Legitimate Power Research Articles

Justice as a means of ensuring of the rule of law principle implementation

The article examines the factors that determine the content and essential aspect of justice epistemology results. It was noted that in the conditions of globalization and integration processes, there is a necessity to create an effective justice system that would guarantee compliance with human rights and freedoms, ensure justice and legitimacy of state power. Justice itself acts as a key tool for the rule of law principle implementing, as it is designed to ensure the equality of all before the law, the independence of the judiciary and effective protection of rights and legitimate interests. The key historical, political, economic and European integration factors determining the state of the epistemology of the judicial system in Ukraine have been established and characterized. Attention is focused on the consequences of the soviet past, including distrust of the judicial system and a low legal culture. The influence of political factors is considered and relevant examples are given; the consequences of these factors for justice are indicated. Economic factors increasing corruption risks are analyzed. The importance of European integration processes in reforming the judicial power is covered separately. Attention is focused on the importance of the independence of courts, access to justice and the quality of court decisions as key elements of implementing the rule of law principle. The role of justice in the legal culture formation and equality before the law ensuring is also considered. Provisions reflecting the role of justice in ensuring the rule of law are indicated: protection of human rights and freedoms; ensuring equality of all before the law; interpretation and application of the law; control over the legality of state authorities’ activity; formation of legal culture. It is summarized that justice plays a central role in ensuring the implementation of the principle of the rule of law by ensuring the independence of courts, access to justice for all citizens, high quality of court decisions and their effective implementation. All these elements are an integral part of a law-based state, where the rule of law is the basic principle of society and the state functioning.

(Un)Funny Against All Odds: The Changing Landscape of Humour in Politics

The article wants to set the stage for the rest of the special issue titled ‘From resistance to legitimation: The changing role of humour in politics’ by providing an overview of some the key concepts, theories and approaches to humour. It begins by considering different concepts of and some of the theoretical approaches to the functions and implications of humour including relief, superiority and incongruity as well as carnival theory and the role of parody. From these ideas, it outlines several functions of using humour in politics which include the raising of public attention and distraction, provocation and isolation from critique, humour as a means of persuasion and anxiety management as well as the use of humour as a means of stabilizing and de-stabilizing hierarchies. Turning to the main contribution of the special issue it outlines the changing relationship of humour in politics from a means of critique of power to a means of legitimation of power. It places the contribution of the special issue in this debate and holds that humour plays an ambiguous role and calls for further research into the dark and unfunny side of humour in politics.

Легитимность насилия в техногенном обществе

The author examines the transformation of violence as a way of survival into “violence of power”, characteristic of modern civilization, the legitimacy of its legitimization, the use of resources of the information network society, technogenic civilization to regulate internal and external state relations, and new management perspectives. The legitimacy of the activities of states that claim the right to identify weak, dying or failed states as the source of modern political violence, instability and threats, and to carry out "humanitarian missions" against them, is called into question. The types of violence that are logically built into the development system of modern technogenic society, such as economic, institutional, and informational, are considered. Attention is drawn to the effectiveness of new technologies for the introduction of military innovations and the development of military potential in support of external legitimate state violence. The inability of modern society to control and regulate increasingly complex information systems and the tendency of the authorities to proactively assess negative consequences and prevent the possibility of their occurrence are emphasized. The mechanisms of a technogenic society contribute both to the control of the legitimacy of power and provide the power with the opportunity to control society. Therefore, a culture of peace can serve as a new trend in the development of humanity.

The dual economics in the labour process: managerial contradictions and indirect control

One of the greatest impacts of Braverman’s Labour and Monopoly Capital is the discovery of a ‘control imperative’ within the capitalist production process. Whereas his equation of capitalist domination and Taylorism has been heavily criticized early on, the capabilities of the expanded use of digital technologies at the workplace have raised the question of whether a Taylorist mode of control is on the advance once again. The article challenges this perspective by addressing managerial problems that go beyond the problem to transform labour power into actual labour. Taking up Sohn-Rethel’s theory of ‘dual economics’, we argue that the necessity to reconcile contradictory requirements of the ‘economics of the market’ and the ‘economics of production’ poses an equally crucial challenge for management. Whereas that ‘problem of reconciliation’ remained latent in the Fordist era, tensions between the two logics of economics have now increasingly become a problem to solve within the course of controlling the labour process. Drawing on our own research on ‘the inner marketization of the firm’ over the last 15 years, we discuss ‘indirect control’ as a mode of control that precisely addresses the problem of reconciliation and considers recent changes in the course of digitalization. On the basis of our empirical findings, we describe the contradictory forms of activating and restricting subjectivity in the digital workplace and its implications for the legitimation of managerial power and capitalist domination.

