in the subject matter, and if the indeterminacy follows from arguments that we are required to accept, then denying them does not seem to be a promising strategy for strengthening the liberal paradigm.

Transnationalism, Nationalism, Citizenship, and Property: Eastern Europe since 1989

The formerly socialist societies of Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union offer an unusual point of departure for considering the mutual interaction of transnationalizing and localizing processes. In this essay I explore these processes with respect to two topics—citizenship and property—important in classic liberal paradigms, which writing on transnationalism often challenges. New citizenship provisions and privatization programs in the former socialist bloc have both transnational causes and nationalizing consequences, for reasons different from those encountered in literature on transnationalism elsewhere, [transnationalism, national identity, citizenship, property, socialism and postsocialism, Eastern Europe]

Philosophy and Physical Education: Analysis, Epistemology and Axiology

In this paper / offer both selective summary and critique of the recent philosophical contributions to this journal by Andrew Reid, David Carr and Jim Parry. In the first sections I offer some remarks about the nature of analytical philosophy and its impact on liberal educational writings that have had a significant impact on all British philosophers of physical education. I then offer a critique of the presuppositions of Carr's conceptualisation of education within a traditional liberal paradigm following Richard Peters' ground breaking work in the sixties and seventies. I also articulate difficulties with Reid's conception of physical education as merely that which physical educators professionally engage in. In sympathy with a conception of education that is not dominated by the cognitive imperialism implicit in Petersian education, I propose a broader account that entertains a range of cultural practices that can give significance and meaning to a persons life rather than merely those intellectual practices that inform the rational mind. In contrast to Reid's axiological account of physical education as essentially hedonistic, and to Parry's gestures toward an Olympic humanism, l point to the need for an explicitly normative social philosophical account of education which incorporates those sporting practices that comprise part of a rich, non-individualistic, communitarian inheritance.

Beyond the Bourgeoisie: Rethinking Nation, Culture, and Modernity in Nineteenth-Century Central Europ

The historyof Central Europe at the end of the nineteenth century (as indeed at the end of the twentieth) is to a large extent the history of the furies of nationalism. The attempt to understand that fact has for a long time been dominated by understandings of nationalism and the mobilization of national identity that are rooted in conceptions of a particularly modern social and political crisis. In this paradigm the rise of nationalism is associated—as it was for many critical observers at the time—with the failure of liberal politics and the general breakdown of an elite-dominated, rational-liberal society in the face of mass politics and the clamor for cultural and political participation by the lower classes. Nationalism in this view is a rejection of the whole liberal paradigm—a turn to a militant, populist “politics in a new key,” to use Carl Schorske's evocative phrase; or, following another imagery, the revenge of the traditionalist, irrational “dark gods” against the rationalism, secular optimism, and elitism of Enlightenment society.

The role of social science in the legitimation of racial hierarchy

Despite its repudiation of scientific racism, the liberal paradigm on race had two fateful flaws: 1. 1) it conceptualized racism in terms of attitudes rather than conditions, and 2. 2) it failed to specify what elements of “environment” accounted for persistent racial inequalities. The result has been another victim-blaming paradigm that merely substituted culture for genes, deflecting attention away from the crucial role that political and economic institutions play in the production and reproduction of racial inequality.

