Liberal Democratic Party Research Articles

The multiple patterns of factional influence: Evidence from the 2021 LDP presidential election

AbstractTraditionally, factions and seniority determined who became President of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) and, thus, Japan's Prime Minister. Since the electoral reform of 1994, however, some scholars have argued that the role of factions has declined, and this has led to ongoing debates over the extent to which factions and other factors have helped determine who will become the leader of Japan's LDP. Using data from the 2021 LDP Presidential election, we find that it is not policy but factional affiliations that matter for LDP members in selecting their leader. In addition to this finding, we disaggregate faction and show that the influence of this political institution in LDP Presidential elections varies across different factions. We also find that electorally weaker LDP incumbents are more likely to support a candidate who is more popular among Japanese voters in general.

Tackling transparency in UK politics: application of large language models to clustering and classification of UK parliamentary divisions

For a healthier democracy in the UK, novel methods of visualising political data are key to improving transparency, and encouraging engagement. The paper proposes a visualisation tool, using Large language models (LLMs), such as GPT3.5 and GPT4, to conduct Natural Language Processing (NLP) in a novel methodology. We investigate partisan voting profiles, specifically of the Conservative, Labour, and Liberal Democrat parties along 11 predetermined dimensions, ranging from Immigration and Borders, over Welfare and Social Housing, to European Union and Foreign Affairs. Higher order dimensions reveals shifts in party preference over time, while clear trends of more extreme voting behaviour can be seen across parties between 2016 and 2023. The novel visualisation methodology reveals that voting behaviour has become more polarised along party lines, with Labour becoming more left-wing and Conservatives becoming more right-wing regarding most political topics. Liberal Democrats voting behaviour has typically been those of an opposition party, albeit becoming somewhat more extreme.

The Role of Political Parties in Making Japanese Public Policy (Liberal Democratic Party as a Model)

Political parties are considered one of the most important political organizations and have a role in making and drawing up public policy. In Japan, they play a role, but there are not enough opportunities to assume governance. The Liberal Democratic Party is the most prominent party in Japan and plays a role in shaping and directing public policies in the country, and seeks to achieve a balance between the economy and the economy.And securityIn social affairs, the party played a vital role in promoting democracy and achieving political stability in the country. The party also seeks to manage the economy effectively and strengthen international relations through diplomacy and international cooperation, relying on its political orientations. The Liberal Democratic Party represents a model for political parties in Japan, which contributes to Effectively in making public policy and shaping the future course of the country, through its effective participation in governments, parliament and other democratic mechanisms, the Liberal Democratic Party remains a fundamental pillar in the Japanese political system, and a major partner in formulating and implementing policies that directly affect the lives of citizens and the future of the country. In its entirety.

Japan's Revolutionary Military Change: Explaining Why It Happened Under Kishida

Japan's security policy is changing rapidly, with drastic increases to its defense budget and the acquisition of counterstrike capabilities. While the deteriorating security environment undeniably motivates Japan's defense posture, the speed and extent of these recent changes still present a puzzle. Why was it under Kishida Fumio—a former leader of Kōchikai, the liberal and oft-considered pacifist faction within the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP)—that Japan achieved its watershed moment on defense? This article explains this change through the exigencies of Kishida's domestic political survival. It was through his leadership of a minority faction within the LDP, his image as a dove, and support for fiscal discipline, that Kishida managed to find the largest common denominator among competing domestic political forces. Had it not been for Kishida, the speed and degree of Japan's recent transformation in security policies would have been unlikely. In light of these findings, we conclude by considering the policy implications for understanding Japan's security posture.

The origin of the emergence of political parties and the evolution of the party system and legal regulations regarding the financing of political activities in Japan

The article presents the stages of creation and development of the party system and political parties in Japan, as well as various definitions of the party system, and assesses the directions of evolution of the Japanese political system. In addition, the genesis and activities of the Liberal Democratic Party were outlined, as well as the topic of transparency and legal regulations in the area of financing political activities in Japan. In order to present the evolution of Japan's political system, one must deal not only with legal regulations regarding the party, electoral and political system, but also with issues such as political culture, history and various conditions, i.e. everything that influenced the evolution of a given political system. countries. Party systems remain closely related to the political systems within which they operate, which results in the observable difficulty with which their comparative analyzes or broader and more general characteristics are created.