LEGITIMATE POWER AS A MEDIATOR OF THE INFLUENCE OFKNOWLEDGE AND PROCEDURAL JUSTICE ON TAX COMPLIANCE

This study analyzes the influence of taxpayer knowledge and procedural justice on tax compliance. This study also analyzes the role of power legitimacy as a mediating variable. Legitimacy of power is expected to mediate the influence of taxpayer knowledge and procedural justice in increasing taxpayer compliance. This research is quantitative research that tests hypotheses using primary data through distributing questionnaires. The population in this research is individual taxpayers who carry out business activities and tax consultants who are members of the Indonesian Tax Consultants Association (IKPI). The sampling technique uses convenience sampling. Hypothesis testing uses SEM PLS statistical tools by conducting path analysis tests to obtain results of the direct influence of taxpayer knowledge and procedural justice on tax compliance and the indirect influence, namely taxpayer knowledge and procedural justice on tax compliance through the mediating variable power legitimacy. These results of hypothesis testing prove that taxpayer knowledge and procedural justice each have a positive effect on power legitimacy and tax compliance. Besides that, power legitimacy also plays a role in mediating the influence of knowledge and procedural justice on tax compliance. This research can prove the theory of planned behavior that the behavior shown by a person arises because of the individual's inner intention to behave. The research implication from the theoretical aspect is that it can prove the role of power legitimacy as a mediating variable that links the influence of knowledge and procedural justice on tax compliance.

A Philosophical Analysis of the Legitimacy of Political Power in Tanzania from a Lockean Perspective

This article conducts a philosophical analysis of the legitimacy of political power in Tanzania using John Locke’s political theory as a framework. It evolved from researcher’s observation and empirical studies that concerned political legitimacy in Tanzania. The lack of philosophical approach opened away for philosophical investigations and the necessity of involving philosophical views like that of the John Locke, in addressing of the shaking political legitimacy in Tanzania. The factors such as; allegations of corruption, restricted freedom of expression and limited access to justice, stimulated the author into philosophical inquiring, in accordance to John Locke’s political philosophy on the theory of legitimacy of political power. The Article examines how Locke’s principles of consent, protection of individual rights, and limited government apply within Tanzania’s socio-political context. The study highlights significant challenges to political legitimacy, including allegations of electoral manipulation, constraints on political freedoms, and governance issues such as corruption and lack of transparency. Recommendations are proposed to enhance democratic governance and accountability in Tanzania, emphasizing the critical need to strengthen electoral integrity, protect fundamental rights such as freedom of expression and assembly, and bolster institutional frameworks for transparency and judicial independence. By applying Locke’s principles, this analysis aims to contribute insights into the dynamics of political authority in Tanzania and suggest pathways for fostering a more inclusive, accountable, and legitimate governance framework aligned with the aspirations of its citizens.

The Search for Legitimacy over Yugoslavia: Rudolf Bićanić and the Power of Gold

Abstract While historical narratives of the communist legitimation of power in Yugoslavia have often marginalized perspectives of lesser-known civil servants, this study highlights the crucial role of Dr. Rudolf Bićanić, a renowned Yugoslav economist. Departing from the diplomatic, foreign political, and military perspectives when investigating the Yugoslav émigré government actions, this article explores the ideas espoused, networks created, and actions performed by Bićanić across diverse transnational settings. Bićanić’s lens as a vice-governor of the Yugoslav National Bank demonstrates that the debates regarding the future social and economic policies shaped the transition process between the two Yugoslav states. Driven by a mission to enhance peasant living conditions in Yugoslavia, Bićanić embarked on a brief yet impactful governmental career from 1941 to 1945. The article posits that Bićanić’s anti-government propaganda disseminated through the United Committee of South Slavs and his financial malversations led to the transfer of economic and political legitimacy over Yugoslavia in April 1944 to the National Liberation Council. With this action, Bićanić accelerated the signing of the Tito-Šubašić agreement in June 1944, which empowered him to negotiate the post-war reconstruction aid and loans in Washington, DC, carving a unique path for Yugoslavia between socialism and capitalism.

Being watched: The aftermath of covert policing

AbstractThe ongoing Undercover Policing Inquiry (UCPI) is largely a response to a stream of national media scandals that exposed the illegal and unethical behaviour of undercover police officers in two secretive units. The testimony of those who were the targets of undercover operations has further exposed the human costs stemming from the personalised and highly invasive surveillance undertaken by anonymous state agents. In this article, we reflect upon the existing research on covert policing and identify new areas for conceptual and methodological engagement, with a view to better understanding the harms that these secretive operations can generate. Attending to the inherent and inescapable intimacy of covert policing offers a much‐needed opportunity to explore the effects of a unique state practice that can radically alter the lives of individual surveillance subjects, and which tests our conventional understandings of the legitimacy and limits of force, coercion and police power.

