Levels Of Political Trust Research Articles

The Structure of Individualized and Generalized Political Trust: A Network Analysis of Data from Two Representative-Sample Studies

This study examined the relationship between generalized (trust in the political system) and individualized (trust in a specific political actor) political trust in two surveys with representative samples from Latvia (total N = 2,001). The results of a regularized partial correlation network analysis of the data from both surveys revealed that variables associated with each level of trust formed separate clusters, which were virtually unrelated in Study 1, and moderately related in Study 2. Across both datasets, political cynicism was the only variable robustly (negatively) related to both levels of trust. External political efficacy was strongly related to generalized political trust, whereas internal political efficacy was unrelated to either level of political trust. Generalized interpersonal trust was only weakly related to generalized political trust and was unrelated to individualized political trust. The findings show that trust in the political system and trust in specific political actors form separate, although related, network structures and are likely determined by a different set of variables, representing different kinds of psychological reasoning. Generalized political trust can be seen as part of a general attitude towards one’s country, whereas individualized trust is based on more situational factors and shaped through the mechanisms of person perception and group perception.

Факторы социального доверия в Европе и России

The article analyzes the factors of generalized social trust in the modern states. The authors rely on the “up bottom” approach, which as sumes that trust in political institutions has a significant impact on social trust, while also accounting for socio-economic factors. The authors examine the case of Russia separately due to the specifics of political trust in personalist presidential regimes, Russia’s longer exposure to communism, as well as the modern increase in the level of political trust, which radically exceeds the level of social trust. Based on the comparative study of sociological trends and factors of social trust in the country, they document the gradual development of a situation where social trust is inversely correlated with political trust. They tend to explain this phenomenon by the exaggerated importance of the personal and public security agenda, which negatively affects social trust, while simultaneously increases the demand for political trust. Socio-economic factors in Russia play a limited role, but can resume their influence during periods of reduced social tensions. According to the authors’ conclusion, given the current political system, the potential for increase in social trust in the Russian Federation is limited.

COVID-19 and Political Trust in Local Governments: Evidence From Nepal

The COVID-19 pandemic has reinvigorated debates about the drivers of political trust. Research so far has mainly focused on national-level institutions, during the early stages of the pandemic and using data from established democracies. However, how does this relationship look like if we pay attention to subnational institutions in non-consolidated democracies, and further away from the initial COVID-19 outbreak? To contribute to this line of research, this article focuses on the local level and explores the association between individuals’ satisfaction with COVID-19 performance and political trust in Nepal. For that, it uses novel data collected via telephone interviews (N = 1400) conducted between 25 April and 24 May 2021, during the second wave of COVID-19. Our main results reveal that satisfaction with local institutions’ COVID-related performance is significantly and robustly associated with levels of political trust at the local level. The association holds even when geographical and time specifications are added, trust towards national institutions or expectations about local governments are included in the analysis and the dependent variable is disaggregated to discard measurement biases. The study thereby provides important insights into the role performance plays for institutional trust beyond the national level and in an unconsolidated democracy.

The Impact of Government Participation on the Political Trust of Populist Party Supporters

AbstractCitizens are more trustful of politics if their preferred party is an electoral winner and becomes part of the government. However, there remains the question of whether this positive effect of joining the government also holds for supporters of populist parties. Populists show low levels of political trust, as they strongly criticize the political elite. This study argues that voters of populist parties perceive the political system as more responsive to their concerns when their preferred party becomes part of the government and so they become more trustful of politics. Drawing on the case of Austria, the analyses demonstrate that political trust among populist party voters is higher when their party is in government. In contrast, non-populist voters' level of political trust is more stable, even when their party is not in government.

Explaining media trust among journalists and recipients: Different experiences, different predictors?

Media trust has been studied particularly from the audience perspective so far, while journalists’ trust has been neglected. Therefore, based on representative survey data of journalists and recipients in Germany, we investigated media trust levels of both groups, and we examined political factors driving their trust. Our findings suggest that journalists indicate higher trust levels than recipients and their levels of political trust and political satisfaction increase it. In comparison, social and political trust, along with perceived political influences on journalistic work, are decisive for the level of media trust among recipients.

