Legislative Leaders Research Articles

Understanding the Party Brand: Experimental Evidence on the Role of Valence

The valence component of a party’s reputation, or brand, has been less scrutinized than other components of party-based theories of legislatures. This lack of scrutiny results from the difficulty of isolating the valence component from policy-related components and the difficulty of studying legislators’ motives. We overcome these challenges by conducting survey experiments on both voters and state legislators that show (1) that scholars have underestimated the impact of the party valence brand’s potential role in elections, (2) that legislative party leaders pressure members more on votes when the outcome affects the party valence brand, and (3) that the value of the party brand can sometimes directly affect legislators’ votes. Our results provide a rationale for why legislative leaders put so much effort into media spin battles and suggest that parties’ reputations affect legislative leaders’ ability to pass their agenda.

Multiple Streams Approach to Tobacco Control Policymaking in a Tobacco-Growing State

Smokefree policies (SFPs) have diffused throughout the US and worldwide. However, the development of SFPs in the difficult policy environment of tobacco-producing states and economies worldwide has not been well-explored. In 2007, Tennessee, the third largest tobacco producer in the US, enacted the Non-Smoker Protection Act (NSPA). This study utilizes the multiple streams model to provide understanding of why and how this policy was developed by triangulating interviews with key stakeholders and legislative debates with archival documents. In June 2006, the Governor unexpectedly announced support for SFP, which created a window of opportunity for policy change. The Campaign for Healthy and Responsible Tennessee, a health coalition, seized this opportunity and worked with the administration and the Tennessee Restaurant Association to negotiate a comprehensive SFP, however, a weaker bill was used by the legislative leadership to develop the NSPA. Although the Governor and the Tennessee Restaurant Association's support generated an environment for 100% SFP, health groups did not fully capitalize on this environmental change and settled for a weak policy with several exemptions. This study suggests the importance for proponents of policy change to understand changes in their environment and be willing and able to capitalize on these changes.

Power Sharing and the Implications for Democratic Governance in Nigeria: The Case of National Assembly (1999-2011)

Given the diverse nature of the Nigerian society and the tension associated with political contestations, particularly elective positions at various levels of government, some power sharing frameworks evolved in both formal and informal contexts. The 'Federal Character Principle' for instance, which is a constitutional provision that requires the sharing of major political and bureaucratic positions among the diverse people of Nigeria is meant to ensure fair representation, equitable distribution of political incentives and sense of belonging. This principle is also internalized by the major political parties in Nigeria in their candidates’ selection procedure and indeed by the legislature in determining candidates for legislative leadership positions. Thus using the National Assembly of Nigeria from 1999-2011, the paper examined the extent to which formal and informal power sharing arrangements affects democratic governance in the country. The paper relied on secondary sources of data, which include official documents such as the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, constitutions of various political parties, newspaper and bulletins and some extant literature. Theoretically, Lijphart’s (1968; 1977; and 1990) consociational model of Proportional Representation (PR) provided the guide to understanding the power sharing arrangement in Nigeria’s democracy and particularly the informal arrangement within the National Assembly. This theoretical stance, though contradicts the broader theory of legislative institutionalization, is seen as an effective strategy for dousing tensions, curtailing upheavals and ensuring mutual trust among the diverse groups of Nigeria for democratic stability. The paper, however, argues that the informal power sharing arrangement in the Nigeria’s National Assembly undermines its autonomy, complexity and the principle of universal procedure of conducting legislative business. Essentially, the power sharing arrangement affects the stability of legislative leadership which is central to legislative autonomy and its institutionalization as well. The paper concludes that while the National Assembly in Nigeria is unlikely to institutionalize conventionally, the fragile nature of the informal arrangements of power sharing may also be source of tension and conflict once it is obstructed.