Holy Bishops, Papal Canonisation and the Legitimisation of Power in Thirteenth-Century Norway and Poland: The Cases of Eystein Erlendsson of Nidaros and Stanislaus of Kraków

Holy Bishops, Papal Canonisation and the Legitimisation of Power in Thirteenth-Century Norway and Poland: The Cases of Eystein Erlendsson of Nidaros and Stanislaus of Kraków

The evolution of political power legitimacy conceptions

The concept of the power legitimacy as one of the problems in the field of public administration was first mentioned by the German jurist G. Jellinek of the late 19th - early 20th century, then it was deeply developed in the theory of political domination by M. Weber. Realizing the importance of this issue, scientists from different countries one way or another turned to it and refined its various aspects. This article provides a critical analysis of the basic concepts of the legitimacy of power, based on the contribution to the development of this issue by M. Weber, D. Easton, I. Cerovac, J. Rawls, D. Estlund and J. Habermas. Since the problem of the legitimacy of power is directly related to the maintenance of a democratic regime, the declared concepts are considered in the context of the varieties of democracies for which they were created. The purpose of this study is not only to analyze successive concepts of the legitimacy of political power, but also to identify their relationship with the prevailing ideas about democracy in science and society at the time the concept appeared. The study was carried out within the framework of a systematic approach using general theoretical methods of analysis and synthesis, systematization and classification, as well as the case study method for country analysis.

SECURITY DIMENSION OF THE GLOBAL ISSUES

The article deals with current global issues of our time in their security dimension. An attempt has been made to outline the various directions of influence of global problems on the security architecture in today’s conditions. It was proposed to divide the global problems of our time into natural-ecological and socio-economic ones. At the same time, in our opinion, pandemics occupy an intermediate position between natural and anthropogenic problems. It has been argued that the modern economy is less vulnerable to natural disasters than it has been before, but natural disasters take more lives due to the high population density in the modern world. Human impact on the environment has been extremely destructive. Air pollution on a catastrophic scale is observed in large cities of the developing countries. Deforestation and desertification are making more and more areas uninhabitable. Global warming and climate change are seen not only in the rise in temperature, but also in the appearance of weather anomalies, the melting of glaciers, and the rise in the level of the World Ocean. The appearance of «climate migrants» has been explained to be one of the consequences of climate change. The combination of natural and social dimensions of global issues has been illustrated with the examples of conflicts over water. Socio-economic problems are mostly determined by the imperfection of society. This article has dealt with the demographic problem in different dimensions: in the Western countries there is a demographic crisis, and in the developing countries there is a demographic explosion, which has been shown using the example of Nigeria, Egypt, Bangladesh, Ethiopia, etc. Poverty in these countries has an important impact on economic security. A large number of people do not have the basic necessities for life (food, safe water and sanitation, shelter, healthcare, etc.) and live in conditions of absolute poverty. In some countries, the literacy rate is still quite low. The globalisation of criminal activity also a danger. Some countries, such as Haiti, can fall under the control of criminal groups. Terrorism is a type of crime that deserves to be investigated separately for many reasons. All the listed problems are extremely urgent in the conditions of inefficient political management. Solving issues related to security and overcoming the consequences of global issues is possible only in the presence of an effectively functioning public administration system. But creating a good governance system is a difficult task under conditions of dictatorship or the absence of legitimate state power. The issue of supporting international security in all spheres is a topical problem in international politics. It has been underlined that joint efforts can help to overcome of the explored issues.