Political Trust and Ecological Crisis Perceptions in Developing Economies: Evidence from Ecuador

ABSTRACTCould an individual’s perception of the possibility of a future ecological crisis be linked to their level of political trust? Studies of environmental attitudes have identified political trust as an important predictor of support for environmental taxation or risk perceptions surrounding specific local environmental hazards, but less is known about its role when environmental risks are perceived as diffuse and distant. Using original survey data from Ecuador, this article finds that political distrust predicts heightened ecological crisis perceptions and that higher educational attainment intensifies this relationship. A follow-up analysis of the AmericasBarometer’s Ecuador survey shows that political distrust also predicts higher concern about climate change. These findings suggest that when evaluations of political institutions reflect perceptions of environmental risks, individuals blame the government for environmental failures. The implications of this study are particularly relevant for political institutions in developing economies, where the public sector often spearheads development efforts.

When trust is not enough. A longitudinal analysis of political trust and political competence during the first wave of the COVID-19 pandemic in Finland

AbstractIn this study, we explored the longitudinal relationship of political trust and subjective political competence during the COVID-19 outbreak. We also examined how levels of political trust and political competence were associated with compliance with COVID-19 recommendations. We used three-wave panel data including 2,205 observations (N = 735) to study changes within and between individuals from 2017 to 2020. The last round of the survey was conducted at the peak of the first wave of COVID-19. The measures included political trust, subjective political competence, political interest, multiple background variables, and measures for compliance with the social distancing recommendations. We found that Finns’ political trust increased significantly during the first wave of COVID-19. The between-individuals analysis suggested that political competence was negatively associated with trust. The results also indicated that citizens’ compliance with COVID-19 recommendations was directly linked to political trust but depended also on the interaction between competence and trust.

Communal and Exchange-Based Trust in Germany Thirty Years After Reunification: Convergence or Still an East–West Divide?

ABSTRACT It is uncontested that political trust is highly relevant in democratic political systems. Although scholars have begun to study to a larger extent political trust in new democracies, this latter interest has faded away in recent times. To reinvigorate awareness of this area, thirty years after German reunification, we take stock of political trust in East and West Germany. Drawing on ESS data from 2002 to 2018 (ESS 1–9), we study empirically the convergence hypothesis in view of both the levels of political trust and the particular quality of citizens’ trust in its democratic institutions. Our findings show that we can still not speak of a convergence of the mere levels of trust in East and West Germany: East Germans do still display lower levels of trust in both representative and regulatory institutions. Regarding the quality of political trust, however, the gap between East and West is less pronounced. These findings are highly relevant for both research on the social and psychological underpinnings of trust and the assessment of the consequences of the undemocratic heritage for the German political system.

Examining the association between feeling excluded at school and political trust in four Nordic countries

Students’ positive experiences in schools positively predicts students’ political trust. However, little research has examined how individual students’ feelings of exclusion at their schools may relate to students’ political trust. Moreover, how does an overall sense of exclusion from the school relate to political trust apart from individual students’ feelings of exclusion? Lastly, do immigrant students have a different level of political trust, on average, than non-immigrant students? Using data from the 2009 International Civic and Citizenship Education Study, this study employed multilevel modeling to investigate these questions in Denmark, Finland, Norway, and Sweden. The results revealed that students feeling like an outsider at school was a statistically significant predictor of lower feelings of political trust in the four Nordic countries. In three countries the school’s overall sense of exclusion was also a statistically significant predictor. The discussion explores the implication of the findings for students’ political trust.