Political Party Affiliation and COVID-19 Vaccination Status in Japan, 2022.

An association has been reported between political affiliations and vaccination worldwide. In Japan, a significant proportion of the population are non-partisans, and major political parties advocate COVID-19 vaccination. The association between supporting political parties and COVID-19 vaccination coverage in Japan remains unclear.This study aims to investigate the relationship between political party affiliation and COVID-19 vaccination status in Japan. Methods: This study utilized data from large-scale nationwide internet surveys conducted in Japan in 2022, with a sample size of 21,162 participants. The surveys collected information on participants' COVID-19 vaccination status and political party affiliation. The political parties included in the analysis were the Liberal Democratic Party, the Constitutional Democratic Party, the Komeito, the Japanese Communist Party, the Japan Innovation Party (Nippon Ishin no Kai), and the Reiwa Shinsengumi, as well as non-partisans. Logistic regression analysis was performed to examine the relationship between political partisanship and COVID-19 vaccine status. The analysis controlled for potential confounding variables such as age, gender, socioeconomic status, and geographic location. The odds of being unvaccinated were lower for supporters of large political groups (e.g. Liberal Democratic Party {OR 0.6; 95% CI, 0.5-0.7}), while higher for small political groups (e.g. Reiwa Shinsengumi {OR 2.6; 95% CI, 1.9-3.6}), in comparison with non-partisan. Political affiliation may be associated with vaccination disparities in Japan. Supporters of minor parties were more likely to be unvaccinated than those of the larger parties.However, this study has several limitations, including self-reporting bias andselection bias due to the Internet survey methodology.

Japan: Political Developments and Data in 2023

AbstractJapan's ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) continued to slide in public opinion polls in 2023, with Prime Minister Fumio Kishida's approval ratings never recovering from the scandal over the party's association with the controversial Unification Church that was exposed in the previous year. Kishida survived an assassination attempt in April, and the LDP's subsequent strong performance in by‐elections helped to temporarily stabilise his leadership. However, the party faced a fresh scandal in November, when a police investigation into the misreporting and mishandling of ‘slush fund’ money by the LDP's major factions led to the removal of four senior Cabinet ministers and an even sharper decline in support for the Kishida administration. Rising consumer prices, due in part to a weakening of the Yen, were also a major concern throughout 2023, with inflation for the full year reaching 3.1 per cent, its highest level since 1981.

Same-sex marriage in Japan and the role of courts in a dominant party system

Japan is increasingly isolated among advanced economies in not having made provision for same-sex marriage or same-sex civil unions at the national level. The main political obstacle to legal recognition of same-sex couples is the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), Japan’s dominant party, which has ruled the country with only two interruptions since 1955; many other parties support legalizing same-sex marriage, while the LDP does not. The literature suggests that the LDP secured its dominant position due to opposition fragmentation and ineffectiveness, and its own clientelist practices. Against this backdrop, cases are progressing through the Japanese judicial system seeking a finding that same-sex marriage is required under the 1947 Constitution. At the time of writing, the results of these cases have been mixed, with one case finding the current marriage law unconstitutional and two finding it constitutional. This article contends that Japanese courts should find in favour of these claims and hold that same-sex marriage is constitutionally required. That is so not merely because it is the better position under existing legal doctrine relating to equality and non-discrimination under Article 14(1) of the Constitution, but also because the dominant party status of the LDP means that there is less reason in constitutional theory for courts to show deference to the legislature. In a dominant party system, there is less reason to expect that the government will pay sufficient heed to rights, while ‘counter-majoritarian’ difficulties with judicial review are less credible given the more ambiguous nature of the democratic mandate of the legislature. This undercuts a significant justification given for judicial deference.