VIEWS OF THE NATIONAL ELITE OF THE COSSACK ERA ON THE MONARCHICAL FORM OF GOVERNMENT

At the present time, when the Ukrainian state is going through a difficult process of defending its independence, it is important to study the historical origins of our statehood, which shows the process of state formation in Ukraine. Specifically, it is important to understand the historical experience of the Cossack statehood during the latter half of the seventeenth century, including the challenges it faced in terms of foreign policy and international relations. In the mid-17th century, Europe underwent a period of social and political development marked by the formation of national states and the establishment of bourgeois relations. Ukraine was not exempt from these pan-European processes. The Ukrainian liberation struggle aimed to create an independent Ukrainian state and introduce new social and economic relations based on small-scale (in fact, farmer-type) Cossack ownership of land. During the latter half of the 17th century, the Cossack state was divided between two forms of government due to the hetmans’ desire to establish a monarchy. However, the Cossacks’ senior officers (starshyna) firmly adhered to republican principles, primarily defending their own class interests. This article aims to elucidate the unique characteristics of the political culture of the Cossack officers and their inclination towards establishing a monarchical form of government. The article’s methodology is grounded in general scientific principles and methods of cognition, with the aim of providing an objective and comprehensive coverage of facts, events, and phenomena. It is based on the principles of historicism and objectivism in scientific research, which prioritize factual material and avoid subjective evaluations. The topic was approached using general scientific and specific-historical research methods. Sources and literature were analyzed and synthesized, research was structured using periodization, historical material was presented using problem-historical method, and similar indicators and facts were compared using comparative- historical method in the same historical conditions. Result: Yet even the monarchical tendencies were essentially democratic: the legitimacy of power, the public-law rights of Cossack officers, the preservation of local self-government bodies and legal procedures give all the reasons to assert that there were prospects for the development of the European-like monarchical form of government in the Ukrainian Cossack state of the second half of the XVII century. Conclusions: The knowledge gained from studying this topic can be used to prevent, forestall, or overcome various crises that inevitably arise during the determination of public policy in various areas of public life.

Power in coordinating supply chain projects in humanitarian settings: A case study of Rohingya refugee camps

AbstractHow and why is power used in humanitarian projects? Coordinating organizations, such as UN agencies, carry power and influence over NGOs to advance the interests of beneficiaries. However, coordination can be managed by a single authority or by multiple authorities that share or delegate responsibilities. Furthermore, coordinators may leverage different types of power, including non‐mediated forms like referent and expert power, or mediated forms such as reward, legitimate, or coercive power. This research draws upon 57 interviews regarding organizational behavior with members of international and local non‐governmental organizations (NGOs), UN agencies, and government officials involved in managing Rohingya refugee camps in Southern Bangladesh. The observations suggest that in single‐authority layered projects, referent and expert powers are commonly employed, leading to improvements in quality and delivery performance. Reward power is typically wielded informally and is linked to cost performance. In dual‐layered projects, legitimate power is used to enhance quality and delivery performance. This article's originality lies in its extension of the use of power to multi‐tiered supply chain settings; its contribution is to organizational theory regarding the resolution of principal‐agent issues; and its insights are into the nuanced effects of different types of power based on project types. It offers valuable guidance to policymakers and practitioners, highlighting effective approaches for coordinating inter‐organizational efforts in challenging and unconventional supply chain settings.

Protecting National Sovereignty: The ‘Australian Model’ and the Exclusion of Asylum Seekers

Increasingly, the ‘Australian model’ of offshore detention is promoted to restrict asylum seeker migration and preserve national sovereignty. This article analyses metaphor usage within press coverage of immigration to examine the origins of this discourse. Focusing on two high points of asylum seeker arrivals (2001–2002, 2012–2013), I demonstrate how negative metaphor use constructed asylum seekers as racialized, illegitimate, illegal Others, who breached Australian sovereignty. I argue that this was a response to a crisis of settler-colonial legitimacy, exacerbated by calls for Indigenous sovereignty, with anti-asylum discourse utilized as a tool to negate and neutralize Indigenous sovereignty claims and legitimate settler-colonial state power. I further argue that sovereignty claims were employed to reinforce Australia’s positioning within regional hierarchies of power, through the enactment of offshore processing agreements with less powerful, ostensibly ‘sovereign’ nations, thereby reaffirming and legitimating a racialized, neo-colonial ordering of the world.

What Comes After the End of Symbolic Power?

The question of symbolic power is taking on a special importance today, when the purely symbolic means of legitimisation of power are being transformed, weakened and replaced by new forms of governance that refer to economic and technical norms. Pierre Bourdieu’s account of symbolic power, so influential in contemporary sociology, equates its operation with symbolic violence. Contemporary societies are manifesting multiple symptoms of crisis in the structures of symbolic power — and this crisis is leading not to the easing of violence but to the emergence of new forms of suffering. A different theoretical portrayal of symbolic power is therefore needed, one that would explain what we are losing with the crisis and weakening of this power. This article presents such a take, which refers predominantly to Lacanian psychoanalysis. Its first section lays out the main problem and provides a short reconstruction of Pierre Bourdieu’s account. The second part presents the sources of the notion of symbolic power, in the works of the Durkheimian school and structuralism, while the third introduces the psychoanalytic account. The fourth tackles the crisis in symbolic power, the fifth — new forms of suffering in the new, “post-symbolic” social situation, and the last part offers a summary of the arguments by referring to the issue of the relationship between symbolic and post-symbolic power.

