Liberal Model Research Articles

1950년대 초 중국 사회주의 체제 하에서의 미디어의 비판 기능 강화 정책의 함의 : “비평과 자아비평”의 시행 과정을 중심으로

This study explores the critical role of the media as a check on the government in the Chinese socialist system by analyzing the process of implementing the criticism and self-criticism in the early 1950s. In 1950, the CCP enforced the policy of the criticism and self-criticism nationally in order to encourage people to publish their criticism against the party and party cadres in the newspapers and get the party and the party cadres to publish self-criticism in response to the criticism. Few study on the media of Mao era paid attention to the role of the media as a check on the government, due to the assumption that the media under the absolute control by the state only played the role of a mouthpiece of the party. With the strong influence of the framework based on the liberal model of the media, the independence of the news media from the state was often regarded as the precondition for the news media’s role as a watchdog of the state and check on the government. However, my study demonstrates that even without maintaining independence from the state, the media could function as a check on the state at the local level to a certain extent in the socialist system in 1950s China. Nevertheless, without the mechanism to protect the newspapers and the people who criticized the party and the party cadres at the local level, media personnel and the people had to be sensitive to the political changes in the central state and appropriate the languages of the central party to construct the criticism that will appeal to the central government. In this way, the people and the papers would participate in the criticism and self-criticism within the boundary that was approved by the central government. Thus, I aruge that the enforcement of the criticism and self-criticism through newspapers contributed to the regime legitimacy and consolidation.

«Практика заботы» Луиджины Мортари как социологический паззл

Антон Александрович Смолькин – к. с.н., зав.кафедрой гуманитарных дисциплин Института общественных наук РАНХиГС; научный сотрудник МВШСЭН, Москва, Россия. Электронная почта: anton.smolkin@gmail.com
 
 Обзор посвящен анализу концепции итальянского философа Луиджины Мортари, развивающей идеи Хайдеггера о заботе как фундаментальном компоненте человеческого существования. Этот сюжет может выступать ресурсом объяснения социального, учитывая беспрецедентность масштабов необходимой людям как биологическому виду заботы друг о друге, от материнского внимания до некоторых форм разделения труда. Согласно Мортари, забота (care) подразумевает удовлетворение таких потребностей Другого, которые тот не способен удовлетворить самостоятельно, в противном случае речь идет об обслуживании (service), при этом предметом подлинной заботы может быть лишь удовлетворение жизненно важных потребностей. Долгое время забота как самостоятельная ценность оказывалась на периферии исследовательских интересов, предпочтение отдавалось идеологически более привлекательной автономности; однако человек лишь часть жизни проводит в состоянии автономии, и в этот период обычно сам выступает источником заботы. Отсюда критика Мортари либерального взгляда на автономность как цель и ключевую ценность, а не один из этапов жизни, что открывает перспективы понимания недостижимости автономии кроме как ценой разрушения социального. Однако критика либеральной модели автономности может иметь нежелательные политические последствия, оборачиваясь оправданием патернализма и тоталитаризма. Дополнительную сложность Мортари обнаруживает в неформализуемости заботы о Другом из-за его принципиальной непознаваемости, что налагает на заботящегося особую ответственность. Например, быть хорошей медсестрой не означает строгое соблюдение должностных инструкций – необходимые компетенции нарабатываются опытным путем – благодаря переосмыслению случаев из практики. Мортари утверждает, что забота обесценена и не вознаграждается адекватным образом потому что это женская функция, но допустимо предположить, что основную роль здесь сыграла ее неизмеряемость и неформализованность. Идеализируя заботу как одаривающее действие, в своей критике моссовской концепции дара, Мортари игнорирует функции дара по сборке социального.

Ritual, dependency care and Confucian political authority

In this paper I intend to argue that the liberal democratic model of individual rights and limited government that has carried us this far is no longer conceptually adequate to carry us forward into this interdependent and globalized world where emerging environmental/economic/social/political problems oftentimes crisscross multiple personal, social, legal, cultural, geographical, and national boundaries. We need a different kind of political paradigm that addresses, first and foremost, the inevitability of dependency by grounding the state authority in its capacity to care for the most socially vulnerable instead of relegating the responsibility of caring for the dependent to the private/personal realm (and conventionally women’s realm); secondly, we need a political theory that doesn’t narrowly focus on defending the negative liberty of the selfreliant individual instead of providing an enduring social mechanism to render the self ever more porous to others so that complex and globalized problems can get addressed and solved. In sum, a modern democratic liberal state infused with Confucian emphasis on ritual to ensure social/political cohesion and its political imperative to care for the socially vulnerable is the proper way for us to move forward into the ever more caring, progressive, and inclusive future for humanity.

