Feminist Identity Research Articles

Weaponizing narrative: Russia contesting EUrope’s liberal identity, power and hegemony

ABSTRACT Europe has always occupied a special place in Russia’s storytelling of the ‘self’ and the ‘other’ – from Russia being portrayed as ‘part of Europe’ to it being cast as a ‘better Europe’ or an alternative to Europe that stands for conservative values or a different model of regional cooperation, including such as the Eurasian Economic Union. This article explores the recent shift from discursive contestation to subversion – all around the conflict in Ukraine and in a broader framework of a Russian matryoshka-style struggle against Western liberal-democratic hegemony and the EU’s liberal identity, power and influence in what Russia regards as its’ ‘near abroad’. It demonstrates the growing weaponization of the narrative replacing the pursuit of conventional narrative-contestation practices. In doing so, the article develops an original methodology combining qualitative (content-analytical) and quantitative (digital corpus-analytical) narrative enquiry, including the use of the GDELT-powered ‘big data’ analysis.

Motherhood and guilt in a pandemic: Negotiating the “new” normal with a feminist identity

AbstractMothers who work and identify as feminists have been thrust into a new ”COVID‐19 normal,” finding themselves taking on roles that are “at odds” with their feminist identity (i.e., the bulk of more “traditional” stay‐at‐home parenting, homeschooling, and domestic chores), while simultaneously navigating the expectations of neoliberal careerism embedded within female emancipation discourses that have been so hard‐won. In this piece, we draw on critical femininities to highlight how these identities are embedded in several push–pull discourses that simultaneously resonate and discord, and show that these understandings are difficult to detangle from neoliberal social constructions and expectations that have women self‐policing even their inner psyche lest we become “bad” feminists. Furthermore, we acknowledge how our sensemaking in this paper and our experiences are rooted in (and limited by) the socioeconomic privileges of being western white middle‐class cis‐gender women in predominantly non‐precarious positions—indeed, mothers who work are not a homogenous group and the many different voices reflect different levels of job security.

Domestic Violence Policy: A World of Change

The second wave of the feminist movement brought unprecedented changes in awareness of criminal legal system (CLS) responses to domestic violence (DV). The seemingly feminist “success” in the harsher CLS responses, however, resulted in the disparate criminalization of BIPOC (Black, Indigenous, and People of Color) and poor individuals, among both DV defendants and victims. Therefore, feminist support for anti-carceral/abolitionist feminism, recognizing the cooptation of feminist ideals within a neoliberal CLS system, has grown. Colonial policing, however, has only tangentially been applied to DV (and other gender-based abuse offenses’) CLS responses. This article advocates for significant changes to policing DV.

The emergent construction of feminist identity in interaction

Abstract This case study is an analysis of college-aged womens’ conversations about feminist identity and tracks a shifting attitude among college women with respect to feminist identification. Using conversation analysis, I argue that the interlocutors’ feminist identity is an interactional achievement produced by collaboratively setting aside topics related to feminism. This practice (re)problematizes feminism and maintains hegemonic standards of ‘feminist’ as an identity that needs to be accounted for in conversation. Building on Eckert and McConnell-Ginet’s (2013) work on the phrase “I’m not a feminist, but…” I argue that feminist identification may be shifting, as the discourse in the present study fall more in line with “I am a feminist, but…,” producing a ‘sort of’ feminist identity. In the discursive process of relevantly setting aside qualities and practices associated with feminism, the interlocutors (re)establish normativity surrounding feminist identity and its enaction in everyday conversation.

The Protection of Cultural Heritage vs. the Right to Private Property: The Extraordinary Case of the Portrait of Dr. Gachet by Vincent van Gogh

In 1890, Vincent van Gogh moved from Paris to Auvers-sur-Oise, where he met Dr. Paul-Ferdinand Gachet, who agreed to host and take care of the painter, especially regarding his mental health. However, he did not manage to save the artist, who committed suicide the same year. His hopeless mental health was seen in the famous portrait of Dr. Gachet, which radiated a distinct melancholy and sadness. The Portrait of Dr. Gachet was bought for $ 82.5 million by a Japanese millionaire and art collector, Ryoei Saito, who said that after his death it was to be burned along with his corpse. It raised loud objections in the art world, which recognised the common good and the legacy of our cultural heritage in the painting. This case is a classic example of a dispute between the ideals of liberalism and communitarianism and is seen as a hard case in law. The aim of the article is to present the history of The Portrait of Dr. Gachet and its place in the dispute between liberalism and communitarianism (in the context of cultural heritage law), which in turn means that this case can be seen as a hard case.