Capitalism, Slavery and Caribbean Modernity

Capitalism, Slavery, and Caribbean Modernity Hilary McD Beckles (bio) C.L.R. James’ 1938 seminal text, The Black Jacobins, and Eric Williams’ 1944 tour de force, Capitalism and Slavery, constitute much more than foundational works in West Indian nationalist historiography. 1 Both authors, born in colonial Trinidad and writing Caribbean history within its Atlantic context, made significant contributions to development discourse within the traditions of Enlightenment Idealism. As critical realists they considered popular historiography indispensable to any attempt to root philosophical ideals within recognizable terms of everyday living. In The Black Jacobins, James documents the struggles of the enslaved peoples of St. Dominique, the mercantile showpiece of French colonial capitalism in the West Indies for freedom and social justice. In addition, he details the transformation of this successful anti-slavery rebellion into something much more elaborate in terms of Atlantic history—the creation of Haiti, the Caribbean’s first nation-state. In Capitalism and Slavery, Williams expands and develops the paradigm of African labor enslavement and European capital liberation, first outlined by James in The Black Jacobins, that became the basis of the revolutionary reorganization of productivity for European economic development. The James-Williams paradigm has had an extensive discursive impact on thinking about the relationships between slavery, Atlantic modernity, and development discourse. In the Caribbean these works represent points of departure for studies in historiographical decolonization and the signal birth of an insider, creole, nationalist canon. Both texts have received considerable criticism and enormous acclaim; they continue, half a century later, to stimulate the most expansive areas of Caribbean historical writing. 2 James’ explicit attention was to locate the politics of black liberation within the philosophies of Enlightenment discourse. Williams’ related concern was to illustrate the contradictory and paradoxical nature of modernist rationality as expressed in the economic and ideological effects of the application of the principles of political economy to the relationship between colonial development and European industrialism. Conceptually, The Black Jacobins and Capitalism and Slavery situate the Caribbean as the primordial site of Atlantic modernity, and as one of several important locations where its contradictory tendencies were acted out as ideological contest. For James, the politics of bringing Enlightenment ideas nearer to reality is seen as a mandate taken up by the enslaved against colonizing men who sought to monopolize privilege 7and power. 3 The Caribbean in the aftermath of the Columbus enterprise is seen by Williams as culturally unique; Capitalism and Slavery is an economic study of Caribbean [End Page 777] modernity in action, while The Black Jacobins constitutes a statement of its exploding contradiction authored by subaltern people operating ideologically within the hegemonic philosophical paradigms of their oppressors. Columbus did not lie as Caribbean culturalists and historians often assert. He “did” discover the Caribbean. It was as real for him as any construction of knowledge within a specific cultural tradition could be. He believed that he had done so, and that Europeans would encounter a new and different environment within which they could collectively discover themselves as free individuals and citizens. Europe was liberated by the experience and its subjects became citizens while the colonized became natives. The conception and construction of the “Latifundia” and “plantation,” as the organizing principle of socio-economic life brought these worlds together. For the European they became a metaphor for renaissance economic rationality, civilizing modernity, and entrepreneurial freedom from the constraints of dehumanizing material poverty. The colonial mission then, was a missile that launched the Caribbean, its European commanders, and African cargo on the path to modernity on board the plantation enterprise that rose on the site of native ruins. Plantation culture was in every respect symbolic of the signs of the times. Capitalist political economy found expression during the 16th and 17th centuries in a proliferation of mercantilist tracts on trade, finance, and manufacturing; their authors preached the values of large scale production, surplus generation and the accumulation of wealth through foreign trade. The plantation developed as evidence of institutional commitment to these principles, and in opposition to the traditional culture of peasant production which was considered backward and ruinous to a modern nation. Large scale production required extensive resource mobilization and strategic entrepreneurial planning. The Caribbean planter...

God and His People in the Nations’ History: A Contextualised Reading of Amos 1 & 2

The Oracles against the Nations in Amos 1 and 2 give important insights into the nature of God’s involvement in human history and the place of God’s people in it. This essay draws on them in order to evaluate Liberation Theology’s claim that Yahweh acts in history for the liberation of the oppressed. This theological conviction has gone hand-in-hand with certain hermeneutical commitments as to how the biblical text should be read. Two liberationists, Gustavo Gutiérrez and J. Severino Croatto are cited in order to raise the key issues for discussion, and then some alternative thoughts on hermeneutical and biblical method are proposed. A literary reading of Amos 1 and 2 suggests that this text can provide insights for a new understanding of God in history that might illuminate the Latin American situation more adequately than the liberation paradigm.

