State Legitimacy Research Articles

Representations of traffickers in official UK discourse: Examining the least known component of the human trafficking equation

Through a framework that combines literature's observations on traffickers' policy-based representations with International Relations (IR) theories, this paper explores the representations of traffickers and anti-trafficking government goals in policies of the United Kingdom's (UK), Scottish and Northern Irish governments. Policies were found to mostly subscribe to a Realist's viewing of human trafficking, emphasising criminal choices. Still, and despite their growing tendency to focus on a wider range of traffickers, their dominant narrative tends to revolve around trafficking stereotypes, often ignoring the full spectrum of traffickers' identities to promote total human trafficking elimination. This discourse may overstate Britain's trafficking problem, sustaining state legitimacy and intervention and narrowing down the scope of anti-trafficking efforts. Conclusively, to ensure a more effective anti-trafficking response, the UK needs to set more feasible goals and based on an in-depth knowledge of traffickers strive to further enrich the policy-promoted human trafficking narrative.

Do aid projects from World Bank and China impact state legitimacy differently? An exploratory analysis in Tanzania

This study examines how aid activities by the World Bank and China, which take two competing approaches to building state capacity, affect a recipient government’s effort to build state legitimacy vis-à-vis its population. The study operationalized legitimacy drawing on Levi’s ‘quasi-voluntary compliance,’ and empirically analyzed the two approaches’ effects at the local level. The study used the Afrobarometer survey conducted in Tanzania in 2014 and geocoded datasets for aid projects. Chinese aid, characterized by its ‘Developmental State’ approach, was associated with higher projection of state legitimacy at local level. Meanwhile, the World Bank’s aid, which encourages building state legitimacy in a ‘contractarian’ way, did not demonstrate such a correlation, and there was limited evidence that the co-location of projects from both donors may condition the effects of the World Bank aid.

Legitimizing political power from below. A reinterpretation of the founding myths of Thebes, Athens, and Rome as a critique against private and public violence

What do we mean when affirming ‘the powerful return of the state’? Do we have in mind the jus ad bellum employed by aggressive states, or are we thinking of the duties that a state has towards its citizens? Starting from these questions, this article aims to reconceptualize the issue of the political legitimacy of a state by reconsidering the relationship between power and violence. Among other forms of emergencies and violence, then, a legitimate state needs to be capable of responding to gender-based (sexual and domestic) violence. To reinforce my suggestion, I will reinterpret some Greek and Roman myths related to the founding of cities (Thebes, Athens and Rome). Through these myths, we will be able to illustrate, in particular, the necessity for a state to be capable of combating both public and private violence, reframing the notion of nemesis (as a fate that can be changed by descendants) and fear (as a status that can be stopped in the present).

Do migrant remittances have state de-legitimizing tendencies? A micro-survey based evidence from Africa

This paper examines the micro-level link between migrant remittances and state legitimacy. The paper argues that there are two theoretical channels through which remittances may ultimately erode state legitimacy. First, remittance income earners may use remittance income to bribe state institutions, and thus may feel that they do not need to abide by the laws those state institutions enact. Second, remittances provide funds for political mobilization and thus may enhance uprisings against autocratic states. I test these claims using individual-level pooled data from 3 rounds of the Afrobarometer surveys. For the quantitative analysis, I use multiple linear regression, propensity score matching, and an informal method of testing for omitted variables bias. Overall, the findings of the study show that remittance-receiving Africans hold de-legitimizing behavior towards the state.

Responsibility to Protect or Licence to Plunder?

Responsibility to Protect (R2P) is a relatively new international norm that permits state intervention in cases of gross humanitarian violations. While R2P was designed to protect civilians from harm, this paper argues that it is an uneven trade-off for deconstructing state sovereignty. By assessing the moral and practical ramifications of R2P, one can find the prioritisation of vague liberal ethics over institutionalised legal frameworks comes at a grave cost to efficient responses to conflict. Subjective interpretations of morality increase the selectivity of the doctrine which is further corrupted by the political, financial, and militaristic concerns of the intervening countries. This paper also explores the internal legitimacy of states and finds that R2P obfuscates a state’s moral duty. R2P provides the West the ability to self-legitimise and control the narrative while failing to address the root causes of conflict. Therefore, it is crucial to explore alternatives to R2P that could better address the challenges of humanitarian intervention.

State Legitimacy, Governance, and TTP's Enduring Terrorism

There is a divided opinion in the existing scholarship about the role of poor governance including socio-economic marginalization and political grievances and their causal link with the occurrence of terrorism. Some scholars argue that socioeconomic deprivation such as poverty and political exclusion are not related to terrorism, while others argue that they provide an enabling environment where terrorist organizations or terrorism thrives. This article argues that peoples' perceptions of socioeconomic grievances and political exclusion or marginalization play a significant role in allowing a terrorist organization to thrive and excel. The TTP has accelerated its terrorist campaign by taking advantage of the weak governance structure in the ex-FATA region and the government's inability to alleviate the suffering of the people due to poor socioeconomic conditions. The TTP highlighted the grievances of the people to enlist their support in fomenting terrorism in Pakistan.