The role and meaning of the state in neoconservatism

Neoconservatism as an ideological and political-economic system of knowledge contains a number of ideas about the role, tasks, purpose and meanings of the modern state, its relationship with social institutions (family, church, NGOs), as well as its role in economic relations. American neoconservatism, in contrast to British or German, is also characterized by attention to the foreign policy function of the state. Reconsideration of the role, tasks and significance of the state in various spheres of society and in international relations in modern conditions determines the relevance of our study of this issue. Neoconservatism, the ideas of which were implemented in the policies of the conservative parties of the United States, Great Britain, and Germany in the 1970-1990s, continues to influence the implementation of national and international policies of various states to this day. Neoconservatism, unlike neoliberalism, offers a different understanding of the role and meaning of the modern state. Traditional values are ideologically substantiated and promoted: family, religion, morals, community, and the state. An important place in neoconservatism is given to social institutions, the need to overcome isolation of the individual from the institution of community (religious, social, government). The integration of the individual into social institutions and the return of the importance of the state authority in the worldview of the individual are considered priorities of state influence. American neoconservatism substantiates the US foreign policy function – to protect the democratic values in international relations. In the economic sphere, neoconservatives insist on reducing government intervention in market relations, returning to the ideals of classical economic liberalism, and taking a number of fiscal and monetary policy measures to reduce inflation, unemployment, and stimulate economic development. Although neoconservatism recognizes the need to build a strong state, it is not seen as authoritarian, encroaching on,restricting or abolishing human and civil rights and freedoms recognized in democracies after World War II. However, freedom is understood as a sphere of free behavior of the individual, which exists in relations with other members of society and is limited by the freedom of another person. Keywords: neoconservatism, state, role, individual, social institutions, traditional values, intervention, economy, law.

Modernism and the Phenomenon of Kaunas

Abstract The representation of modernism in architecture was affected by various determinants which were related to the technical, economic, and social circumstances of the period. The decade when modernism began to be seen in the architectural sphere was marked with aims to create new building forms associated with the ambition for a more socially balanced and egalitarian form of society in which the ideals of equal rights and liberation would be realised. However, establishing equality-based communities, adjusting the housing problem, and creating new universal values dismissed the connection with the tradition. This paper aims to analyse the dialect of modernism in Kaunas, Lithuania, and its characteristics by investigating its various physical nuances and invisible social context, which makes it distinguished when compared with the modernist language in the same period. Furthermore, it focuses on the experimental architectural language and the urban planning trends of the interwar period Kaunas through analysis of values in local architecture and urban planning levels to conduct its integrity.

Butler and Postanalytic Philosophy

AbstractThis article has two aims: (i) to bring Judith Butler and Wilfrid Sellars into conversation; and (ii) to argue that Butler's poststructuralist critique of feminist identity politics has metaphilosophical potential, given herpragmaticparallel with Sellars's critique of conceptual analyses of knowledge. With regard to (i), I argue that Butler's objections to the definitional practice constitutive of certain ways of construing feminism is comparable to Sellars's critique of the analytical project geared toward providing definitions of knowledge. Specifically, I propose that moving away from a definition ofwomanto what one may call poststructuralistsites of womanparallels moving away from adefinition of knowledgeto a pragmatic account ofknowledgeas arecognizable standing in the normative space of reasons. With regard to (ii), I argue that the important parallels between Butler's poststructuralist feminism and Sellars's antirepresentationalist normative pragmatism about knowledge enable one to think of her poststructuralist feminism as mapping outpragmaticcognitive strategies and visions fordoing philosophy. This article starts a conversation between two philosophers whom the literature has yet to fully introduce to each other.

Mujeres en la pantalla: la bruja feminista en Chilling Adventures of Sabrina

The witch figure in popular culture has often been a symbol associated with subversion and women’s independence. Based on Matilda Joslyn Gage’s exploration of the role of Church and State on the limitation of women’s freedom, and Silvia Federici’s work on the prosecution of the witches as patriarchal oppression, I investigate the ability of the TV show Chilling Adventures of Sabrina (CAOS) to construct a feminist identity from its protagonist’s witchcraft. Also considering previous research on women’s representation in media, this article analyzes structures of power, as well as the representation of sexuality and sorority in CAOS, with the goal of elucidating if, by focusing on individual concerns, the show casts aside a deeper exploration of patriarchal oppression.

