Liberal Capitalism Research Articles

On the political aspects of Agnes Heller’s ethical thinking

Abstract The author describes Heller’s concept of ethics as a “quasi-sphere” intersecting with various fields relating to human relationships. Special attention is paid to the axiological aspects of her concept of ethics and the relationship between virtues and responsibility. The author also seeks to show how Heller integrated a traditional philosophical question—the relationship between “is” and “ought to be”—into her concept of “radical philosophy” at an earlier stage in the development of her philosophy. She initially considered the relationship between “is” and “ought to be” to be contrasting. Later, when she had come to accept the political model of liberal capitalist society, the ideal of all-compassing equality became the ideal of “equality of opportunities”. The author interprets this shift as one in which the relationship becomes continual. He is also critical of Heller’s underestimation of the effect the “social a priori” has on the possibilities of human life.

Labour Unity Against Global Capitalism: Create a New Society and People's Democracy

20 | International Union Rights | 27/4 FOCUS | TRADE UNION RIGHTS IN ASIA Labour Unity Against Global Capitalism: Create a New Society and People’s Democracy Thailand is one of the ASEAN countries, with an area of approximately 530,000 square kilometers, and a population of around 67 million, that adopts a democratic regime of government with the King as Head of the State and the Constitution of the Kingdom of Thailand BE 2560 as the supreme law of the State. All Thai citizens are under the Constitution. Economy Thailand implements liberal capitalism as a guideline for country policy, strategy, direction, and action plan, and has National Economic and Social Development Plans (NESD Plan) as the strategic development plans of the country. Each sequence of the NESD plan covers a period of 5 years. The first National Economic and Social Development Plan started in 1961 and now we are implementing the 12th NESD Plan (2016-2021). At the beginning, the series of previous NESD Plan was guided by the World Bank opinions; but, recently, opinions were gathered from various sectors such as the Chamber of Commerce, the Federation of Thai Industries, Thai Banker’s Association, university academics, independent scholars appointed by the government, including government agencies from various Ministries. Yet, the plans were written without the full participation of Thai citizens. The people’s opinions were partially gathered through public hearings and an online questionnaire, but with some difficulty for the public to reach and provide opinions. As the result of NESD implementation with long period of times, Thailand has prominently been the most inequitable country in the world, leading to the national situation, which is ‘wealthy in a few clusters, but poverty all over the place’. This shows that liberal capitalism and the NESD plans are inconsistent with the real problem solving for Thai society. Recently, the Thai government writes a national strategic plan for country development within the next 20 years, called ‘the 20-Year National Strategic Plan’; yet a liberal economy is still an important concept of the plan. Such economic system results in the high-level of terrifying corruptions among elites, politicians and high-ranking government officials. Moreover, the Thai economy stability is mainly derived from foreign dependence, including goods export, foreign fund for investment, and tourism. Therefore, when the world economy crashes, it causes serious and enormous impacts on the Thai economy. The Thai economy system was not designed for a balanced growth economy and selfdependence system. Today, Thai citizens still have low incomes. Personal and household debts are very high, and most people have no savings. Social welfare is partially covered for certain aspects, such as public health or medical care; but other aspects were rarely supported by the government and they required people to mutually pay the expenses themselves. Management of the state-owned universities are also changed into businesses in that the government would only regulate the operation and provide policy, but they need to run the business to get enough income to cover their own expenses. This situation means that only a few students from rich families are able to get access to university studies. The budget for research and technological innovation is very low, even as the world is entering the 4th industrial revolution period (the Industry 4.0 era). This causes Thailand not to be able to keep up with the changing world, especially the digital technology. Currently, the Thai economy is very volatile, due to trade war, natural disaster, and the COVID-19 pandemic, which affect the operation of capital markets and the money market, as well as businesses, especially export and tourism, which have collapsed. Many industrial factories are closed, and their workers are laid off. Such problems cannot be solved by the stimulation of domestic consumption because people lack income. The government, therefore, solved the problem by borrowing money from the financial institute, and then gives it away to the people. It is unpredictable of how long this situation will be last, and If there would exist the second-round of COVID-19 pandemic, and new lock-down, how the government would be able to manage to solve the problems. It is afraid that the situation would...