Electoral reform and fragmented polarization: New evidence from Taiwan legislative roll calls

AbstractThis paper investigates how legislators respond to an electoral reform by adjusting their positions with respect to co‐partisans and rivals. Using cross‐sectional legislative roll calls over 20 years, we study how the dynamics of blue‐green confrontation are influenced by Taiwan's electoral reform from Single Non‐Transferable Votes (the SNTV) to Single‐Member Districts (SMD). Contrary to existing literature, our empirical evidence shows that the reform significantly fragmented legislator positions within their party and in relation to members from opposing parties, leading to an increase in contentious legislation and higher levels of both inter‐ and intra‐party distance. In the years following the reform, the political confrontation between the Kuomintang and the Democratic Progressive Party gradually diminished, eventually returning to levels seen before the reform. Moreover, our analysis reveals that the 2008 reform had heterogeneous effects on different parties, with each party displaying varying levels of resilience in response. This finding contributes to electoral system literature, providing policy implications for democratic countries contemplating electoral reforms.

Looking at Social Controversial Events from Aristotle’s Three Kinds of Discourse: The Kuomintang and Democratic Progressive Party’s Facebook Posts about Ractopamine Pigs as An Example

<p>社會爭議論述背後總包含說服，其語藝論辯品質正可為社會爭議事件帶來民主的反思與評估。本研究利用Aristotle三種言說種類對國民黨與民進黨臉書的萊豬貼文進行梳理分析，發現兩黨面對社會爭議多著手於究責與定罪，或反指控與自我辯護，容易落入根據過去的事件在評價之法庭性言說，不像審議性言說提出深思熟慮的論辯去影響未來決策，亦非強調共同理解之儀式性言說。當法庭性言說充斥在社群媒體的政治貼文時，不利於政黨之間的公共溝通，這現象值得反思。本研究期許從社會爭議事件過程的語藝拆解與解析，重新找到民主社會中公共論述的核心價值與新判準。</p> <p> </p><p>There is always a persuasive component behind discussions related to social disputes, where rhetoric strategies are used intentionally and unintentionally. The quality of rhetoric debate can bring reflection and evaluation of democratic society. This study uses Aristotle’s three kinds of discourse to analyze the Facebook posts from the Kuomintang and the Democratic Progressive Party regarding the Ractopamine pig’s import controversy. We found that when facing social disputes, the two parties mostly use forensic discourse based on the evaluation of past events, focusing on accountability and conviction or counter-accusation and self-defense. They rarely use deliberative discourse, which proposes thoughtful arguments to influence future decisions, or epideictic discourse, which emphasizes shared understanding. When political posts on social media are flooded with forensic discourse, it is inconducive to public communication, and this phenomenon is worth reflecting on. This study hopes to rediscover the core values and new criteria of public discourse in a democratic society through the dissection of rhetoric and analysis of the process of social disputes.</p> <p> </p>

Between Appeasement and Accommodation: Kōmeitō's Policy Influence under Second Abe Administration

Abstract This study examines the Kōmeitō's strategies for policy influence within the coalition framework with its coalition partner, the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) during the period of Second Abe Administration (2012–2020). As a junior coalition partner, Kōmeitō faces unity–distinctiveness dilemma, where it must accommodate policy demands of the senior partner while appeasing its core support base, Sōka Gakkai. This article argues that the junior partner's strategies for policy influence are determined by two factors: overlap/distinctiveness of policy inclinations and the positive/negative issue associations measured by the level of involvement in decision-making, i.e. portfolio allocation. Three cases are analyzed to elucidate the diversity of Kōmeitō's policy influence, the strategies of which range from corrective moderation, to nudging, to threats, all utilized to maintain a balance between reinforcing “distinctiveness” from the senior partner and consolidating coalition coherence to sustain competence within the coalition framework.