THE POSITIVE EFFECTS OF GLOBAL PARTNERSHIP FOR MUTUAL LEARNING: THE GAMBIA – UK PARTNERSHIP

An important inspiration for this research desired from the over-riding Colonial discourse in policy documents which promote intercultural learning and global citizenship as against discourses hidden under a rhetoric which focuses on liberal ideals of common humanity and celebrations of diversity. The research design has been informed by a number of theoretical perspectives with a view to the principle of reciprocity mutuality and equality in north/south teacher study visits. It is argued that before global citizenship can achieve the goals of social and ecological justice, teachers need to examine critically their won assumptions/and perceptions of other cultures and the world. As suggested by the post-colonial theory, development was never designed to deal with humanitarian and environmental problems but simply a way to perpetuate the dominance of the western countries and cultures with their high standards of living. The research approach was at two levels: the more strategic level which mainly targets officials of the National Environment Agency (NEA) of the Gambia, and the school level was to examine how the UK – Gambia Partnership had developed and it provided the study visit courses for both the UK Gambian teachers to learn from them. Collected data revealed that the NEA/Tide Partnership had promoted and motivated reflective engagements of both the UK and Gambian participants through the study visit courses, thus enhancing mutual understanding and respect. These benefits were expressed by the participants particularly with regards to increasing knowledge in sustainable development education, in intercultural understanding and in their professional practices.

The Myanmar <em>Shwe</em>: Empowering Law Students, Teachers, and the Community Through Clinical Education and the Rule of Law

Myanmar's attorneys, judges, law officers, and law teachers are slowly emerging from the isolated world they inhabited during decades of military authoritarianism. Almost a decade ago, the country triumphantly burst into an era of "disciplined" democracy under the leadership of Aung San Suu Kyi, de facto head of state. Yet, the legal education system continues to be marked by hierarchical and bureaucratic practices, infrastructural and pedagogical neglect, and low confidence in the formal justice sector. The authors—two American law professors and practitioners and two students—discuss the direction of legal education in Southeast Asia and how clinical legal education (CLE) methodologies can be used to empower law students, teachers, and their communities, with an emphasis on the rule of law and access to justice. They draw on their experience in developing and piloting Community Teaching and Externship Preparation law school curricula in 2017–19 under the auspices of non-governmental organization BABSEACLE (formerly Bridges Across Borders South East Asia Clinical Legal Education Initiative). They highlight two teaching modules: Community Needs Assessments and peer-to-peer "CLE English" classes at university law departments in remote regions of the country and the outskirts of Yangon. Along with receptiveness for new approaches to teaching, learning, and mentoring by international experts, the authors faced centralized decision-making and planning, no culture of faculty collegiality or autonomy, risk aversion, reluctance to "stand out" amongst peers, frequent teacher transfers, inadequate research skills, rote learning, undue reliance on "distance education," and limited English proficiency. Lastly, the authors comment on the future potential of this educational initiative and the "Development Industry." Warning against a "Project World" mentality, unwelcome imposition of liberal ideals of individualism, and neocolonial tendencies, they highlight the importance of consultation with educational institutions, awareness of the role of local intermediaries and informal justice sector, and the need for genuine coordination and partnership amongst donor agencies and NGOs.

Can Christians Join the Overlapping Consensus?

The success of political liberalism depends on there being an overlapping consensus among reasonable citizens—including religious citizens—upon principles of political morality. This paper explores the resources within one major religion—Christianity—that might lead individuals to endorse (or reject) political liberalism, and thus to join (or not join) the overlapping consensus. I show that there are several strands within Christian political ethics that are consonant with political liberalism and might form the basis for Christian citizens’ membership of the overlapping consensus. Nonetheless, tensions remain, and it is not clear that Christians could wholeheartedly endorse the political conception or give unreserved commitment to political liberal ideals.

The Ethos of Rhetoric and Thomas Merton’s “Letters to a White Liberal”

Thomas Merton’s “Letters to a White Liberal” identified “dwelling places” in which his readers could engage the struggle for civil rights as part of a larger theological and political confrontation with evil in the world. They revealed this struggle as a “kairotic” moment and demonstrated how an ethos of rhetoric informed by Christian principles and liberal ideals enabled readers to overcome racial oppression. Merton’s ethos of rhetoric continues to serve as a clarion call for white liberals and Christians to transform the ongoing struggle for racial justice into a form of religious and socio-political redemption.

