Levels Of Xenophobia Research Articles

Investigation the relationship between xenophobic attitude and intercultural sensitivity level in nurses

ObjectiveThe level of intercultural sensitivity is important for nurses to approach the individual's culture in care and treatment without prejudice. In this study, it was aimed to determine the effect of nurses' intercultural sensitivity level on xenophobic attitude. MethodsThis quantitative cross-sectional study was conducted at Van Training and Research Hospital between January and June 2022. The Introductory Information Form, the Xenophobia Scale, and the Intercultural Sensitivity Scale were used to collect the research data. SPSS-25 package program and R programming language 4.1.3 are used. ResultsThis study was conducted with 235 nurses. According to the findings obtained in our study, the regression model determine the effect of intercultural sensitivity on xenophobia level was found to be F(1,233) = 69.857, p = 0.001, and 23.1 % (R2 = 0.231) of the variance in the dependent variable was explained by the independent variable. Intercultural sensitivity has a negative and significant effect on the level of xenophobia (β = −0.480; t (233) = −8.358, p = 0.001). When comparing the performance of all variables with machine learning algorithms for the prediction model, the best performing algorithm was found to be Random Forest (RF). The contributions of these variables to the model were calculated with Shapley Additive Explanations (SHAP) values. The most important variables that should be included in the model to predict the xenophobia variable are the respect for cultural differences sub-dimension and intercultural sensitivity variables. ConclusionIt was determined that as the level of intercultural sensitivity of the nurses increased, their xenophobic attitudes decreased. Longitudinal studies on xenophobic attitude in nurses are recommended. It is recommended to make predictions with different machine learning models.

Investigation of the Relationship Between Xenophobic Attitude and Intercultural Sensitivity Level in Health Education Students

Intercultural sensitivity and xenophobia levels of health education students can affect the care they give to the patient. It is important to know the level of intercultural sensitivity and xenophobia of students receiving health education and to determine the relationship between them. The purpose of the study was to examine the relationship between xenophobic attitudes and intercultural sensitivity among university students. This quantitative cross-sectional research was conducted in between January and June 2022 with health education students. The study conducted with health education students at Gumushane University and Agri Ibrahim Cecen University. Child Development, Nursing, Emergency Management Services/Technicians, Nutrition and Dietetics, Elderly care, Social services, Medical Laboratory Techniques, and Disabled Care studying at these universities were included in the study. Students who received health education and wanted to participate voluntarily in the study were included. Students aged 18 and over, studying in the health education department of the university, studying in the 1, 2, 3, 4th classes and volunteering to participate in the study were included in the study. The Introductory Information Form, the Xenophobia Scale, and the Intercultural Sensitivity Scale were used to collect the research data. This study was conducted with 789 students. According to our study, a significant negative correlation was found between the students' xenophobia scale and the intercultural sensitivity scale total score means (p < .05). Intercultural sensitivity has a negative and significant effect on the level of xenophobia (β = -0.116; t (787) = -3.283, p = .001). A significant difference was found between the students' Xenophobia Scale total score mean and gender, department, and grade (p < .05) as was the case between Intercultural Sensitivity Scale total score mean and gender, department, grade, immigrant acquaintance, and foreign language knowledge (English language) level (p < .05). Intercultural sensitivity has a negative and significant effect on the level of xenophobia. It can negatively affect the level of caregiving of students receiving health education. It is thought that intercultural sensitivity will be developed by including course content in the curriculum to increase students' intercultural effectiveness and awareness levels and to reduce xenophobic prejudices.

COVID-19 Fake News and Attitudes toward Asian Americans

This study examined the relationship between an inability to identify COVID-19 fake news, right-wing authoritarianism (RWA), soci- odemographic factors (i.e., race, biological sex), and the level of xenophobia along with anti-Asian American sentiment. Participants included 100 male and female college students. Participants answered questions about their social media usage and were asked to identify social media news posts as either false or accurate. Participants also completed a series of measures regarding their attitudes toward Asian Americans and xenophobia. Soci- odemographic variables of race and sex were examined as well as partici- pants levels of RWA. Participants were frequent social media users, with many having multiple social media accounts. Almost twenty-one percent of participants were unable to identify COVID-19 fake news. Higher rates of xenophobia were found among White participants. Male, compared to female, participants were more likely to report experiencing kinship with Asian Americans. Both RWA and an inability to identify COVID-19 fake news was associated with increased prejudicial attitudes. Implications and directions for future research are discussed.