Dealing with a Surplus: Budgeting, Taxing, and Spending in Arizona

DOI 10.1515/cjpp-2013-0020 Calif. J. Politics Policy 2013; 5(3): 343–359 David R. Berman* Dealing with a Surplus: Budgeting, Taxing, and Spending in Arizona Abstract: Arizona’s 50th regular legislative session ended in May, 2012, after 116 days. It will be remembered for headlines, sometimes national ones, involving the ethical behavior of lawmakers (or the lack thereof), an attempt to remove the chair of the independent redistricting commission and various eye-catching legis- lative proposals or laws. This report examines the broader context in which deci- sions were made, the nature of the budgeting system, the making of the budget, and concludes with an overview of financial issues facing budget makers. Keywords: Arizona; budget; FY 2012–13; governor; legislature. *Corresponding author: David R. Berman, Morrison Institute for Public Policy, Arizona State University, USA 1 Introduction Arizona’s 50th regular legislative session ended in May, 2012, after 116 days. It will be remembered for headlines, sometimes national ones, involving the ethical behavior of lawmakers (or the lack thereof) an attempt to remove the chair of the independent redistricting commission and various eye-catching legislative pro- posals or laws. Along the way, lawmakers came up with a General Fund budget for fiscal year 2013. The budget itself accounts for only 31% of what the state government spends. The remainder comes from federal funds (34%) and other state funds for specific programs, some of which are appropriated by the legislature and some of which are not (35%) (see Table 1). Still, while the general fund budget does not tell us all we need to know about how the state raises and allocates funds, its making has long been a central focus of state politics. The year 2012 was no exception through the exercise was far less dramatic than in the previous 2 years. In 2010 and 2011 budget making in Arizona – a place where the Great Recession had a particularly strong impact – was driven by revenue short- ages. Governor and legislative leaders of a conservative bent dealt with the situation through spending cuts, fund transfers, borrowing, and accounting

Legislatures, Cooptation, and Social Protest in Contemporary Authoritarian Regimes

A central claim of the new literature on authoritarianism is that legislatures extend the lifespan of authoritarian regimes. However, there are a wide range of possible mechanisms that might underpin this relationship. In this paper, we contribute both to the theory and the empirics of legislative cooptation under authoritarianism by exploring one such mechanism. We argue that legislative cooptation extends the longevity of authoritarian regimes by reducing anti-regime street protest. Legislatures reduce social protest by providing rent-seeking opportunities to key opposition elites who, in return, demobilize their supporters. Legislatures may also reduce protest by drawing mobilizational resources into the political system and away from anti-system groups. Using new data from 83 Russian regional legislatures, we look at how variation in the distribution of legislative leadership positions to opposition groups affects levels of opposition street protest.

Measuring State House Speakers' Formal Powers, 1981–2010

AbstractThe cross-sectional variation among state legislative leaders' formal powers provides a unique opportunity to test a variety of hypotheses of the American legislative process that involve the causes and effects of these powers. But to date, measures of these powers have been developed primarily for single years or biennia, limiting their applicability, especially for drawing causal conclusions. In this note, I develop an index of state House speakers' formal powers for each biennia from 1981 to 2010 (for even-year-election states) and from 1982 to 2009 (for odd-year-election states).