Women, Religion, and Power: Feminist Essays by Ivone Gebara

Reviewed by: Women, Religion, and Power: Feminist Essays by Ivone Gebara Elaine Nogueira-Godsey Ivone Gebara. 2017, Mulheres, Religião e Poder: Ensaios Feministas [Women, Religion, and Power: Feminist Essays.] São Paulo, Brazil: Edições Terceira Via. Pp. 214. R$ 47,90. (Portuguese). In Mulheres, Religião e Poder: Ensaios Feministas (Women, Religion and Power: Feminist Essays), Ivone Gebara addresses her writing to feminist theologians. She reminds us that "to rethink religion from a feminist theological perspective means to embark upon an arduous, unending path of revision of traditional meanings towards provisory liberationist re-significations adjusted to our time and our bodies" (p. 14).1 Published in 2017, Gebara's book is as timely now as it was four years ago. She argues that if women's bodies are the feminist theological starting point, then poor women's daily forms of suffering—the pain brought by a life lived in spaces of vulnerability—must equally function as sources of feminist wisdom. These forms of suffering are constant reminders of the role that feminist theologians have undertaken—a role they must continue to play in order to promote social justice. Gebara argues that the broader feminist struggle will not effectively destabilize structural inequality if feminist theologians do not continue deconstructing contents, images, guilt, ambiguities, and contradictory teachings in religion. As such, she encourages us to examine old questions, which have reemerged begging for new answers. Gebara offers in her book "new flavors to season our daily food and strengthen our feminist theological trajectory" (p. 14). In this compelling work, Gebara begins with the feminist movement's historical trajectory. In chapter one, "Women's Awakened Consciousness After Centuries of Nightmare," and chapter two, "Dare to Dream, or How to Take Care of One's Own Wounds," she recounts the many victories achieved by historical feminists. Gebara evokes the suffragettes and argues that contrary to popular belief, their struggles are still relevant today. The right to study and to vote was only the start of a bigger fight, says Gebara: the ongoing battle against constructed gender roles relating to sexuality, motherhood, domestic violence, and freedom of sexual choice, the latter of which grew out of alternative feminists' philosophical [End Page 226] understanding of women's bodies. The pursuit of women's freedom is an endless historical process. To leave one's chains requires the daily activity of expanding our energies, opening ourselves to healthy breathing, and letting our voices be heard. It is daring to think and feel the world in a different way. In a similar political context of the Trumpian sexist rhetoric in the United States, Gebara details the patriarchal, chauvinist, and backward- facing aspects of contemporary Brazilian politics under President Jair Bolsonaro. In an analysis analogous to Betty Friedan's Feminine Mystique (1963), Gebara analyzes current realities, such as the emergence of the "women's movement," present today in several Brazilian political parties and in associations linked to different Christian churches in Brazil. Gebara concludes that these women's movements are seeking to maintain the idea of a feminine essence as something pre-established by God as "woman's vocation" (p. 10). In chapter 3, "Advances and Setbacks in Women's History," Gebara further elaborates upon the above examples and reveals the co-optation of the feminist novelty: "an attempt to manipulate feminist ideals into the great networks of capitalist production and distribution of ideas" (p. 11). In those cases, she exhorts, the originality and innovation of the feminist struggle is commoditized and trivialized through false devices allegedly created to empower women. By ignoring the intersectionality of people's lives these movements speak as if women no longer need to fight for their dignity, arguing that women have already gained space in the labor market and that freedom will follow. Some women argue that the feminist "disease" needs to be eradicated because it is increasingly necessary to guarantee the order intended by God, family, and morality—emphasizing the pretentious idea of an immutable nature of human beings. Gebara reminds us that historical processes are neither homogeneous nor linear. There are steps that advance on one side and others that seem to go back on the other, both in consciousness...

Assessing politicized gender identity: Validating the Feminist Consciousness Scale for men and women

ABSTRACT Current measures of feminist identity are based on developmental models and cannot be used with men. We introduce and validate a new measure of feminist consciousness, the Feminist Consciousness Scale (FCS) which is based on dominant social psychological theories of politicized social identities, and assesses identity, injustice, and efficacy components of feminist consciousness. In three studies, the 8-item, two-factor FCS demonstrated excellent model fit and validity for college women and more age- and ideologically-heterogeneous men and women. We also established measurement invariance between men and women, meaning that the scale can be used with members of both groups. The FCS possesses several advantages over current measures of feminist identity based on developmental models: it is short and easy to use, can be used with both men and women, and is tied to the extensive literature on group consciousness and politicized social identities.