Science in Danger, or Technoscience Becomes Dangerous?

This paper summarizes the discussion on technoscience and its key question whether the phenomenon indicated by this term means a radical transformation of science and its replacement with some new social objectification. Based on the remarks of the discussion participants, we raise questions on mathematical rationality contribution in technoscience development, technical (magical) domination on nature (environment) and man as the leitmotif of the New European culture and the connection of techno-science, financial capital and liberal capitalism.

The Constant Liberal: Pierre Trudeau, Organized Labour, and the Canadian Social Democratic Left by Christo Aivalis

Reviewed by: The Constant Liberal: Pierre Trudeau, Organized Labour, and the Canadian Social Democratic Left by Christo Aivalis Thirstan Falconer Aivalis, Christo – The Constant Liberal: Pierre Trudeau, Organized Labour, and the Canadian Social Democratic Left. Vancouver: UBC Press, 2018. Pp. 278. The enigmatic Pierre Elliott Trudeau has been the focal point of significant works in Canadian history and political science since his ascent to the height of Canadian politics in 1968. Trudeau's life before and after his political career, as well as his 15 years in the prime minister's office, has drawn ample interest from scholars, journalists, and popular writers alike. Christo Aivalis's The Constant Liberal adds a leftist critique to the existing Trudeau literature and orients its examination to the labour and left movements that the prime minister interacted with between the mid-1940s through to his retirement in 1984. Aivalis challenges the "great man" narrative and argues that Trudeau was "equally the product of societal forces, intellectual currents, and personal relationships" (p. x), breaking with earlier biographers such as Christina McCall and Stephen Clarkson who portrayed the former prime minister as an intellectual and political marvel. Aivalis's investigation of the fifteenth prime minister is a welcome and fresh addition to a body of literature that has increased in popularity since Trudeau's death in 2000. Though Aivalis's book is not a ground-breaking work on Trudeau, it is a must-read for historians interested in the political left since 1945 in Canada. The Constant Liberal argues that though Trudeau fought for a modern liberal order in Quebec and across the country, his views on liberalism were fundamentally different than the workers and democratic socialists he occasionally aligned with. Aivalis writes that instead of abandoning liberal capitalism during economic crises, Trudeau bolstered it by "absorbing leftist programs" and refashioned them as "benevolent liberalism" (p. xi). Aivalis challenges two core assertions about Trudeau : that he was a socialist bent on upending capitalism and that he was a pragmatic leftist who sought to contain the most negative characteristics of the capitalist system. Aivalis argues that in Quebec Trudeau built alliances with labour and the Cooperative Commonwealth Federation (CCF) to transform the province into a modern and democratic state, while in the federal arena he weakened labour and leftist voices to further his vision of individual rights and freedoms. Aivalis examines Trudeau's relationship with the left-wing political parties in Quebec and Canada as well as his government's public policy approaches with the "Just Society," the Foreign Investment Review Agency, National Energy Program, wage and price controls, as well as the Charter of Rights and Freedoms during his tenure as prime minister. In the first chapter, Aivalis challenges the historiography and argues that Trudeau was a liberal since his time at Harvard University. It was at Harvard, Aivalis argues, that Trudeau "learned the importance of constitutions, the dangers of extremism, the virtues of Keynesianism, and the celebration of liberal [End Page 477] democracy" (p. 3). Trudeau spent the 1950s building alliances with prominent members of the CCF and its Quebec wing, the Parti social démocratique du Québec (PSD). It is these relationships, Aivalis argues, that mislead historians searching for Trudeau's socialist credentials. In regard to Trudeau's intellectual expressions, Aivalis cites Denis Monière, who argued that while Cité libre authors were "concerned with elements of capitalism," they were ultimately pro-capitalist (p. 10). Aivalis argues that Trudeau believed that recognizing and negotiating "with workers and by taking an open approach to the communist bloc, liberal capitalism would stand a better chance of preserving its dominance" (p. 20). His analysis of the 1949 Asbestos strike directly challenges the intentions of Trudeau. Aivalis argues that the strike was Trudeau's chance to "champion a strike pitted against a political regime that he deemed undemocratic" (p. 23) and was an opportunity to weaken the Duplessis government. It was in Asbestos that the future prime minister unleashed fiery rhetoric extolling "the values of democracy and liberty" and urged the workers to keep fighting (p. 23), beginning a turning point in the anti-Duplessis movement. While Aivalis makes compelling arguments that contest Trudeau's socialist...