LOS ORÍGENES DEL DISCURSO DE APROPIACIÓN SOCIAL DE LA CIENCIA Y LA TECNOLOGÍA EN COLOMBIA

Mi propósito en este artículo es indagar sobre los orígenes neoliberales del discurso de apropiación social de la ciencia y la tecnología en Colombia. En particular, intento mostrar que los valores o las actitudes promovidos hacia la ciencia y la tecnología mediante dicho discurso, se han asociado directamente con el logro de las metas de producción y desarrollo económico impulsadas por el nuevo modelo de apertura económica que inicia en los años ochenta y se consolida en la década de los noventa con el gobierno Gaviria. Para esto, empiezo con una breve mirada al concepto de política científica, para dar un contexto general. Luego paso a describir lo que podría denominarse la versión oficial (o semioficial) del origen del término en la política científica colombiana, antes de ofrecer una versión más compleja, pero mucho más informativa, de ese origen. Finalizo con algunos comentarios sobre el destino de este término en la política científica colombiana posterior.

Evolution of Institutional Logics: The Emergence of the Temporary Work Agencies Field in Italy

This article shows the process of creation and evolution of an organizational field. By an in-depth longitudinal analysis, we investigate the field of Temporary Work Agencies in Italy (TWAs). The article focuses on how a field evolves over time. We delineate three phases of evolution - incubation, emergence and development - and we analyse events and the role of actors that have characterized them. Further, we identify the institutional logics that have strongly influenced the strategic and organizational behaviour of the actors involved in the Italian field of TWAs and their interactions. Therefore, to respond to this institutional complexity the actors have tried to influence with both individual and collective actions the logics themselves. The analysis shows that two competing logics have coexisted within the TWA field: the regulation logic, inspired by the social status and welfare, and the de-regulation logic, connected to the liberal and free-market model. Through the longitudinal analysis repeated in four different field studies, we have reconstructed the process of evolution of the field, describing the links between the different phases. Our research contributes to the institutional logic perspective fitting into the discussion on the coexistence of competing logics in an organizational field.

Moving Towards Different Educational Models of the Welfare State: Comparing the Education Systems of the Baltic Countries

The education systems can be analysed by using the distinction along different types of welfare regimes. Esping-Andersen (1990) described the Scandinavian universalistic, Continental corporatist, and Anglo-Saxon liberal models. The purpose of the paper is a comparative analysis of the development of educational systems in the Baltic states. We used the PISA 2012 survey data and compared the Baltic countries with three “old” EU member states: UK representing the Anglo-Saxon liberal model, Germany for the Continental corporatist model and Finland as an example of the Scandina­vian model. PISA 2003, 2006 and 2009 data were used for a retrospective analysis of countries’ performance. We considered four aspects of the organization of the national school systems: human and material resources in schools, leadership and the level of school autonomy, assessment, school selectivity and ability grouping. We found that three Baltic states do not represent a single Central and Eastern European model.

Too much Western bias? The need for a more culturally adaptable approach to post-conflict security sector reform

ABSTRACTThe existing guidelines for security sector reform (SSR) tend to draw on theoretical work in the field of civil–military relations, which in turn has been derived from Western, liberal democratic models of governance. Although guidelines strongly advise that local culture and context need to be considered when drawing up objectives for post-conflict SSR programmes, this is not often reflected in practice. This article considers some of the reasons for this, citing both in-country challenges and donor-related issues, and suggests that one of the biggest problems is a lack of alternative, non-orthodox models of civil–military relations to draw upon. It is further suggested that elements of suitable alternative models may be found in states which possess political structures not entirely dissimilar to the Western, liberal democratic ideal, but which can offer different perspectives. Detailed research of these structures should produce a pool of sub-models which could then be employed to create bespoke, culturally appropriate objectives for use in post-conflict SSR programmes.