Nobody's free until everybody's free: how feminist identification influences white Americans' willingness to recognize and respond to racial discrimination

ABSTRACT While a long history of Black feminist thought grapples with the relationship between gender and racial oppression, both historical and present-day examples showcase how white feminists often struggle to make this connection. In this study, we examine the relationship between white Americans' feminist identification and perceiving discrimination toward other groups. Specifically, we investigate how identifying in feminist terms, together with the clarity of cues regarding racial bias in decision-making, influence white Americans' ability to see gender and racial discrimination as interconnected phenomena and react accordingly. Results of both correlational and experimental analyses suggest that white respondents who identify strongly as feminists are more likely than their non- and weak feminist counterparts to perceive racial discrimination both when racial bias is a clearly defined factor in decision-making as well as in cases where the influence of race is more ambiguous. These findings suggest that adopting subgroup identities may, in some cases, heighten awareness about the discrimination faced by racial and ethnic minorities among racially advantaged group members. Recognizing discrimination is a necessary precursor to forming broad, diverse coalitions around racial injustice and inequality. Our results suggest that some white feminists may be well-suited to join the coalition.

Feminist Men and Sexual Behavior: Analyses of Men’s Sex with Women

Men’s identification with and support for feminism has attracted the interest of masculinity scholars. This study explores an under-researched dimension of this phenomenon, investigating the relationship between feminist identification and sexual behavior. In heterosexual encounters, do feminist men report having sex more recently than those who do not call themselves feminists? During sexual encounters, do feminist men behave differently than non-feminists? In particular, do feminist men organize their sexual behavior in a way that prioritizes their partners’ sexual pleasure to a greater extent than non-feminists? Using representative survey data of Canadian adults, we examine the self-reported sexual behavior of heterosexual Canadian men. We find that self-identifying feminist men report having sex more recently and are more likely to report engaging in breast stimulation and performing oral sex on their partners than non-feminists. We discuss the implications of these findings on the sociological literature on gender and sexuality.

Análise midiática sobre o futebol feminino no Brasil: elementos didáticos para a Educação Física no ensino médio

O objetivo desse estudo foi compreender a produção discursiva da revista PLACAR sobre o futebol feminino no Brasil e, após essa análise, produzir conhecimentos que possam ser utilizados para fomentar o debate sobre as relações de gênero nas práticas corporais durante as aulas de Educação Física no Ensino Médio. A partir de uma pesquisa documental, em 1017 periódicos da revista PLACAR, localizados na biblioteca do Museu do Futebol em São Paulo, foi realizada a análise de conteúdo para identificar as unidades de significado produzidas sobre o futebol feminino. A produção discursiva sobre a mulher no futebol está fortemente marcada pela proibição e discriminação em seu passado. Apesar disso, graças a inúmeras atletas e aos ideais feministas, as jogadoras estão gradativamente conseguindo espaço e respeito. Esse debate pode ser fomentado nas aulas de Educação Física Escolar a partir dos resultados dessa pesquisa.

Intersections of Feminist Identification and Hostile Sexism

AbstractThis research examines the relationship between religious identification and feminist identification. Additionally, it investigates the extent of hostile sexist attitudes among those who identify as religious feminists. Utilizing 2016 American National Election Survey data, I find that religious women are no more or less likely to identify as feminist than the religiously unaffiliated, while evangelical and black Protestant men are less likely to identify as feminist. Further, both black Protestant women and Catholic men who identify as feminist express hostile sexist sentiment to a higher degree than their feminist unaffiliated counterparts, along with Latinas and Asian‐identified men. This study offers quantitative insights into the relationship between feminist identification, religious affiliation, and hostile sexist attitudes. Additional implications for this study include conceptualizations of feminism and sexism more broadly in society.

Dear Sister Artist

The 1970s Feminist Art movement continues to serve as fertile ground for contemporary feminist inquiry, knowledge sharing, and art practice. The CalArts Feminist Art Program (1971–1975) played an influential role in this movement and today, traces of the Feminist Art Program reside in the CalArts Institute Archives’ Feminist Art Materials Collection. Through a series of short interrelated archives stories, this paper explores some of the ways in which women responded to and engaged the Collection, especially a series of letters, for feminist projects at CalArts and the Women’s Art Library at Goldsmiths, University of London over the period of one year (2017–2018). The paper contemplates the archive as a conduit and locus for current day feminist identifications, meaning-making, exchange, and resistance and argues that activating and sharing—caring for—the archive’s feminist art histories is a crucial thing to be done: it is feminism-in-action that not only keeps this work on the table but it can also give strength and definition to being a feminist and an artist.
 Pre-print first published online 12/05/2020