Political Performance and Political Trust in Australia

While political trust has declined in Australia, reaching its lowest level ever recorded in 2019, there remain very few studies on what explains the variation in political trust and therefore what leads to such change in political trust is less certain in Australia. This paper examines the role of political performance, grounded in the valence model of electoral support, in shaping the political trust of citizens in Australia, using Australian Election Study data from 2001 to 2019. Political performance is measured by economic performance, partisanship, leadership image, political satisfaction, and leadership change, based on the valence model of electoral support. The results demonstrate that economic performance, leadership image, and political satisfaction have contributed to a change in the level of political trust in Australia, whereas partisanship and leadership change have not been significantly associated with variation in political trust.

The Generation of Trust in Political Parties in Ghana

The level of political trust in a country is an important factor for the survival of its political system. Many democratic states have experienced declines in political trust. In Ghana, lack of trust in opposition parties and many public institutions is widespread. Ghanaians trust religious organizations and traditional authorities more than political parties and state institutions; it is, however, political parties that govern and implement public policy. So, what generates trust in Ghanaian parties and political trust more broadly? This article draws on ethnographic data and Afrobarometer survey data to answer this question. We argue that political trust in Ghana is strongly linked to a high degree of party loyalty and political partisanship, and therefore trust largely follows party affiliation. At the same time, factors such as economic performance in government and internal politics and fractions influence the generation of trust. Our analysis shows that political trust in Ghana largely reflects party loyalty but is influenced by a democratic ethos relating to government performance vis-à-vis citizens and internal party politics. This means that the understanding of political trust in Ghana (and elsewhere) must take into consideration the particular histories of political parties, as well as their relationship to power and control of public institutions, and not focus solely on government performance.

Can Political Trust Weaken the Relationship between Perceived Environmental Threats and Perceived Nuclear Threats? Evidence from South Korea.

As environmental movements rage, how to handle nuclear power plants has become a hotly contested issue globally. While concerns about nuclear power plants are warranted, nuclear power plants may play a crucial role in climate change discourse. In this context, this study examines the connections between individuals’ perceived environmental threats and their perceptions of the environmental threats posed by nuclear power plants (perceived nuclear threats). In particular, the study explores whether such connections are moderated by individuals’ level of political trust, such that political trust helps weaken perceptions of threats individuals may feel from nuclear power plants. Using the 2014 Korean General Social Survey and ordered probit, this study confirmed that individuals’ perceived environmental threats were positively associated with their perceived nuclear threats. Additionally, individuals with a high level of trust in the government can help alleviate the positive link between individuals’ perceived environmental threats and perceived nuclear threats.

Changes in political trust in Britain during the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020: integrated public opinion evidence and implications

In this paper, we document changes in political trust in the UK throughout 2020 so as to consider wider implications for the ongoing handling of the COVID-19 pandemic. We analysed data from 18 survey organisations with measures on political trust (general, leadership, and COVID-19-related) spanning the period December 2019–October 2020. We examined the percentage of trust and distrust across time, identifying where significant changes coincide with national events. Levels of political trust were low following the 2019 UK General Election. They rose at the onset of UK lockdown imposed in March 2020 but showed persistent gradual decline throughout the remainder of the year, falling to pre-COVID levels by October 2020. Inability to sustain the elevated political trust achieved at the onset of the pandemic is likely to have made the management of public confidence and behaviour increasingly challenging, pointing to the need for strategies to sustain trust levels when handling future crises.

Do Private Schools in Australia Produce More Active Citizens?

The focus of this paper is whether type of Australian school attended makes a difference in student engagement in political and civic culture. Recently private schools have been said to “undermine cohesion” in Australian society. Similarly, it was argued over two decade ago that Australian private schools have skimmed the elite students from the government sector and now “impart to their pupils values and preferences of the culture from which they are drawn”, namely the dominant culture. Using data from the Youth Electoral Study (YES) survey, this analysis examines whether Australian students in government, Catholic and Independent schools differ in six political domains: voting commitment, positive attitude toward voting, political knowledge, political activism, political trust and civic volunteer behaviour. At the bivariate level, students in private schools generally show higher levels of political engagement compared to students in government schools in all domains. However, when family and school variables are controlled, the differences between these students in voting commitment, political knowledge and volunteer behaviour disappear. However students in Catholic schools show significantly higher levels in positive attitude toward voting and political activism. The effects of Independent schools disappear for five political domains but a significantly high level of political trust remains. Explanations for these patterns of outcomes are put forward, and directions for future research are explored.