Феномен справедливости в оплате труда медицинских работников


 Александр Лазаревич Темницкий – кандидат социологических наук, доцент, кафедра социологии, Московский государственный университет (институт) международных отношений МИД РФ (МГИМО). Адрес: 119454, Москва, проспект Вернадского, д. 76. E-mail: taleksandr@list.ru
 Цитирование: Темницкий А.Л. (2017) Феномен справедливости в оплате труда медицинских работников // Мир России. Т. 26. № 3. С. 64–89. DOI: 10.17323/1811-038Х-2017-26-3-64-89
 В статье на материалах повторных исследований (2007–2014 гг.) труда медицинских работников бюджетных лечебных учреждений раскрывается роль справедливости в оплате труда по отношению к трудовой мотивации и проводимой политике по внедрению эффективного контракта. Анализ роста числа обращений исследователей к проблеме социальной справедливости в 2000-е годы позволяет утверждать, что ее актуализация со стороны работников вызвана прежде всего ощущением потери связи между размером зарплаты и личным вкладом. В статье обосновываются и эмпирически выявляются признаки патерналистской и либеральной моделей справедливости в оплате труда. Долевая представительность патерналистской модели среди врачей составляет примерно третью часть, а либеральной – пятую часть от числа опрошенных, остальные образуют смешанный тип. Особенностью предлагаемого подхода к изучению справедливости является направленность на обнаружение эмпирических проявлений феномена справедливости вместо общепринятого, а именно изучение представлений о справедливости. Справедливость в оплате труда рассматривается не столько как вид эмоционального чувства, сколько как аналитическая и объясняющая переменная. Специфика феномена справедливости в оплате труда медицинских работников заключается в противоречивом соотношении роста денежной мотивации в свете эффективного контракта и представлений о статусе врача в обществе, престижности и гуманитарной роли профессии. По результатам проведенных исследований выявлена преобладающая для всех категорий медицинских работников и устойчивая во времени роль справедливости в оплате труда в качестве определяющего стимула. Показано, что все выявленные признаки феномена справедливости в оплате труда увязываются с ее консервативной функцией по отношению к показателям трудового поведения и планируемым организационным инновациям.

The Populist Party in the Countries of the European Union: the Ideological Profile and Activities at the Beginning of XXI Century

The article highlights the political renaissance of European right-wing populist skeptics in most countries of the European Union. These political parties to the global economic crisis in 2008, when the process of European integration was on the rise, remained on the margins of politics. The crisis of the liberal model of globalization, the influx of refugees from crisis areas of conflict in the Middle East and North Africa, increased social contradictions reanimated populist right-wing ideology. This socio-political response to this reality has pushed the popularity of far-right nationalist political forces in most Central European countries. In terms of ideology classification of these political forces are represented as populists “left” orientation (the French “National Front”) and “right” populists (the party “Alternative for Germany”). This fact confirms the erosion of traditional ideological markers in politics and the crisis of determining its strategy and tactics.

Empathetic trappings: Revisiting the nineteenth century in Octavia Butler's Kindred

ABSTRACTOctavia Butler's 1979 novel, Kindred, is a postmodern slave narrative that redefines the previous literary constructions of slavery in the United States. Through its rejection of the nineteenth century slave narrative and sentimental novel, Kindred highlights the main problem with nineteenth century narrative empathy: Forging an intimate identification between reader and character to enact empathy is founded through the representation of bodies in pain. In place of this identification tactic, Kindred reveals a new critical apparatus, essential for a mobilization of empathy centered on understanding both history and the process of historical recuperation. This investigation of empathy sheds light on the problematic construction of the early liberal human rights model across the Americas, a model centered on promoting identification with the suffering other.

Shifting paradigms for Nepal’s protected areas: history, challenges and relationships

The modern history of protected area (PA) management in Nepal dates back to 1973 when the National Parks and Wildlife Conservation Act (1973) was promulgated and Chitwan National Park was established. In the years immediately following these key events, protected area acts and regulations were strictly applied and the role of local people in managing natural resources was neglected. However with the passage of time, and with changes in the socio-political and economic characteristics of Nepal, management regimes have shifted towards a more liberal model which recognizes more clearly the contributions of people living and working within protected areas. Recently, landscape level conservation models including the designation of multiple use areas have been utilized in the development of management plans for protected areas in Nepal. Conservation agencies have attempted to tackle challenges such as land use conflict, poaching and smuggling of wildlife parts and illegal harvesting of highly valued medicinal herbs through regulation, but these efforts are not always successful. We recommend a holistic conflict resolution approach which recognizes and resolves the different needs of all stakeholders.