Control after Cybernetics: Governmentality as Navigation by Homeostasis and Chaos

Control after Cybernetics:Governmentality as Navigation by Homeostasis and Chaos Andrew Culp (bio) Cybernetics is hardly new. A theory poised after World War II to unify the sciences, it promised to end the disciplinary divisions of American scientists. As Fred Turner has argued, however, its most enduring impact is to be found in two other places, the military-industrial complex's "freewheeling, interdisciplinary, and highly entrepreneurial style of work" and the "New Communalists" of the hippy counter-culture (2006, 4-5). These sources of success have made its legacy significant but ambiguous. The "cyber" prefix has proliferated to the point of meaninglessness. Its concept of information so diffuse as to become the commonsense understanding of media and technology. Moreover, a number of contemporary fields of study including artificial intelligence and non-Freudian psychology owe early support to researchers associated with cybernetics. Perhaps most curiously, a growing number of radicals interested in diagnosing the politics of the twentieth century also turned to cybernetics—not as a solution but as a model for the operations of liberal capitalist governmentality (Tiqqun 2010a). The significant but diffuse impact of cybernetics has long led researchers to use it as a window into deeper social trends. These inquiries are bookended by N. Katherine Hayles and Seb Franklin. In her How We Became Posthuman (1999), Hayles acts as a pioneer, setting the template for how the humanities should study the legacy of cybernetics—including a careful consideration of the post-World War II world that cybernetician Nortbert Wiener and his colleagues wanted to construct, as well as the unexpected troubling of the liberal notion of the subject it would jumpstart. Franklin's Control: Digitality as Cultural Logic (2015), on the other hand, is the detailed work only possible after a field has matured, as the intellectual history of cybernetics has, confidently establishing how cybernetics played a part in establishing a whole "control episteme" linking "the principles of post-Fordist production, communicative and cognitive capitalism, and neoliberal economism through nested concepts of biology, psychology, markets, and society as self-regulating systems premised on data processing" (2015, 83). [End Page 117] Taking the significant commentary and criticism already written on cybernetics as a backdrop, I use this paper to mine a very specific archive and argue a very narrow claim. The primary materials I discuss are twofold: unpublished texts by Norbert Wiener available in his papers in the MIT archives, and Michel Foucault's recently-published Collège de France lectures. Both sets of materials are work-in-progress ideas never officially published during either's lifetime, which means that they should not be taken as definitive statements by the authors, but rather, elements of a virtual "archival unconscious." If, as Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari would argue, the unconscious is a factory and not a theater, then the archive does not contain secrets of the soul (1983, 23-24). The archive instead contains the hidden abode of production of concepts-in-process broken down into separate "units of production" even more underdetermined than the fully-assembled concept, offering researchers the opportunity to forge even more unexpected connections between otherwise divergent works (24). In this case, elements from each archive point to a convergence between Wiener's social theories of cybernetics and Foucault's genealogy inquiry into the Classical Greek "ship of state." An additional two-part note on method. First, I approach this material not as a textualist but through a theory of the event. This method treats documents not as expressions of history, e.g. cultural products reflecting the historicity of a given moment, but as images that accompany the arrival of a new problem—a problem so "disharmonious" that it forces the reorganization of the faculties and provokes an experience of the world so novel it is as if one is seeing (hearing, feeling) it for the first time (qtd. in Zourabichvili 2012, 11). Perhaps understood as the radicalization of Gaston Bachelard's concept of the epistemological break by incorporating it into a whole philosophy of time, I draw this method from a formation of scholars who read the work of Gilles Deleuze not as constructing an ontology, but as the invention of problems that...