The excitement continues and builds

In my letter last month, I described CPNP's current activities involving seeking provider recognition and reimbursement for pharmacists and the Board of Directors' Strategic Planning Retreat. Activity on both of these fronts made January an extremely busy month.In early January, the Comprehensive Medication Management Reimbursement (CMMR) Task Force met with ACCP representatives to discuss how we might partner with ACCP in their initiative to achieve provider recognition. It was a productive, positive meeting. Our discussions continue and we will be evaluating partnership options in the next few weeks. As many of you know other pharmacy organizations and other professional groups are generating a great deal of discussion on this topic. Opportunities for action seem to develop quickly. As a result, your CPNP leadership team may be needing to make decisions quickly, and, as we've mentioned previously, member input may be sought with little “lead time”.In late January, preceding our recent strategic planning retreat, our legislative leadership spent a full day discussing mechanisms of reimbursement for providers as well as strategies and approaches to the achievement of provider recognition. This meeting was facilitated by Dr. George Oestreich who has a great deal of experience in reimbursement and in working with pharmacy associations and foundations. Our Government Affairs Consultant, Carey Potter, also brought her insights and expertise to this meeting. All of this input is currently being digested and our next courses of action being considered.The CPNP strategic planning retreat occurred in late January. At this meeting, our facilitator, Past CPNP President Glen Stimmel, guided the group through the initial steps in revising our strategic plan to guide us through the next 3 years. A vision statement, values and goals were drafted. During the coming months, smaller workgroups will develop strategic objectives that will help the Board of Directors prioritize CPNP's activities and initiatives in fall of 2013. The primary goal areas to be fleshed out with objectives, metrics and timelines include: synergy with our constituencies; ensuring and maintaining the value of CPNP membership; identifying opportunities to enhance the care provided by pharmacists to people with mental illness; enhancement of information exchange by and within CPNP; and, identification of opportunities to develop, expand and capitalize upon our resources. We are very excited and enthusiastic about the development of this revised and updated Strategic Plan. We are fortunate to have a group of leaders and volunteers to work on the development of the objectives that will help us meet these goals. As always, it is members and their willingness to volunteer that make CPNP a successful organization.By now you should have received your brochure mailings for the upcoming 2013 Annual Meeting to be held at the Broadmoor in Colorado Springs, Colorado. This is shaping up to be a productive and exciting meeting. An interesting and valuable pre-meeting workshop is available on Sunday morning to attendees on the topic of suicide assessment. The Program Committee and the Recertification Editorial Board have developed an excellent line-up of topics and speakers. Over 140 posters are under review and opportunities for learning, networking, and socializing at the Annual Meeting will be plentiful. The CPNP Foundation has arranged for the screening of the award-winning documentary film about bipolar disorder, “Of Two Minds”. Discounted early registration fees will be available through March 20.Stay tuned of all of the activity occurring on so many fronts. We are proud to represent you as members on these important issues and hope to see you in April at the Annual Meeting as we continue our dialogue.

Pushing the Agenda: Presidential Leadership in U.S. Lawmaking, 1953–2004. By Matthew N. Beckmann

Pushing the Agenda: Presidential Leadership in U.S. Lawmaking, 1953–2004. By Matthew N. Beckmann. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2010. 194p. $99.00 cloth, $26.99 paper.The American president is many things. He serves as the head of state, chief of his political party, manager of the national bureaucracy, commander of the armed forces, and even (to some at least) a moral leader of the country. But one of the most important roles of the president is legislative leader: setting the nation's policy agenda, proposing new bills, and steering key initiatives through Congress. The central nature of that role is evidenced by our tendency to think of past presidents in terms of their trademark policy proposals, be it Harry “Fair Deal” Truman or Ronald Reagan's “Reaganomics.”

The Speaker of the House: A Study of Leadership. By Matthew N. Green

The Speaker of the House: A Study of Leadership. By Matthew N. Green. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2010. 292p. $30.00.In his book, Matthew N. Green investigates Speakers' purposive goals, tactical options, and legislative influence. The overriding thesis: Speakers' actions do not simply reflect “the majority of the majority's” interests and preferences, but rather emerge from a more diverse set of goals. As Green argues: “Speakers may exercise legislative leadership on behalf of the preferences of others besides the majority party in Congress [including] representing his or her own district … achieving his or her own preferred policy outcome … helping the party's president, the institutional presidency, or the House as a whole” (p. 17).

Explaining Legislative Leadership Influence

Why are the leaders in some U.S.-style legislatures more influential than others? This study uses individual-level data on lawmakers’ perceptions of their leaders’ influence to test three general theories of legislative power delegation: legislative leaders have no real power, simple collective action theory, and Conditional Party Government theory. These perceptions of speakers’ legislative influence are modeled with varying intercept, multilevel, ordered probit models. The analyses strongly support the simple collective action problem explanation of legislative leadership influence, in particular suggesting that collective problems caused by the internal dynamics of the legislative process drive the delegation of influence to leaders.

Dominant party rule and legislative leadership in authoritarian regimes

Authoritarian dominant parties are said to ensure elite loyalty by providing elites with regularized opportunities for career advancement. This article uses data on the distribution of leadership posts in Russia’s regional legislatures (1999–2010) to conduct the first systematic test of this proposition. Loyalty to the nascent hegemonic party, United Russia, is shown to be important in determining a legislator’s chances of being promoted to a leadership position. These findings generate insight into how authoritarian institutions help maintain regime stability and provide a clearer picture of how Russia’s ruling party works.