Thinking theory thoroughly: coherent approaches to an incoherent world

* List of Tables and Figures * Preface * The Need for Theory * The Realist Paradigm * The Liberal Paradigm * Postinternationalism in a Turbulent World * Realism, Liberalism, and Postinternationalism Compared * Interactive Crises: International, Domestic, and Individual * The United Nations * The Politics of the Antarctic * Toward Thinking Theory Thoroughly * Notes * About the Book and Authors * Subject Index * Name Index

Equality and Resistance in Higher Education

ABSTRACT This paper is an account of how higher education can become a site of resistance in the pursuit of equality while also identifying the dangers and limitations involved in this process. The development of a new intellectual perspective, namely Equality Studies, is examined and its potential for the understanding of egalitarian practice is explored. The paper examines the reasons why sociology, in particular critical and neo‐Marxist sociology, became inadequate as a way of understanding inequality and exploring egalitarian goals. It explores the limitations of the work of equality empiricists which has failed to move outside the liberal paradigm, and of critical theory and neo‐Marxism which has not gone beyond critique to identify mechanisms and institutions to develop a new egalitarian order. Prom the author's perspective, the seeming inability of sociology to marry empirical and normative discourses was a key factor in contributing to the development of Equality Studies. The latter part of the pa...

Reproduction and Rights: A Response to Dorothy Roberts: [Commentary

We live in a liberal, rights-based society and gain immeasurably from the stability and freedom such a society offers. Yet some persons are highly critical of a rights-based approach to public issues. They think that an emphasis on rights ignores and political realities and hurts persons who lack the power or resources needed to exercise rights effectively. Dorothy Roberts's critical review of Children of Choice: Freedom and the New Reproductive Technologies is an example of the war on rights now being waged in many academic circles.' Although she grudgingly admits the importance of some rights, she is highly critical of my focus on negative procreative rights and my unwillingness to argue for positive rights for public funding of procreative services. She fears that a commitment to individual autonomy in reproduction can be achieved only at the expense of real social thereby further entrenching unjust social hierarchies (pp. 1006, 1016). In her view, claims of procreative freedom are seriously deficient unless they incorporate more fully concerns about equality (p. 1006). Despite her primary concern with issues of social justice, more than two-thirds of her essay is criticism of the book from within the liberal paradigm itself, questioning whether there is an independent basis for valuing procreative liberty and whether my account of tangible harms that justify

Rape or Obscene Copulation?: Ambivalence and Complicity in Djebar's L'Amour, la fantasia