A Liberal Marxism? Mutual Care, Global Humanity and Minimum Utopia

AbstractThis article surveys The Norman Geras Reader: ‘What’s There is There’, a recent collection of the work of Norman Geras, edited by Eve Garrard and Ben Cohen. The article explores the relevance of Geras’s attempted reconciliation between liberalism and Marxism to some of the key issues confronting the contemporary left: foreign policy and the failures of humanitarian intervention and non‐intervention; internationalism and the necessity for solidarity across borders in an age of nationalist populism; left approaches to totalitarianism and antisemitism; the possibilities and limitations of alternatives to and critiques of liberal capitalism; and the reinvigoration of utopian imaginaries and the futures they promise. It suggests that important lessons for the left can be unpicked from the contested legacy of the ‘decent leftism’ Geras represents, where reapplied in the wake of new political and diplomatic challenges.

Editor’s Note

Editor’s Note Mari Yoshihara, Editor For the first time in the history of the association, the ASA annual meeting, in November 2019, took place in Honolulu. For American Quarterly, it was fortuitous that the Honolulu meeting coincided with the midpoint of the Hawai‘i-based team’s ten-year tenure as the journal’s editorial home. In close collaboration with the program committee, ASA president Scott Kurashige conceived the meeting under the theme “Build as We Fight,” calling for resistance to the interlocked systems of white supremacy, heteropatriarchy, and neoliberal dispossession, and for the creation of alliances and communities from the ground up. The history of Hawaiian Renaissance and Indigenous resurgence, especially in the midst of the movement for protection of Mauna Kea, has offered humbling and inspiring lessons for ASA members and scholars, activists, and artists committed to Indigenous sovereignty, environmental justice, queer love and care, and alliance building across boundaries. Through over five hundred panels, workshops, and tours, the groundbreaking conference realized Kurashige’s and the association’s vision and commitment that we hope to practice in the pages of the journal. Kurashige’s presidential address published in this issue, “‘Unruly Subjects’: American Studies from Antidiscipline to Revolutionary Praxis,” traces the emergence of the ASA as home for those from outside the institutional history of the field, points to the crisis of liberal capitalism and ruptures it has created, and illustrates examples of scholar–activist work seeking to build the revolution toward a new social order, such as the work of Detroit-based Grace Lee Boggs. We have asked two such scholar–activists to respond to Kurashige’s address. Taking up Kurashige’s alternative genealogy of American Studies, Curtis Marez reflects on the recent history of Chicana/o studies and American studies. He discusses its significance for contemporary border fascism and the hope offered by student activism against deportation as an act of “building as we fight.” Noura Erakat takes Kurashige’s message and the inspiration of the Hawaiian liberation movement on and off Mauna Kea to Palestine, where conditions of surveillance, militarism, exclusion, and national supremacy portend an uncertain future that also overflow with promises of life and resurgence, partly through transnational solidarity, which she examines in an essay also included in this journal. This issue features six essays that coalesce and speak well with one another around a few themes: species, environment, and settler colonialism; racialization and othering in nation and empire building; race, solidarity, and anti-imperialism. [End Page v] In his ambitious and fascinating “Grizzly Country: Settler Worlding and the Politics of Species on the California Frontier,” Daniel Rivers traces the history of Native people and grizzlies that coexisted for fourteen thousand years until the genocide and eradication by settler colonial violence. Through interdisciplinary analysis of this history, Rivers examines how the slippages between the human and nonhuman in settler projects formed the underside of the violent remaking of California. In “The Bison and the Cow: Food, Empire, Extinction,” John Levi Barnard turns our attention to the interrelated symbolic and material values of two species within American exceptionalist historiography and neoliberal environmentalism. By demonstrating that the bison has symbolized the tragic but inevitable “vanishing” of Indigenous societies and ecosystems, whereas the cow has figured as a veneer of “sustainability” in the globalized economy, Barnard points to the dangers of conservation without decolonization. Jacob Crane tracks the long history of varied deployments of Article 11 of the 1797 Treaty of Tripoli, which declares that “the government of the United States of America is not, in any sense, founded on the Christian religion,” and argues that the article’s lasting influence lies in how Christian nationalists and emergent secularists alike used the text to articulate a national character in opposition to the perceived otherness of the Muslim world. Focusing on the life of Stephen Glori, the Carlisle Indian Industrial School’s first Filipino student who later joined an Indian show and identified as a Pueblo, Alyssa A. Hunziker situates the school in US colonial projects both at home and abroad, and also argues that schools like Carlisle inadvertently fostered alternative transnational kinship networks among Filipino and Native students. Through a reading of Mike Gold...