Deindustrialisation and the Moral Economy in Scotland Since 1955. By Jim Philips, Valerie Wright and Jim Tomlinson

It is likely that many readers of this book will be familiar with the considerable body of scholarship concerning deindustrialization, working-class communities, and labour relations produced by Jim Philips, Valerie Wright, and Jim Tomlinson over the last two decades. Studies by Tomlinson on Dundee, with Wright on the industrial decline in Jute, Philips’ examination of Scotland’s coal mining industry, plus Wright’s own work on housing and communities in and around Glasgow have suggested that, as Tomlinson argued in this journal in 2016, deindustrialization and its consequences provide one of the most potent underpinning narratives of the twentieth-century Britain. This book continues to unpick the political consequences of deindustrialization, focusing in this instance on the ways in which customs and expectations embedded in working-class communities adapted to, and often clashed with the logics of economic restructuring in industry between the 1950s and 1990s. The distinctive qualities of Scotland’s ‘moral economy’—a concept defined here with reference to the work of Karl Polanyi and E.P. Thompson—were central to how both the working classes and a newer portion of the middle classes perceived the legitimacy (or lack thereof) of the British state’s policies that dealt with deindustrialization. If, as Philips has previously argued, devolution and the rise of Scottish nationalism were shaped by deindustrialization, then this book further shows why Westminster’s approaches to dealing with it, especially under Margret Thatcher, fuelled such a profound and often visceral shift in Scottish politics away from traditional political parties.

A ‘Uniform’ for All States?

A ‘Uniform’ for All States?

Legitimacy and two roles for flourishing in politics

Legitimacy and two roles for flourishing in politics

A “lifeline out of the COVID‐19 crisis”? An ecofeminist critique of the European Green Deal

A “lifeline out of the <scp>COVID</scp>‐19 crisis”? An ecofeminist critique of the European Green Deal

Pandemic Micropolitics in Latin America: Small Business and the Governance of Crisis From Above and Below in El Salvador

The COVID-19 pandemic had severe impacts in Latin America, with small businesses intensely affected. Beyond its economic consequences, the pandemic also exacerbated structural flaws in some of the region's weakly institutionalised democracies, diminishing State legitimacy and expanding that of organised criminal groups. In considering how State governance from above is challenged by non-state governance from below, this article examines a “pandemic micropolitics” as seen through the lens of support to the small business sector. We outline a framework to understand co-governance in hybrid political orders during crises; and examine this using case studies of urban informal markets and the transport sector in El Salvador. In showing that the pandemic contributed to a renegotiation of co-governance between the State, criminal organisations, and business associations, we contribute to understandings of the dynamics of distributive politics and the co-governance of crisis; and the potential implications for a post-COVID-19 political economy in Latin America.

The Role of the European Union in Palestinian State-Building

This paper examines the role of the European Union (EU) in creating a Palestinian state and whether there is a coherent unity among EU Member States regarding its recognition. The research hypothesis is that EU Member States do not unanimously recognize the legitimacy of a Palestinian state, despite the EU's collective belief in creating a two-state solution. The methodology combines qualitative and quantitative research. The qualitative research involves understanding political processes and analyzing relevant scientific studies and documents. The quantitative research involves statistical analysis of voting outcomes of EU Member States in the UN General Assembly (UNGA). The analysis of UNGA resolutions between 2012 and 2022 found that there is no coherent unity among EU Member States regarding the recognition of a Palestinian state. Although the EU collectively supports a two-state solution, the foreign policy used has been insufficient to overcome the deep-rooted conflicts. In conclusion, the research suggests that a more effective approach is required to overcome the deep-rooted conflicts and achieve a common ground concerning the recognition of a Palestinian state. There is a need for a shift in the political and legal framework, which may be influenced by potential geopolitical reorganization in the Middle East.

Hybrid Security Provision in African Post-colonial Settings: The Cases of Burkina Faso and Sierra Leone

ABSTRACT The Weberian paradigm’s ascription of a legitimate state’s provision of security and justice overlooks the role played by non-state actors in the post-colonial world. Adopting a hybridity framework enables scholars and practitioners to re-centre the focus from a state-centric view of states as fragile or failed to recognise the strength and resilience of alternative socio-political formations of order. Existing evidence on hybrid political orders demonstrates that community resilience and customary institutions should not be perceived as spoilers but understood as assets for constructive engagements between the customary and modern states. The cases of Burkina Faso and Sierra Leone highlight how the complex and interdependent interaction between modern and traditional systems of governance, through a combination of conflict and cooperation, can explain state resilience.