Women In French Studies Rape or Obscene Copulation?: Ambivalence and Complicity in Djebar's L'Amour, lafantasia . . . lame de couteau dans la laine de l'abandon: tout à fait au fond, pourtant, comme une bête hurlant le refus, la révolte aveuglée, le durcissement dressé: 'Non!', un corps peut-il hurler 'Non!' en son profond et que ce soit pourtant un don?" Assia Djebar, Les Alouettes naïves Many Algerian women come to writing in French through the optic of war and inscribe in their texts a discovery of the female body and of personal sexual desire: "what we have is nothing less than a literary 'event'," as Marx-Scouras so accurately describes this contemporary problematic (174). Celebrating erotic self-discovery and sexual difference among women, western feminists have considered writers such as Assia Djebar a paradigm of liberation, despite accusations of imperialistic "internationalist" feminism that may be leveled at them as a result. Anne Donadey, for example, sees in the strategies structuring the use ofepigraphs in Djebar's L Amour, lafantasia an act of "reappropriating and subverting not only the discourse of (Western and Arabic) patriarchy about women, but also the discourse of colonialist imperialism about Algerians" (1 ??- ? 11). She relies on Irigaray's notion of mimicry to explain how Djebar's "deliberate repetition of a male discourse of female representation" (110) functions as resistance and illuminates "ce qui devait rester occulté" (qtd in Donadey 1 10, 74). Algerian women writing in French "sont aussi ailleurs" and thus are able to free themselves from the shackles of patriarchal discourse by virtue ofpositioning themselves at a vantage point above/beyond it (1 10, 74). Clarisse Zimra also reads liberation in Djebar's use of the French language, itself a legacy of colonization and war (or "war booty") deployed by Djebar against traditional Muslim subjugation of women. "She uses the colonizer's language against the colonized's own gender code, showing it for what it is, an argument ad feminam" (77). A means of escape from sequestration and the veil, French provides access to sexual liberation; it 42 Women In French Studies "brings freedom, a freedom expressed through the contrapuntal images of naked/clothed, covered/uncovered body" (77). Déjeux finds in Djebar similar reasons to applaud what could only be called a feminist consciousness. "Chez Assia Djébar nous découvrons avant tout la découverte du corps par la femme, la découverte ensuite du couple et de l'amour pour soi-même. Bref, la femme naît au monde, elle s'affirme elle-même et non plus en dépandence de l'homme, frère ou époux" (qtd in "The Evolution . . ." 11). Along the same lines, Tahon explores the use of homoerotic imagery as a form of subversion of the patriarchal economy of desire. While these readings are unquestionably valid on the one hand, it seems undeniable, on the other, that Djebar's relationship to French is at best ambivalent. Perhaps some of the feminist praise mentioned above may be on a certain level too hastily accorded, or rather, anchored in a convenient gloss of the problematic Djebar faces when writing in French as an Algerian woman. Several of these same critics have noted, to be sure, Djebar's ambivalence. In her analysis of Les Alouettes naïves, Zimra discusses the moment of sexual truth for the protagonist, Nfissa. "The last sentence remains poised between Man's passive fascination to watch and his active urge to sculpt; not much is left for Woman's desire to sculpt herself. As for Nfissa, the most intimate act uncovers absolute indifference" (74). Surprisingly, Zimra draws no conclusions from this revealing example of the lack of inscription of heterosexual female desire at a moment where, if any, it would most likely be located. In his article on the construction of textual identity of the colonized woman, Murdoch explores at great length Djebar's ambiguity in regards to the colonizer's language. Following Lacanian theory, he sees the central problem as one of the search for textual subjectivity: the Algerian woman desired as Other by the French and desiring as subject to be recognized in the oppressor's tongue (75...

Social complexity and strong democracy

Abstract The pluralistic liberal paradigm of democracy has shown its inability to guarantee economic prosperity and political stability and, as a consequence, has become increasingly vulnerable. Within political theory, democratic criticism of liberalism has mainly proceeded along two paths. On the one hand, communitarians have challenged liberal atomism and sought to rehabilitate the community as the focus for social life and human personality. On the other hand, ‘strong’ democrats have rejected the political division of labour characteristic of liberalism and sought to revive the ideal of participatory democracy. There are many points of contact between these two strands of thought—indeed some influential writers have explicitly subscribed to both—and radical communitarianism has had an important influence in practical politics over the past 15 years. However their fundamental theoretical assumptions clash, in particular because strong democracy has an implicit bias towards social uniformity that contradicts the essential premise of communitarianism. The most straightforward way out of this problem is multiculturalism, i.e. the conception of society as a liberal federation of strong communities. How much scope this leaves for true democracy is however unclear.

Un libéralisme en débat : notes sur l'inspection des manufactures et le système intermédiaire de Necker (1778-1779).

Abstract The analysis of the economic policy's debates which trouble the factories inspection at the end of the eighteenth century, shows how this administration is shared between the old doctrine and the new liberal paradigm, which is joined by the majority of its leaders after 1750. The question of the checking of the textile quality doesn't oppose manufacturers and merchants united in the same anti- regular protest, on the one hand, and a completely homogeneous corps of civil servants, on the other hand, but it shares them equally. The consultation that Necker organized in 1778, emerges on the definition of an «intermediate system» which tries to answer the multiple and contradictory expectations of the markets's actors. Inspector General Clicquot-Blervache undertakes to prove its ideological consistency and invites us to review the old opposition between colbertism and liberalism.