„Piedmont”, „Banderstadt”, and the „Cradle of nationalism”. Ethnopolitical study of a city

The West Ukrainian city of Lviv is often described as a „cradle”, or „hotbed”, of Ukrainian nationalism, within a broader media-spread narrative that counter-opposes Ukraine’s allegedly „nationalistic West” and so-called „pro-Russian East”. The article questions this quasi-binary opposition at the both formal-logical and substantive level, and examines the factors that informed and still tend to support the „nationalistic” image of the region. It finds out no data-based evidence of a higher level of xenophobia or intolerance in Western Ukraine if compared with other Ukrainian regions or some neighboring states, and concludes that the primary reason for the „nationalistic” othering of the city of Lviv and the Western Ukraine was their defiance of the Soviet rule, Soviet norms and values in the post-WWII period. That defiance had many forms but the most manifestly observable was a brazen free use of Ukrainian in the urban environment, deemed „nationalistic” and stigmatized elsewhere in Ukraine. The article draws on the earlier observations of close connection between Ukrainian identity (nationalism) and pro-Western orientation (set of values), determined by a peculiar development of the Ukrainian national project since its very inception in the first half of the 19th century. The higher patriotic mobilization in Lviv (and in Western Ukraine in general) is seen as the main reason for a higher level of social optimism and apparently exaggerated assessments of personal well-being in Lviv vis-à-vis Ukraine’s average. Nowadays, West Ukrainians and the denizens of Lviv face a difficult dual task: to tackle their burdensome „nationalistic” image and to play the self-assigned role of Ukrainian „Piedmont” that leads both the national revival and social modernization. The emphasis on the latter, the essay implies, might be a good key to the successful managing of the former. Key words: Lviv, Western Ukraine, nationalism, xenophobia, propagandistic othering and stereotyping.

New South African Policy in Combating Xenophobia

The research is motivated by the extensive literature on the elevated levels of xenophobia in South Africa. The main contribution of the research to the academic field of ethnic conflict studies is that the author comprehensively approaches the determination of the level of xenophobia in South African society, whereas the majority of the literature on the issue has focused on the analysis of individual manifestations of xenophobic violence. This research was guided through three research questions: (1) what are the causes of xenophobia in South Africa? (2) What is the legal framework of South African policy addressing anti-migrant attacks? (3) What measures does the government of South Africa take to combat xenophobia? The principal purpose of the research is to help modernize South Africa’s policies, legislation and practices against xenophobia and related intolerance on the basis of the analysis proposed. Research methods included the study and analysis of literature and social surveys, the collection and analysis of factual materials, the study of documents, methods of quantitative and qualitative data processing. The article describes in detail the political, cultural, economic and socio-historical reasons of xenophobia and analyzes current policies of South Africa against anti-migrant attacks. As a result, the research illustrates what factors contribute to the spread of xenophobic violence and why the government’s actions to combat this social issue have so far been ineffective. The findings of the paper support the prediction that if the government pays attention to the roots of the problem, xenophobia in South African can be significantly reduced.

Who is on our side? complexities of national identification among native and immigrant youth in Catalonia

ABSTRACT Youth in Catalonia are caught in the middle of a hotly contested political conflict over the region’s possible independence from Spain. Focusing on a large sample of secondary school students (n = 1550; 24.6% immigrants) from 30 schools, we use multilevel modelling to investigate identification with competing national identities and their implications for xenophobia. The larger social context is reflected in native students viewing Catalan and Spanish identifications as incompatible with one another, whereas this is not the case for immigrant students, who are much more likely to identify as both Catalan and Spanish, albeit at a lower level. Investigating the perceived basis of what makes someone Catalan, native students viewed their national identity to be a matter of both ascription (e.g. birth, legal status) and practice (e.g. embracing traditions, personal feelings), whereas the identifications of both Muslim and non-Muslim immigrants were exclusively based on viewing Catalan identity as a matter of practice. Conceiving of Catalan identity as a matter of practice was also linked to lower levels of xenophobia. Our findings are consistent with the conception of Catalan national identity as cosmopolitan and welcoming to immigrants, in line with outreach of the Catalan independence movement seeking to attract support.

Xenophobia trends in Germany: Increasing negative attitude towards foreigners in younger birth cohorts

ABSTRACTXenophobia denotes prejudice towards those perceived as foreign. I examined trends in xenophobia according to age, time period, and birth cohort, using population-based data of Germans (ALLBUS, N = 20,023), aged 18 to 97 years, spanning a time period from 1996–2016. I found that xenophobia increased strongly with age and decreased, to a lesser extent, over time periods. Additionally, there were robust U-shaped birth cohort effects, such that younger cohorts born after 1970 expressed increasingly higher levels of xenophobia. Therefore, xenophobia in Germany seemed to decrease across time periods for the whole population, but increased in more recent cohorts, who might thus express more prejudice than previous generations. Future studies should investigate the mechanisms that contribute to these trends and the generalizability of the observed cohort effects.