The Challenges and Prospects of ICT Utilisation in Counter Terrorism Efforts in a Transitional Democracy: The Case of Nigeria

The global quest to fight terror worldwide cannot be over emphasised as extremists and non -state actors continue to ravage the ungoverned spaces opening up around the globe. Consequently this work is an evaluation of the use of ICT in counter terrorism efforts in Nigeria as a fledgling democracy. The study reviewed the challenges and prospects of the application of ICT to counter terror in a country where Boko Haram, ISWAP, and other militant groups have continue to challenge the legitimacy and territorial integrity of the Nigerian state. The work used the mixed method –comprising qualitative and quantitative analytical efforts and found out that for the Nigerian State to make sustainable impacts in her counter terrorism efforts ICT should be the pivot. In the same vein, the study advocated adequate training and sustainable Information Technology policy and culture that will encourage the development of substantial capacity to drive an ICT-driven counter terrorism in a world full of rapidly mutating terrorism.

Is There a Role for the International Community in Palestinian State-building?

The European Union is known to be in favour of a two-state solution, but the question arises whether the two-state solution is a pan-European position, or there are Member States that have a "separate" policy, either in support of their national interests or because of historical and religious traditions and might have a different vision of the Middle East peace process. In my research, I am looking for answers to the question about the existing role of the international community in the creation of a Palestinian state. As a precondition for the emergence of an independent state, I hypothesize that EU member states do not recognize unanimously the legitimacy of a Palestinian State, despite the European Union's collective belief in the creation of a two-state solution. The research also highlights that the parties involved in state-building and peacebuilding do not necessarily shape their relations and policies in the interests of the international community. The Israeli-Palestinian peace process can partly facilitate the creation of a Palestinian State. Individual interpretations of the agreements and inflexibility on both sides have meant that neither the peace process nor state-building has made much progress in recent decades. In the research methodology, I conducted theoretical and empirical research and examined the resolutions of the UN General Assembly between 2012 and 2022. For each resolution, I examined the voting mechanism of the EU Member States in terms of whether they support the creation of Palestine or whether they support Israel. The evaluation of these results and the drawing of independent conclusions are the individually added values of the research. I draw conclusions from the voting mechanisms I have evaluated and from the involvement of the international community as to whether the involvement of the international community in state-building has been effective.

(Dis)order and (in)justice in a heating world

Abstract Conventional accounts of the relationship between international order and justice treat order as necessarily prior to justice because it is a precondition for the management of conflict and for collective debates about justice. This contribution takes the climate change challenge as an opportunity to challenge and enlarge this account from the perspective of critical political ecology. This approach highlights the more fundamental socio-ecological conditions that are necessary for the stability and possibility of political order itself. It also directs more systematic attention to how orders themselves disorder the climate in ways that also constitute climate injustices. Structurally generated injustices of this kind cannot be addressed solely at the level of a single regime (via the Paris Agreement). They also require a transformation of the constitutive norms and practices of the international liberal economic order in which the climate regime is embedded so that the order serves the objectives and principles of the regime. However, this is unlikely, and the contribution reflects on the implications for the legitimacy and functional viability of states and the international order in a heating world.

Plural policing contemporary New Zealand: insights into state power, actors and relational dynamics

ABSTRACT New Zealand has a very plural policing landscape, though little is known about many of its facets. This article provides initial answers to three crucial questions: Who plays a policing role in contemporary New Zealand, how is state power exercised, and what shapes state-society-policing relations? The findings show that neoliberalism has strongly affected state-society-policing relations, and several actors across the state and society divide partake in police-centred partnerships. It also finds that state-society-policing relations reflect ideological, political and socioeconomic divisions inherent in contemporary New Zealand but arching back to its founding days. This emerges through analysing how the two main community-led policing initiatives, the Community Patrols New Zealand and the Māori wardens, relate to the police and the state. The findings matter beyond New Zealand and academia. They reiterate that plural policing is one of the primary expressions of how power is exercised in society, and it affects issues related to state legitimacy and social justice.