From Integrity to the New Split and Rivalry? (World-System and World Order in Changing Realities)

The collapse of the Soviet Union and socialist commonwealth contributed to the reconstruction of integrity of the World-System. These changes became a major global transformation of the second half of the XX century. Then there was an opinion that over time the model of liberal capitalism would be established in all countries. However the restoration of the integrity of the global world did not lead to shaping of its homogeneity. New contradictions emerged both between developed and developing countries and within the core countries of the World-System. All of this undermined stability of the system and contributed to the gradual distraction of the unipolar world order. Russia initially tried to be integrated into the new world reality and become the main partner of the USA as a center of the World-System. However the plans of the United States and its allies did not provide that Russia would retain its role as an important and independent actor in world politics. As a result, Russia’s integration into the West did not take place. Nevertheless having made the transition to an independent policy not subordinated to the USA and its allies Russia could not claim to create alternative global social project as the Soviet Union had. To do this Russia had neither resources nor attractive idea for the rest of the world. As China began to turn into economic superpower it seemed that Beijing was not going to offer the world its own social project alternative to liberal capitalism but it claimed only to take place in existing global system corresponding to its economic impact. Situation was changed after the USA in the middle of the 10-th felt in China a serious rival and moved to the policy of deterrence of it. China began to work out its own model of the world order. Now in comparison with the past many experts suppose that Chinese model of the social and political order may be used by other developing countries. Will this lead to emergence of the new global project alternative to the Western liberal capitalism and to distraction of integrity of the World-System? Will there be a new global transformation as a result of current processes? This article is devoted to the analysis of probable prospects of these tendencies of the world development.

The Oneida Community and the utility of liberal capitalism

Historians studying the utopian Oneida Community have often located its demise in rising internal dissent and failing consensus among its members, with special emphasis on the personal jealousies and generational tensions that its practice of group marriage may have produced. Those studies step past the essential place of work and industry in communal life and especially the community’s theology, which equated economic prosperity with Christian virtue. This essay reframes our understanding of the political economy of the Oneida Community, with specific attention to their last decade, and the social tensions stoked by their reliance upon market capitalism and waged labour. While acknowledging the internal dissent that accompanied the structural demise of the commune, the present study asks how such discord arose from business-centred theology within the social environment of competition and a prolonged economic depression. The Community’s dependence upon the surrounding capitalist economy challenged their self-described ‘Bible communism’ and precipitated its demise.

Empire in the Mine of History

This essay serves as a response to the review essays by Adom Getachew and Petal Samuel on the author’s 2018 Empire of Neglect: The West Indies in the Wake of British Liberalism. Exploring how the history of liberal capitalism that Empire of Neglect tells might afford critical and political purchase on the epoch of postcolonial neoliberalism, this essay reflects on modes of archival attunement and Caribbean philosophies of history.

Archetype of globalization: illusory comfort of neo-colonialism in Africa

This paper argues that globalization has been employed to serve the imperialistic interest of the western world. In her drive for hegemony, the west has constantly sought ways of bringing other societies nearer so that domination and exploitation could be total and permanent. Global homogenization is perhaps the most powerful force affecting the Africa landscape today. Global trends such as economic inequality, violent extremism, environmental hazards, changing nature of power are directly related to the practice of neo-colonialism. Regrettably, this ongoing homogenization of ethos is more composed of the western liberal capitalism that is most aggressive in neo-colonial pursuits. It is continually shaping not only individuals but also the Africa continent. However, it has its own benefits. However, the negative sides of globalization as a set of policies have exacerbated existing injustice, inhumanity, created, and generated social, economic, political, and cultural inequalities, which should be address. The paper ends by making some recommendations and conclusion.

The Local Is Global: Philadelphia's Weatherwomen Bring the War Home to Pennsylvania

ABSTRACT Local and state histories need not be parochial. This article examines the intersection of Pennsylvania with swirling global revolutionary winds in the 1960s and 1970s, especially the Weathermen (later called the Weather Underground). It further studies how Philadelphia produced a radical pacifist, direct action, prefigurative political impulse within the New Left. Led in the Keystone State by Philadelphia-educated women, or Weatherwomen, the movement intersected with global revolutionary actions. The Weathermen, a splinter group of the Students for a Democratic Society, were the products of a relatively sophisticated and systematic set of transnational revolutionary ideas. Philosophically led by the young French radical Regis Debray and Latin American revolutionaries Fidel Castro and Che Guevara, these globally minded radicals built and promoted a revolutionary program aimed to topple Western liberal capitalism.