Media coverage and immigration worries: Econometric evidence

This paper empirically explores the link between mass media coverage of migration and immigration worries. Using detailed data on media coverage in Germany, we show that the amount of media reports regarding migration issues is positively associated with concerns about immigration among the German population. This association is strongest when immigrants are the protagonists of media reports. The established relationship is robust to the inclusion of time-variant individual control variables and individual fixed-effects. We address endogeneity concerns by employing media spillovers from the neighboring country of Switzerland, which occur due to referendum decisions on immigration, as an instrumental variable. The IV estimates suggest that media coverage has a causal impact on immigration worries. The effect of media coverage persists even when worries concerning unemployment, crime or the level of xenophobia are accounted for. Exploring subgroups of respondents reveals that the link between coverage and immigration worries is particularly relevant for women and respondents who are not active in the workforce.

Race, Xenophobia, and Punitiveness Among the American Public

ABSTRACTWe outline four connections between xenophobia and punitiveness toward criminals in a national sample of Americans. First, among self-identified whites xenophobia is more predictive of punitiveness than specific forms of racial animus. Second, xenophobia and punitiveness are strongly connected among whites, but are only moderately and weakly related among black and Hispanic Americans, respectively. Third, among whites substantial proportions of the variance between sociodemographic, political, and religious predictors of punitiveness are mediated by levels of xenophobia. Finally, xenophobia is the strongest overall predictor of punitiveness among whites. Overall, xenophobia is an essential aspect of understanding public punitiveness, particularly among whites.

Trait Anxiety Index Among Students with Different Levels of Xenophobia

Trait Anxiety Index Among Students with Different Levels of Xenophobia

Do education and urbanism really contribute to reduce xenophobia in African societies? evidence from Botswana

This paper examines the relationship between xenophobia and several social-economic factors, focusing on education, in Botswana. Education has moderating influence on discriminatory attitudes and behavior. The academia is vulnerable to discriminatory influences where existing ideas may be deemed threatened by some people. Education should improve the intellectual, social and economic wellbeing of individuals. The results of our study indicate that it has not been quite the case in Botswana. This study is based on primary data from Southern African Migration Project (SAMP), a nationally representative random sample survey of three urban areas (Gaborone, Francistown and Kanye) in June and July 2001. Our results support the theory that education moderates xenophobia. Adjusted odds ratios indicate that people with primary and secondary education were four and two times, respectively, as likely to be xenophobic than those with tertiary education [OR & 95% CI: 4.68(2.60, 8.43); 2.08(1.31, 3.32)]. There was no significant difference between the levels of xenophobia of city and rural dwellers. Policies to roll back xenophobia should include introduction of courses that focus on multicultural liberal democracy.

Xenophobia, Asylum Seekers, and Immigration Policies in Germany

In the context of Germany's anti-Semitic past, current attitudes towards refugees and immigrants are surveyed and compared with other countries. Higher levels of xenophobia in former East Germany, despite far fewer foreigners than in West Germany, is explained with the official denial of the fascist legacy, in contrast to an effective reeducation policy and dealing with the Nazi past in the West. Islamophobia and allegations of welfare tourism have now emerged as the main obsession of xenophobes. Yet, overall attitudes towards outsiders have improved, together with legislative changes in immigration policy and citizenship acquisition, the weekly anti-Muslim demonstrations by PEGIDA (Patriotic Europeans) in Dresden and arson attacks on asylum homes notwithstanding. Younger and better educated Germans are far less xenophobic. This analysis portrays the current German public discourse, provides relevant statistics on immigration, explores contested integration/asylum policies, scrutinizes implications of categories from the cultural repertoire through which migrancy is understood and assesses the contending political forces.

Xenophobia among Youngsters: The Effect of Inter-Ethnic Contact

This study examines xenophobic attitudes of secondary school pupils in the Netherlands. This study builds upon a previous research in three ways. First, attitudes of pupils from both the ethnic majority and minority groups are examined. Second, the impact of positive as well as negative inter-ethnic contacts both within and outside the school environment is determined. Finally, hypotheses about inter-ethnic contacts are tested while simultaneously reckoning with alternative mechanisms that might explain xenophobic attitudes. Cross-classified multilevel regression analyses show that the level of xenophobia is lower when pupils evaluate their inter-ethnic contacts as positive, and higher when they perceive these contacts as negative. However, the impact of positive inter-ethnic contact in class disappears or even reverses when multiculturalism is more emphasized during lessons.