Party politics and foreign policy: The Liberal Democratic Party in Japan's security policy expansion in Southeast Asia

AbstractThis article explains the role of political parties in influencing a democratic state's international security cooperation policy. It focuses on Japan's expanded security cooperation with Southeast Asian countries pushed by the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) under Prime Minister Shinzo Abe. The LDP as the ruling party saw Japan's expanded security cooperation with Southeast Asian countries as an effort to success Abe's “Take Back Japan” campaign and to overperform the previous Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) administration. Moreover, Japan was able to expand its security cooperation with Southeast Asian countries because LDP and its junior coalition partner New Komeito, using its preliminary review system in foreign and security policy making, and its stable power in parliament, were able to pass security legislations allowing Japan's to have more security cooperation with Southeast Asian countries.

Japan in 2023

This year saw efforts by Japan’s government, led by prime minister Fumio Kishida, to tackle problems such as the need to arrest the declining birthrate, increase defense spending, deepen security ties with the US and other nations, and safeguard the rights of sexual minorities. Yet despite being in an enviable position domestically, with no national election looming, a decimated opposition, and a coalition partner with the votes to underwrite his administration, Kishida was unable to rally the public behind a tax hike to fund defense spending. Japan’s prime ministers remain sensitive to public opinion, likely due to the precariousness of their position as leader of the Liberal Democratic Party rather than electoral considerations.

Populism and Political Parties in Asia: A Comparison of Aam Admi Party (AAP) in India and the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) in Japan

Populism is one of the most popular techniques used by Asian political parties. Political parties use this tactic through socio-political movements not only for the larger good of society but also for their own narrow goals. This article investigates two separate political parties from India and Japan. Populist policies have both beneficial and harmful effects on politics. The given promises often failed to address the grievances of the voters. A significant civil society movement propelled the Aam Admi Party (AAP) to political status. It began as a non-political entity and evolved into a political one. Following the formation of AAP, the issue of civil society as a non-political entity arose. The AAP is a regional party that holds power in two Indian states, focusing its populist policies on local issues. As a national party, the Liberal Democratic Party of Japan (LDP) is comparatively old and addresses pertinent national issues, like national security. The quality of politics and socio-economic dynamics of the two countries are different. This paper argues that populism as a tool cannot always be beneficial for the political culture of a country. The wide gap between the promises and implementation often creates discontent among the voters. This paper will attempt the delineate the different scenarios of the populist policies of the AAP of India and the LDP of Japan using the content analysis method.

Women in Political Party Recruitment in Japan: A Comparative Study of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) and the Constitutional Democratic Party (CDP)

<em>This research will shed light on the role of women in political parties in Japan. Japanis still in 125th position out of 146 countries in the World Economic Forum's Global Gender Gap Index (GGI) Report 2023. This puts Japan at the bottom among developed countries. Even though various policies related to gender equality have been taken by the Japanese government. Politics as an instrument of democracy should ideally play a role in the promotion and campaign of gender equality in Japan. The ruling LDP (Liberal Democratic Party) and the opposition CDP (Constitutional Democratic Party) also played the issue of gender equality as part of efforts to respond to women's public. The response of political parties can certainly be traced to how political parties recruit and place women in party and parliamentary structures. This is the purpose of this study, to find out how the LDP and CDP recruit and candidacy women in their respective parties as an effort to realize gender equality. Using qualitative methods and party recruitment perspectives, it was found that both LDP and CDP provide space for women's involvement in their political parties. Although the LDP in the recruitment of women still uses a conservative and exclusive approach, the CDP is more progressive and inclusive. And also both, the LDP and CDP both consider the capital and political motivations of each female candidate. However, neither of them has made the affirmative quota policy effective within his party</em>

Identity-policy discrepancy: crisis perception, third-order change and the shifting foreign policy trajectories of China and Japan toward Northeast Asia

ABSTRACT Although common, the identity-policy discrepancy has yet to be systematically theorised in the Identity Constructivist literature. This article bridges this gap, leveraging insights from Historical and Sociological Institutionalism, Norm Constructivism, and Post-structuralism to explore the theoretical and empirical weight of such discrepancies. I argue that discrepancies tied to a nation’s hegemonic narratives can spark crises, engender compelling expectations upon recognition, and drive third-order changes as actors endeavour to address these discrepancies. The article illuminates the significant role that discrepancies played in molding the foreign policies of China and Japan, with a focus on regional institution-building in Northeast Asia. The article emphasises the stark contrast between Hu Jintao’s Peaceful Riser identity and his assertive policy actions, alongside the Democratic Party of Japan’s (DPJ) Pacifist State identity juxtaposed with policies akin to those of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP). These discrepancies significantly shaped the policy approaches and identity construction of their successors.