English as a foreign language lecturers’ language power bases in the high context culture of Toraja

<span lang="EN-US">This study overviews the English as a foreign language (EFL) lecturers’ language power bases in the high-context culture of Toraja. The writer applied a qualitative study method with a case study design. The writer applied purposive sampling and the subjects of this study are three EFL lecturers. The writer got the data through video observation and interviews. The data analysis technique used is using transcription and coding. It is revealed that the characteristics of lecturers’ behaviors and communication strategies associated with the five bases of power-referent power, coercive power, reward power, legitimate power, and expert power-were observed in the high context culture of Toraja, a common cultural practice among the Toraja learners. Referent power was evident when the lecturer was able to establish a connection with the learners based on shared cultural norms. Coercive power was demonstrated when the lecturer used guilt to pressure learners who were unwilling to do a class presentation. Reward power was characterized by the lecturer providing incentives to learners who complied with requests. Legitimate power was observed when the lecturer maintained strict control over the classroom. Additionally, expert power was identified when the lecturer shared their knowledge and expertise in addressing gaps in the study area.</span>

Civil society and the legitimacy of executive power

Civil society and the legitimacy of executive power

Leadership Communication Style and Teacher Work Culture towards Collaborative Management

Limitations of the leader's communication style with work performance, teacher job satisfaction, teacher commitment, and teacher motivation and teacher ability as a positive work culture have yet to show collective participation. The existence of harmony between theoretical expectations and reality urges a review to analyze leadership communication styles and teacher work culture towards collaborative management. The research method used is quantitative with a descriptive plan. The subjects were teachers and school leaders, totaling 310 respondents. Supervised data collection techniques by developing instruments based on research indicators. Technical analysis using SPSS Version 26.0 with correlation analysis. The results show that there is a positive and significant relationship between the level of the principal's basic tendency to power, the basis of expert power, the level of the basic tendency of the principal's coercive power, the level of the basic tendency of the principal's legitimate power, the principal's supervisory communication style, the teacher's work culture, the level of teacher competence, an organizational structure with a level of collaborative management at the level. The research conclusions show a negative and significant relationship between the age of leadership in secondary schools, the education level of school principals, and the level of collaborative management. The implications of this research can provide a positive picture and impact for leaders to communicate and collaborate massively and actively with teachers.

History and features of formation of the system of civic-patriotic education in Trans-Dniester in condition of an unrecognized state

Civic-patriotic consciousness and education is an integral element of any state claiming sovereignty and independence. With its help, the self-awareness of the population is formed, trust in the authorities and the state, and the legitimacy of power is ensured. The imperatives of the concept of civil-patriotic education in states with a “deficit” of international recognition, history of statehood, and financial resources actualize the mobilization nature of civil-patriotic ideology and its differentiation into the mother state and the patron state. This ideological position is relevant for Abkhazia, South Ossetia, Nagorno-Karabakh and Trans-Dniester, where the patron state (represented by Russia) is the support of the unrecognized state in ideological opposition to the mother state. In the article the history of formation and development of the system of civic-patriotic education in Trans-Dniester is viewed. It is closely connected with the history of the development of state, the construction of national security system and emerging threats to the statehood of the self-determined republic. The research was carried out using methods of historical, historical-political analysis, essential-substantive, chronological and system-structural methods. Analysis of civic-patriotic education in Trans-Dniester showed that it is a complex system of legal, institutional and functional elements that are closely included in the national security system of the Trans-Dniester Moldavian Republic.

Power in mixed martial arts (MMA): a case study of the ultimate fighting championship (UFC)

ABSTRACT This study analyses and explains how the Ultimate Fighting Championship (UFC) acquired and retains monopoly and monopsony power over Mixed Martial Arts (MMA) in a complex political, legal, regulatory, and financial context. A qualitative and interpretive approach to research underpins a thematic analysis of social media and journalistic content alongside a review of a limited academic literature. It is found that the UFC has acquired and retained monopoly and monopsony power in a context of weak regulation, limited competition, ineffective legal and political intervention, and an absence of unionisation. The three key strategies employed by the UFC to sustain power over MMA were found to be 1. control of athlete labour via restrictive contracts; 2. acquisition of competitor promotions, expertise, and commercial contracts; and 3. building reputation and legitimacy via public relations and lobbying activities. The UFC has employed a combination of legitimate, referent, reward, expert, informational, and coercive power to become the dominant organisation in MMA.