Deviance and Power in Late Medieval London (review)

Reviewed by: Deviance and Power in Late Medieval London Barbara A. Hanawalt Deviance and Power in Late Medieval London. By Frank Rexroth. Translated by Pamela E. Selwyn. [Past and Present Publications.] (New York: Cambridge University Press. 2007. Pp. xiv, 411. $115.00. ISBN 978-0-521-84730-8.) Frank Rexroth’s study of the marginals and the underworld of medieval London was first published in German as Das Mileu der Nacht: Obrigkeit und Ranggruppen im Spämittelalterlichen London (Göttingen, 1999). The book is a very important one and deserving of a translation to make it more generally [End Page 141] available to an English-speaking audience. The change of title is an improvement, because it places the emphasis on the author’s thesis that by defining deviants, the governing elite increased their own power. The book is divided into two parts that rest somewhat uneasily with each other. The first part is a chronological consideration of the changing mentality of medieval London civic ideas and official thinking starting with the Hundred Years War and culminating with the major moral legislation of John of Northampton at the end of the fourteenth century. The second part of the book deals more directly with the underworld itself, taken largely from the few surviving courts of the aldermen. These courts, Rexroth argues, strengthened the hand of the aldermen and helped to define the expected behavior of citizens of London. These records, however, are sporadically preserved and leave some doubt about their effectiveness in supporting the author’s thesis. Rexroth argues in the first section that London authorities, struggling with keeping peace in the city, focused on differentiating the insiders (the elites) from the other, the good from the bad. The program of marginalizing segments of the population started with Jews and lepers, but then moved on to include prostitutes and sturdy beggars. Foreigners, particularly Italians and Flemish, and new arrivals from the countryside were regarded with suspicion and sometimes became the object of deadly riots. The Hundred Years War brought new levels of xenophobia and anxiety about keeping order. The next crises, the plague of 1348 and subsequent outbreaks of the disease, brought new alarms. The king, Parliament, and London’s elite became alarmed at the increased mobility of the surviving population who sought higher wages. The old order seemed to have become unmoored. The immediate reaction was to try to freeze prices and wages at the 1347 level. Enforcement was difficult, but it gave renewed possibilities for London’s mayor and aldermen to crack down on the vagrants and new immigrants to the city. The Revolt of 1381 gave impetus to more refined definitions of “the other” and more public humiliations of offenders such as the pillory. As reflected in the original title of the book, Rexroth argues that the marginalized groups functioned after dark, but his argument contains contrary threads. He argues that London authorities not only wanted to marginalize people but also wanted to strive for moral purity and transparency of the city laws and ordinances. To this end, they also passed ordinances about butchering, street cleaning, and other aspects of the daily running of the city. But these activities were not all conducted at night, and the offenders were not marginals. The fault of Rexroth’s argument lies in his attempt to weave into his argument all the information available on London’s records. In the process he loses the thread of the argument and stretches the patience of the reader with superfluous data. For a scholar interested in the detail of London peacekeeping, Rexroth’s book is a great contribution. For readers who would like to learn about the [End Page 142] medieval underworld, however, the attempt to tie virtually everything that happened to his thesis obscures the author’s main points. Barbara A. Hanawalt The Ohio State University Copyright © 2009 The Catholic University of America Press

Xenophobia among the Czech Population in the Context of Post-Communist Countries and Western Europe

This article is based on data found in the European Value Study of 1999 and focuses on the following questions: (1) What is the degree of intensity of xenophobia among the Czech population in comparison with the states of Western and post-Communist Europe? (2) How is the view of 'foreign' ethnic group differentiated? (3) What groupings among countries may be identified if we examine the character of xenophobic attitudes among the population? (4) What factors influence the level of xenophobia of an individual? The article confirms the overall high degree of intensity of xenophobia among the population of post-communist countries in comparison with advanced Western states. The intensity of xenophobia among the Czechs roughly corresponds to the average of attitudes of the entire sample. From the viewpoint of attitudes toward individual 'foreign' ethnic groups, the respondents expressed the strongest rejection of the Roma, and were most tolerant toward the Jewish ethnic group. The EVS data also enabled a partial identification of traits for a profile of a xenophobe.

Germans and ‘others’: Racism, xenophobia, or ‘legitimate conservatism'?

Drawing on data from various sources, the article assesses the extent of xenophobia and the potential support base for right‐wing extremism in the united Germany. The data shows that West Germany displayed a considerable level of xenophobia before unification, and that at present, Germans in east and west display strikingly similar patterns of hostility towards foreigners. In comparison to their European neighbours, however, the Germans are not markedly different. In addition to levels of education, and placement on a Left‐Right scale, the driving force behind xenophobic attitudes ‐ both in Germany and in other European Community states ‐ are economic and social fears and a perception of relative deprivation.