Dependent development and authoritarian state capitalism: Democratic backsliding and the rise of the accumulative state in Hungary

Democracy is in crisis around the globe. Hungary was long heralded as a champion of political and economic liberalization in postsocialist Eastern Europe. However, the country recently emerged as a striking example of the current wave of autocratization. Starting from the premise that political regimes are the results of class compromises, in this paper, I argue that Hungary’s authoritarian turn is in part rooted in the reconfiguration of the dominant power bloc and the concomitant change in the state’s strategy. The aim of this article is twofold. Firstly, I analyze the socio-economic roots of Hungary’s authoritarian turn and propose a new, theoretically driven causal narrative challenging and extending existing accounts. Relying on macro-statistics and a new dataset on the economic elite, I describe how the collapse of the class compromise that sustained the post-socialist liberal competition state engendered the revolt of the national bourgeoisie and the rise of the new authoritarian regime of accumulation. Secondly, I offer a new conceptualization regarding the political-economic nature of the new regime: the accumulative state. I empirically identify the political instruments through which the accumulative state props up capital accumulation and the ensuing social conflicts. Instead of portraying Hungary as a divergence from liberal capitalist norms based on a textbook view of markets, I situate authoritarian politics in the logic of capital accumulation. However, I stress that the post-2010 accumulative state serves only short-term capital accumulation and fails to enact long-term structural transformation.

Social Cohesion and Cultural Diversity in Contemporary Britain: Impossible Mission!

In contemporary multicultural Britain, the concept of social cohesion has been a pressing priority for not only politicians and sociologists but also for the various British ethnic minorities. Race riots like those of 2001 in Northern Britain and the events of 7/7 in London (2005) put into question the allegiances of different British ethnic populations. They equally shed light on the real or perceived lack of social and cultural communication between the established British host population and the British ethnic and immigrant communities. Hence, social cohesion came to the fore as the new jargon of governance in contemporary Britain. This article analyzes on the concept of social cohesion and its applicability within an officially declared multicultural community like that of Great Britain. The concept will be reviewed, defined and approached from different liberal political perspectives while paying special attention to the British context. Bhikhu Parekh’s conception of the different theoretical approaches to the issue of social cohesion that are pertinent to liberal capitalist societies in general and the British context, in particular, is investigated. The aim of this study is to highlight the complexity of the normative accounts of the political scientists regarding the challenges that face multicultural Britain in coming to terms with its endeavor of creating “unity within diversity”. The 2002 White Paper and security speech of David Cameron (2011) political discourses are analyzed and evaluated to decipher how they understood national identity in relation to cultural diversity and social cohesion.

Émile Durkheim e a crítica do capitalismo em da divisão do trabalho social

Este artigo pretende analisar o diagnóstico sociológico de Émile Durkheim (1858-1917) sobre a sociedade moderna como contendo uma relevante crítica do capitalismo. Para tanto, nesse artigo, apresento e discuto os aspectos centrais dessa crítica na obra Da Divisão do Trabalho Social (1893). A primeira parte do artigo consiste numa discussão das teses centrais do livro, de modo a contextualizar o pano de fundo histórico e teórico dentro qual a crítica durkheimiana do capitalismo é formulada. Por sua vez, na segunda parte, dividida em três seções, abordamos o objeto principal desse estudo, buscando articular os pontos de apoio da crítica de Durkheim ao capitalismo industrial e liberal de sua época, a saber: anomia jurídica e moral, autorregulação do mercado e desigualdades.