Δίκαιο και Πολιτική στον Αλαίν Ρενώ

This study focuses on the relation between law and good. It examines whether the concept of “good” in a society has preceded the establishment of the state or not. This is an issue that concerns the way of integrating law into the way of conceiving the fair and just order. Within this frame, Renaut regarded as an oversimplification the division between liberalism and socialism, which has been formed since the 19th century. What is essential for Renaut is how liberalism and socialism should deal with the transition from a fair authority to a fair society, which is basically an issue of resource allocation. Renaut maintains that what is common between liberalism and socialism is the end of the state, though by different means. In fact, apart from the traditional dispute, Renaut also analyses the most recent one between liberalism and republicanism. In this case, he favors the liberal model, because it allows for more deliberation and argumentation. Moreover, Renaut is concerned about the post-modern situation in politics, whose main characteristics are the deconstruction of power and the weakened role of politicians, who are just aiding towards the imposition of certain hierarchies.

Electricity Liberalisation in Developing Countries

Liberalisation of the electricity sector by unbundling the networks from generation and creating power markets has been promoted to developing countries by the World Bank and others for nearly two decades, in order to stimulate private sector investment. The paper presents cross-country comparisons of progress with liberalisation in the largest developing economies along with investment indicators of generating capacity and access to electricity networks, showing extensive growth in investment regardless of the extent of liberalisation, predominantly by the public sector. The liberalisation model is now losing credibility even in the global north.

Research on the Evaluation Model of Investment Economic Benefit of Incremental Power Distribution Project Under the Mode of Power Grid Effective Asset Supervision

With the development of a new round of electric power system reform, it is urgent to advance the research and formulate the transmission and distribution price reform, the distribution network project investment economic benefits post evaluation model of the incremental distribution investment liberalization. On the basis of analyzing the new requirements of the investment benefit evaluation of distribution network project, the paper constructs the life cycle economic benefit evaluation index system of the distribution project investment, including the initial investment, operation and investment, other investment, asset value and other indicators, in which effective coefficients are set up for these indicators to innovate the model.

Parallel Citizenship: Southern Californian Latino Gangs and their Concept of Citizenship

For Salvadorans who relocated to the United States, the marginalization imposed by American society, the victimization enacted by Mexican gangs, and their negative experience with El Salvador’s practice of citizenship brought them to create the Mara Salvatrucha (MS-13) and modify 18th Street gangs in the neighborhoods of Los Angeles. Living on the fringes of society, they were kept from attaining the social, civil, and economic benefits of a liberal democratic model of citizenship. This paper claims that, in order to survive, they took it upon themselves to create a parallel model of citizenship, combining anarchism with “citizenship as agency” under the gang structure. Following Philip Oxhorn’s analysis of models of citizenship, this study examines how Salvadoran refugees came to create such alternative citizenship in the framework of the MS-13 and 18th Street gangs. Analysis asserts that the structure and development of membership in the gangs is not a coincidence, but rather a response to their marginalization, negative experience of state citizenship, and their participation in public arenas modeled as an extension of social contracts. Understanding the views of these, now transnational, gangs in terms of citizenship can aid policymakers and Central American governments as they approach these groups, eliminating violence and promoting development.

Populist Citizenship in the Bolivarian Revolutions

This article analyzes the contours of populist citizenship as an alternative to neoliberal models of citizenship as consumption, and to liberal models that protect pluralism. It compares how political, socioeconomic, civil, collective, gender, and GLBT rights were imagined and implemented in Venezuela, Bolivia, and Ecuador. It explains why despite the expansion of some rights, populists’ use of discriminatory legalism to regulate the public sphere and civil society led to the displacement of democracy toward authoritarianism.

International support for state building in war-torn Africa: Are there alternative strategies?