Foreign Policy Orientation without Party Cues

The central issue in Taiwan’s politics revolves around the island’s relationship with China. The three major parties—the Kuomintang, Democratic Progressive Party, and Taiwan People’s Party—take different positions on this, and their supporters align with these respective positions. However, there is a scarcity of research on the foreign policy inclinations of individuals who do not align with any political party. We find empirically that self-reported independents in Taiwan exhibit a preference for bandwagoning, driven by concerns for tangible material benefits; cultural similarity, economic interests, and the power dynamics between the US and China also play substantial roles here. These findings shed light on the unique role and dynamics of independents in Taiwan’s political landscape. Our theoretical innovation lies in showing that in a democracy, different factors come into play in the formation of the foreign policy preferences of different groups.

Factions and the Redistributive Effects of Reform in Japan

Campaign finance and other political reforms often have redistributive consequences when they improve the position of one group over another. When potentially redistributive reforms are debated or passed, groups may resist or support such reforms depending on their belief about whether the reforms will be advantageous or not to their own position. In dominant party systems such as Japan, we expect that major reforms will have heterogeneous effects for different factions within Japan’s Liberal Democratic Party (LDP). In 1975 and 1994, reformers in Japan introduced major changes that they hoped would reduce corruption and strengthen political parties over factions. In this article, we empirically investigate the asymmetrical impact of the reforms on the total amount of revenue and contributions disclosed by factions in the LDP. We find that the 1975 reform had significant redistributive effects, including a relatively adverse impact on the faction linked to Tanaka Kakuei in terms of total revenue. The 1994 reforms, in contrast, reveal that the Tanaka faction did the best among the factions in collecting revenues and consolidating its power.

Analysis of the 2024 Taiwan Presidential Election

In the 2024 Taiwan presidential election, Lai Ching-te, the ruling Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) candidate calling for the continuation of the Tsai Ing-wen administration’s line, won the election, while the DPP lost its majority in the legislative elections held at the same time. The opposition Kuomintang (KMT) became the leading party in the Legislative Yuan, and the third largest party, the Taiwan People’s Party (TPP), although a small party, held the casting vote. The election campaign revolved around the pros and cons of “change in government,” and the DPP, already in power for eight years, had an uphill battle. In the end, however, neither of the opposition parties was able to raise expectations higher than those of the DPP. For the next four years, Taiwan’s political landscape is now under a “divided government,” with the Executive Yuan led by the ruling party but the Legislative Yuan dominated by the opposition parties. This situation shows a fine balancing act, but it could also lead to a paralysis of Taiwanese politics. The election results carry a degree of uncertainty.

Women, political violence, and the production of fear in Malawian social media texts

ABSTRACT In the light of insights from the literature on incivility toward women politicians on social media, this article examines the experiences of Malawian women in politics as well as the prescriptive social and cultural norms that are projected onto them by the public. Drawing on social media texts about Veronica Katanga and Joyce Banda during the era of the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) (2004–2012 and 2014–2020), I identify a troubling gatekeeping strategy that DPP politicians deliberately used to malign the two women for exercising their right to participate in the 2014 and 2019 general elections. Drawing on Pumla Dineo Gqola’s notion of the “female fear factory,” this study shows how the DPP engaged in political violence (both physically and discursively) to police and instill fear in women politicians. It also shows how DPP politicians and their followers amplified cultural stereotypes and drew on religious themes to achieve this outcome. The article concludes that Malawian women politicians have re-engaged in political participation through textual/feminist strategies that speak truth to power, thereby contributing to the enhancement of activism and agency among women engaging in politics.