„Comparative (Bio)Economic Systems” in Terms of Social Responsibility: The Natural Environment – Between Ideal Capitalism, Utopian Socialism and Real-World Interventionism

Comparative judgements related to economic systems (along with pending political ideologies) represent a subject of investigation that, at first glance, appertains to the “ABC” of social sciences, although the “literacy” of policy-makers, business officials, or public opinion reveals surprising understanding flaws. The academic environment – where there is a tacit consensus on the interdisciplinary character of such an approach, on the perpetual relevance within the various (sub)disciplines, and on the somewhat exhaustion of the subordinated debates – remains subtly divided on a series of theoretical delimitations or historical evidence. This article aims to highlight a (sub)domain of the comparative analysis regarding the economic systems in which the literature is not as polarized as it is rarefied: what roots and reverberations does “social responsibility” have within the main economic systems and where and how its “ecological sustainability” component manifests itself? The present research targets to critically and originally review, in a “bioeconomic” key, the way in which social responsibility underlying sustainability is perceived, penetrated and practiced within pure liberal capitalism / market economy, canonical socialism / command economy, and real-world interventionism / mixed economy, offering both a priori insights and empirical illustrations.

REPRESENTASI LIQUID RELIGION KELAS MENENGAH MUSLIM DALAM FILM ISLAMI PASCA ORDE BARU

The main focus of this article is the construction of the middle class Muslims through representation and images in the form of Islamic films. Representations and simulations are used to maintain and strengthen the position of the middle class in Muslim societies. In the era of liberal capitalism, spectacle media is the most popular medium of society. The image is the main value in the media, which disturbs the society of capitalism to smooth the agenda of capitalism and consumerism. The main question in this article is how the representation and simulation of Islam is from the middle class Muslims in Indonesian Islamic films in post-new Order era? This article reveals the position of Islamic films as a medium of preservation of the religious values of the middle class that are displayed through film framing such as economic ability, education qualifications and political choice. The identity of the middle class is a value that is not only illustrated without ideological battles and the struggle for space in films, but at the same time becomes a religious ideological medium, especially the closed middle class Muslims ideology.

Social Cohesion and Cultural Diversity in Contemporary Britain: Impossible Mission!

In contemporary multicultural Britain, the concept of social cohesion has been a pressing priority for not only politicians and sociologists but also for the various British ethnic minorities. Race riots like those of 2001 in Northern Britain and the events of 7/7 in London (2005) put into question the allegiances of different British ethnic populations. They equally shed light on the real or perceived lack of social and cultural communication between the established British host population and the British ethnic and immigrant communities. Hence, social cohesion came to the fore as the new jargon of governance in contemporary Britain.This article analyzes on the concept of social cohesion and its applicability within an officially declared multicultural community like that of Great Britain. The concept will be reviewed, defined and approached from different liberal political perspectives (Robert Dahl’s pluralist approach and Arend Lijphart’s consociationalism to the more recent Will Kymlicka’s group-differentiated citizenship) while paying special attention to the British context. Bhikhu Parekh’s conception of the different theoretical approaches to the issue of social cohesion that are pertinent to liberal capitalist societies in general and the British context, in particular, is investigated. The aim of this study is to highlight the complexity of the normative accounts of the political scientists regarding the challenges that face multicultural Britain in coming to terms with its endeavour of creating “unity within diversity”. The 2002 White Paper and security speech of David Cameron (2011) political discourses are analyzed and evaluated to decipher how they understood national identity in relation to cultural diversity and social cohesion. DOI: https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.3376484

CAPITALISM IN TIMES OF CRISIS

This article investigates how Danish industrialists responded to the rise of the modern state in the decades up until the Second World War, a period in which many of the basic principles of liberal capitalism were called into question, and in which the relationship between the state and the economy underwent major changes in all Western societies. It argues that the industrialists remained firm believers in classical liberalism and, on that ground, opposed growing state intervention as a slide towards socialism. The article has an emphasis on their reactions to calls for social policy initiatives, and it shows that the industrialists typically opposed such initiatives, either on pure ideological grounds or as conflicting with the economic competitiveness of Danish firms. When accommodation to selected demands for a stronger state did take place, it was typically in periods of crisis, the most important being the years just after the First World War. The interwar years did, however, see some approbation to increasing state intervention in the economy, and in the 1930s the idea of cooperation with the state entered their rhetoric. Thus, the article argues that the rhetoric and narratives gradually changed, while the ideological core did not.

Youth Extremist Attitudes Driven By Destabilization of Traditional Culture

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