ABSTRACTThis article demonstrates that there are multiple strategies for state building, peace building, and security for civilian populations. In five cases of ongoing conflict, the liberal model of top-down state building and elections has caused considerable loss of lives and resources and could be considered to have failed. There are no long-term prospects for success in any of the five countries where the liberal model is being implemented with international assistance. The liberal model of power sharing followed by democratic elections has not provided greater protection from internal and external threats than would have one or more of the alternatives in four of the cases. In three of the cases, where there has been considerable bloodshed and displacement, freezing the conflict, separating the factions, and providing protection for civilian populations is an option that is less costly than the liberal model. Where conflicts are frozen, there can be international assistance for building the state in two or more sections. Where long-term prospects in building a unitary state are not good, freezing the conflict, protecting civilians, and sealing borders, as well as building the state from below, are less costly than the liberal model.

Indian CSR - Is It Different from Western?

Business and industry play a crucial role in the social and economic development of a country. Businesses are not responsible for solving all social problems. However, at the level of direct responsibility they should avoid causing problems and act to solve the problems they cause. CSR is an organization’s moral responsibility to stakeholder groups that are affected by the organization’s actions. CSR has evolved over the years with Social Responsibilities of Businessmen in the 50s and 60s. The 70s saw the Enlightened Self-Interest, while the 80s saw the Corporate Social Performance Model. In the 90s CSR was developed as part of Corporate Strategy while the last decade saw the convergence between the concepts of CSR and corporate performance occurring in both directions. It is often taken for granted that people from different cultures think in the same or similar ways. In fact, difficulty in intercultural communication often arises for those involved using different structures of reasoning. The Indian society is a multi strata society, wherein several socio-economic variables influence the perception and attitude of the people. Business ethics is not unknown to India as India has been practicing it from time immemorial. The fundamentals of Business ethics can be traced back to the religions. Three distinctive features of Indian philanthropy are (a) it is largely a story of Indian businessmen (b) it is a story of indigenous rather than expatriate business and (c) philanthropy is largely a story of family businesses as in most of Asia. At the same time driving forces, such as religious beliefs and sentiments associated with capital accumulation, industrial wealth and the resultant social consequences, hold true for India like the West. Again in India the CSR has evolve through four models of Ethical Model, Statist Model, Liberal Model and Stakeholder Model.The ideology of corporate social responsibility in India does not strictly distinguish primary and secondary stakeholders in according priority to stakeholder issues. Only few companies and business groups have taken a lead in promoting CSR in India. Based on the empirical study by stratified sampling of 389 respondents from Tamilnadu, one of the progressive states of India, the author has identified the Community upliftment, Education, Environment, Health Related, Children& Women, Human Rights and Employment of the Disabled as the priority areas compared to the priority areas of western as seen by Indians as Directly Involved in Social work, Disclosure Policy, Attempt to reduce environmental Impact and Consider Potential Environmental impacts. Using Discriminant analysis the research revealed that the Indian CSR is different from the Western CSR.

The roads to parliamentarianism. Models of political inclusion and exclusion between Spain and Mexico, 1810–65

SUMMARYThe Cadiz courts symbolize the foundational episode of the liberal revolutions that took place in Spain and Latin America, and from this starting point, this article undertakes a comparative analysis of the different roads in political experimentation implemented in Spain and post-independent Mexico, during the first decades of the nineteenth century, in applying and consolidating liberal state models. In this case, emphasis is given to the debate arising around the representation and idea of political inclusion and exclusion put forward by the different legal frameworks in both countries, as essential cornerstones for modulating the different typologies of parliamentarianism, of the electorate and of the parliamentarian ideal, where a direct link is underlined between elitism and parliamentarian representation.

Reframing the Relations between State and Religion in Post–War Bosnia: Learning to be Free!

Since the collapse of Communism, and especially following the devastating war of the early 1990s, efforts to reach political consensus in Bosnia and Herzegovina have proved extremely difficult. State–church relations have in principle evaded such a destiny. Key to this has been the general, even if not always fully functional, acceptance of freedom of religion and equality as the main framework for resolving dilemmas involving the role of religion and religious practice. The state, religious entities and society at large have undergone a process of accommodating themselves to a liberal model of state–church relations, which was introduced as part of the post–war constitutional settlement. This article analyses the different stages and vicissitudes of such an accommodation by focusing on the evolution of the legal framework for religious freedom and equality as well as its actual implementation in practice.