Political Values and Political Trust in the Digital Era: How Media Engagement Divides Chinese Netizens

China’s rapid modernization has generated a vibrant online community over the past 20 years. While there is an established body of work on the impact of traditional media on political opinion in China, the patterns and political impact of media engagement among tens of millions of Chinese ‘netizens’ remain under-researched. Using data from the 2015 Chinese Netizens Attitudes Survey, this paper attempts to ameliorate this issue. The results of latent class analysis suggested that most Chinese netizens tend to be active followers of social media and to display low levels of interest in state media. We found that respondents in the online survey were overall much more critical of political institutions on different levels comparing to existing findings based on offline surveys. Those netizens who were strongly attached to social media appeared to be significantly less likely to advocate authoritarian, collectivist, and nationalistic values and to display much lower levels of political trust, whereas the opposite was true of those who were strongly attached to state media. These findings suggest that social media serves as an incubator for critical political reviews and liberal values in China’s online communities, challenging the influence of traditional state-sanctioned media.

大疫當前: 訴諸儒家文明的倫理資源

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.本文論證對於新冠狀病毒疫情只做政治學論證是不夠的，還需要倫理學的反思，因為一個社會的倫理價值承諾才是對其現實政治的一種基礎性指導而不是相反。中華傳統文化的倫理精神同現代西方文化的倫理精神大異其趣。如果突出其不同特點的話，可以分別標識為儒家的天命美德倫理及其家庭主義與和諧主義的特點，針對現代的世俗原則倫理及其原則主義與自由主義的特點。東亞國家對於這次疫情的應對，至少在疫情明顯出現之後，總體上處理得較之西方國家更好，背後實有不同的倫理精神的反應和支撐。本文訴諸儒家美德倫理學的資源，宣導人類進行倫理學的範式轉向：我們需要和諧主義（而不是科學主義）的發展觀、美德主義（而不是原則主義）的決策觀、家庭主義（而不是契約主義）的天下觀。的確，不少人憂慮，這次疫情將會扭轉近些年的全球化發展趨勢，使國際社會進入互相敵對的、封閉的惡性競爭時代。儒家美德倫理學所攜帶的美德、和諧和和平的資訊，應該給予我們深遠的啟示。Why have some countries done better than others in dealing with the coronavirus crisis so far? One popular answer is in terms of politics: everything depends on state capacity, the level of political trust in society, and the quality of leadership. This paper suggests the need to go beyond politics and turn to ethics. If one does not delve into the ethical spirit and substance that underlie tangible political decisions and activities to combat the coronavirus pandemic in a state, one will fail to see the cultural momentum of the people’s responses in that state and miss the moral foundation of the social practices embedded within that state’s civilization in comparison with other civilizations. In particular, this paper argues that the spirit and substance of Chinese ethics differ from those of the contemporary mainstream Western ethics characteristic of secular principlism, which, although they possess important advantages and merits, suffer from a series of defects and failures, including untenable reductionism, a type of dogmatism, and even radicalism. In contrast, Confucian civilization provides the Chinese with a virtue ethics that is not principlism. It is rather an exposition of Confucian virtue (de), as a powerful but peaceful moral force, that is entrenched within the fundamental structures of the universe (as portrayed in the images of yin-yang, the eight trigrams, and the 64 hexagrams in the Classic of Change) and within the ritual activities of human beings (as described in the ceremonial and minute rituals in the three Confucian ritual classics) to shape the Confucian moral character. Confucian virtue principles and rules are implicit in such structures and the rituals to be formulated in connection with them, but they cannot be created through pure reason. They play their roles in human practices along with structures and rituals but can never exhaust their richness and profundity. The paper indicates that this virtue ethics contains a Confucian notion of harmonious freedom (that can counter scientific determinism) and a familist ethic (that can be adopted to check and balance runaway contractualism), which can be fruitfully used to direct political decisions and activities to combat the coronavirus pandemic and to accomplish peaceful and fruitful outcomes in society.DOWNLOAD HISTORY | This article has been downloaded 9 times in Digital Commons before migrating into this platform.