Cold War Civil Defence in Western Europe: Sociotechnical Imaginaries of Survival and Preparedness ed. by Marie Cronqvist, Rosanna Farbøl, and Casper Sylvest

Reviewed by: Cold War Civil Defence in Western Europe: Sociotechnical Imaginaries of Survival and Preparedness ed. by Marie Cronqvist, Rosanna Farbøl, and Casper Sylvest Victoria Harms (bio) Cold War Civil Defence in Western Europe: Sociotechnical Imaginaries of Survival and Preparedness Edited by Marie Cronqvist, Rosanna Farbøl, and Casper Sylvest*. Cham: Palgrave Macmillan, 2022. Pp. 250. The contributions to this insightful and conceptually ambitious volume originated in a conference in Lund, Sweden, in 2018 and were completed before February 24, 2022, the date that Russia invaded Ukraine. The editors of Cold War Civil Defence in Western Europe meticulously highlight the relevance "of civil defence history for current imaginaries of security for European civil societies in the face of a highly diverse range of real and perceived threats" (p. 16). They insist that the case studies would put us "in a better position to make sustainable, complex and mature decisions for our desirable futures" (p. 243), and one immediately sees how Russia's attack on Ukraine has made the case for them. The volume stands out with its unusual geographic focus (NATO generally, Sweden, Denmark, West Germany, Switzerland, and the United Kingdom) and approach to "sociotechnical imaginaries," a concept Sheila Jasanoff and Sang-Hyuan Kim first developed in Dreamscapes of Modernity (2015). The case studies here discuss the ways in which civil defense during the Cold War served to guarantee a "desired future" (survival) and prevent the undesirable (nuclear annihilation and chaos). The contributors follow Jasanoff and Kim's lead to analyze the (de)stabilizing impact of science and technology on societies, the establishment of science-based imaginaries, their contestations, and evolution across time and space. The editors identify four phases of "sociotechnical imaginaries" (origins, embeddedness, resistance, and extension), but most of the contributors prioritize embeddedness and extension. Many expand Jasanoff's approach to better capture the history of civil defense. The case studies reveal several striking commonalities: the official scenarios under which authorities operated mostly resembled a conventional war and recalled experiences from World War II. Most programs suggested that a proper civil defense would make a nuclear—and any other—catastrophe manageable and survivable. Civil defense sought to strengthen loyalty and underscore the state's legitimacy as a competent caretaker. But the everyday [End Page 256] experience varied across cases, and interest in, let alone enthusiasm for, civil defense petered out in most cases by the 1980s. Officials, organizations, and participants mostly believed in their societies' "natural" patriarchal order, and programs, even the Dutch women's volunteer organizations (Dick van Lente), reinforced traditional gender roles. The development of the hydrogen bomb represented a caesura, reinforcing efforts toward emergency preparedness. But the H-bomb, more than détente, occasionally also heightened civilians' indifference. Overall, it was not the threat of nuclear annihilation but civilian apathy and combatting the anticipated panic following an attack that seemed to have posed the greatest challenges. The volume opens with Iben Bjørnsson's agenda-setting study of NATO in the 1950s and 1960s. Particularly insightful and enjoyable are Peter Bennesved and Casper Sylvest's comparative study of civil defense films in Sweden and Denmark, as well as Rosanna Farbøl's evaluation of "ruin towns," built for practice and demonstration of civil defense exercises in Denmark. West Germans, Jochen Molitor argues, proved curiously disinterested in the government's civil defense efforts, which he explains with their complicity in World War II. By contrast, that same war motivated especially British citizens and Dutch women to get involved: they considered preparedness their patriotic duty (Jonathan Hogg, Dick van Lente). Sibylle Marti studies physicians' resistance to the Swiss government's holistic defense strategy in the 1980s and their moralizing arguments against the so-called Coordinated Medical Services. Marie Cronqvist and Matthew Grant conclude the volume with an oral history project comparing individual memories of civil defense in the United Kingdom and Sweden in the 1950s and 1960s. They highlight the "fuzziness" of memory and everyday experiences, the power of collective images, and the differences between rural and urban environments. Although the authors do not articulate this observation, many of the programs seem to have obscured the science and technology behind (thermo) nuclear warfare. Science literacy among...

К ВОПРОСУ О «ПРАВЕ ВОЙНЫ»

This article is devoted to a theoretical analysis of the current, today, the problem of international relations based on the rules of law, experiencing significant dysfunction. The armed confrontation of countries, as the most radical way to remove contradictions, in fact, has its own economic, geopolitical and cultural foundations, objectively inherent in the historical development of human civilization. It is important to study the factors leading to the state of war in order to determine the patterns of its onset - the hypothesis of the norm of the "right of war", its state legitimation. The recent history of Russia is a vivid example of the fact that the ancient Roman thesis "Si vis pacem, para bellum" (from Latin – "if you want peace, prepare for war") remains relevant to this day. It is the domestic science that should pay special attention to the designated problem, in connection with the need to prepare a doctrinal basis for the creation of new provisions of the "law of the world", which, as you know, are always written by the winners.

Iran 2022: Domestic challenges to state legitimacy and isolation in the global arena

Iran 2022: Domestic challenges to state legitimacy and isolation in the global arena