Temporal dynamics of political trust in China: A cohort analysis

This article focuses on the changing trends in political trust in China. Based on data drawn from the Asian Barometer Survey for 2002, 2008, and 2011, as well as the Chinese General Social Survey for 2010 and 2012, we find a declining trend in the level of political trust in China, whether it be trust in the central government, trust in the local government, or the central–local government trust gap. Additionally, the results of our analysis show a strong cohort effect on the erosion of political trust. This study provides solid empirical evidence of declining political trust in China and increases our understanding of the changing dynamics of political trust. By analysing changes in citizens’ values and in the political expectations of the new generation, this article sheds light on the antecedents of political trust in China, which is gradually changing across different generations.

Luxury or Necessity? A Three Wave Panel Study on Welfare State Outcomes, Procedural Fairness, and Political Distrust

The various crises that EU countries faced in the last decade resulted in large scale welfare state retrenchment. Seeing that citizens interact with welfare state institutions on a daily basis, these changes likely affect citizens’ satisfaction with the welfare state. A small but growing body of literature shows that evaluation of these welfare state institutions influence trust in the political system more generally. From a self-interest perspective, welfare state retrenchment would result in a decline in political trust. This article studies whether political trust can be generated in times of research scarcity: by ensuring procedural fairness. Studies on procedural fairness have almost exclusively focused on the input side democracy. This article tests whether and how procedural fairness at the output side of democracy affects trust in the political system. Using unique panel data on citizens’ real experiences with welfare state institutions, we employ the Random Effects Within Between multilevel framework to provide causal evidence that greater procedural fairness at citizens’ interactions with welfare state officials generates higher levels of political trust. More specifically, procedural fairness particularly matters for those who are unsatisfied with the welfare state services overall. These findings have important implications for research on democratic legitimacy, as well as for the design of welfare state services.

Deliberative democracy and trust in political institutions at the local level: evidence from participatory budgeting experiment in Ukraine

ABSTRACTDeliberative democracy assumes that management decisions based on open voluntary and fair procedures are rational and just. This article presents arguments that deliberative democracy can bolster trust in democratic institutions. Moreover, deliberative practices can increase citizens’ level of political trust not only in stable democracies but also in hybrid regimes. This is demonstrated through an examination of participatory budgeting in Ukraine, with the use of data from a field experiment in 2015–2016 (with 740 participants).

Restoring Rights, Restoring Trust: Evidence that Reversing Felon Disenfranchisement Penalties Increases Both Trust and Cooperation with Government

More than six million American citizens were denied the right to vote in the 2016 Presidential Election because they had been convicted of a felony crime. Beyond the effects of these laws on voter turnout and electoral outcomes, how do felony disenfranchisement laws affect the citizens who are being disenfranchised? This study estimates the effects of restoring voting rights on the level of political trust among citizens who were formerly disenfranchised. Two field experiments are embedded within panel surveys conducted before and after statewide elections in Ohio and Virginia. The survey population is composed of American citizens with a felony conviction who were once disenfranchised, but now are either eligible to vote, or are eligible to have their voting rights restored. Both experiments leverage misinformation about voting rights policies as an opportunity to estimate how people respond when they receive new information about more lenient voting rights restoration policies. Experimental treatments randomly increase awareness about restored voting rights, along with varying encouragements and assistance with registration and voting. In both experiments, treated subjects report stronger trust in government and the criminal justice system, perceive government as being more fair and representative, and report an increased willingness to cooperate with law enforcement. The results suggest that restoring voting rights to disenfranchised citizens helps those citizens develop the types of pro-democratic attitudes commonly associated with successful post-prison re-entry, reduced tendencies to commit crime, and lower rates of recidivism.