Dominant Party Rule and Legislative Leadership in Authoritarian Regimes

Authoritarian dominant parties are said to ensure elite loyalty by providing elites with regularized opportunities for career advancement. This paper uses data on the distribution of leadership posts in Russia’s regional legislatures (1999-2010) to conduct the first systematic test of this proposition. Loyalty to the nascent hegemonic party, United Russia, is shown to be important in determining a legislator’s chances of being promoted to a leadership position. These findings generate insight into how authoritarian institutions help maintain regime stability and provide a clearer picture of how Russia’s ruling party works.

Women and Men's Legislative Success in the 21st Century Professional and Citizen State Legislatures

The bill-passage success of women and men legislators in professional and in citizen state legislatures is evaluated using a path analytical model. The model consists of exogenous personal, institutional, district, and state-level variables, an intervening variable of legislative leadership positions, and the direct and indirect effects of these variables on bill-passage success. With data from a 2004 survey of all fifty lower state houses compared to a similar 1992 nationwide survey of state legislators, women legislators display increased legislative positions and bill-passage in both professional and citizen state legislatures. The model predicts that institutional factors and, to a lesser extent, personal attributes are essential components for acquiring legislative positions as well as bill-passage success for women and men in both types of legislatures.

White House politics and the environment: Franklin D. Roosevelt to George W. Bush

Presidents and their administrations since the 1960s have become increasingly active in environmental politics, despite their touted lack of expertise and their apparent frequent discomfort with the issue. In White House Politics and the Environment: Franklin D. Roosevelt to George W. Bush, Byron W. Daynes and Glen Sussman study the multitude of resources presidents can use in their attempts to set the public agenda. They also provide a framework for considering the environmental direction and impact of U.S. presidents during the last seven decades, permitting an assessment of each president in terms of how his administration either aided or hindered the advancement of environmental issues. Employing four factors--political communication, legislative leadership, administrative actions, and environmental diplomacy--as a matrix for examining the environmental records of the presidents, Daynes and Sussman's analysis and discussion allow them to sort each of the twelve occupants of the White House included in this study into one of three categories, ranging from less to more environmentally friendly. Environmental leaders and public policy professionals will appreciate White House Politics and the Environment for its thorough and wide-ranging examination of how presidential resources have been brought to bear on environmental issues.

Automated Electric Transportation: A Way to Meet America’s Critical Issues

President Obama has set national goals to reduce the production of greenhouse gases in this country. It is now Congress’s turn to follow the president’s lead and provide legislative leadership in dealing with this country’s petroleum use, greenhouse gas production, and rebuilding of our transportation infrastructure. This paper describes one concept that would help America deal with all three of these critical issues. It is a bold, new approach to transportation in America that integrates energy, vehicle, highway, and communication infrastructures into a flexible, convenient, and automated electric transportation (AET) system. AET has the unique potential to simultaneously and dramatically reduce petroleum use, carbon emissions, air pollution, traffic congestion, and highway crashes in the United States while creating millions of new jobs. It could save the U.S. economy trillions of dollars over the next few decades and enable GDP growth rivaling the economic value derived from constructing the Interstate...

The Speaker of the House: a study of leadership

Matthew N. Green provides the first comprehensive analysis of how the Speaker of the House has exercised legislative leadership from 1940 to the present. Green finds that the Speaker's party loyalty is tempered by a host of competing objectives, including reelection, passage of desired public policy laws, handling the interests of the president, and meeting the demands of the House as a whole.

Creation of a State Tax Court Would Be a Step Backwards for Taxpayers

THE CALIFORNIA Journal of Politics & Policy Commentary Creation of a State Tax Court Would Be a Step Backwards for Taxpayers Gerald M. Bonetto California State University, Los Angeles A. Introduction: Commission on the 21st Century Economy On October 30, 2008, Governor Arnold Schwarzeneg- ger signed Executive Order S-12-08 1 calling for the cre- ation of a bipartisan Commission on the 21st Century Economy (“Commission”) to re-examine and modernize California’s revenue laws. The commission ultimately consisted of 14 members, seven appointed by the gov- ernor and seven appointed by legislative leaders. At the signing, the governor asked the commission to step back from the current fiscal crisis and evaluate California’s tax www.bepress.com/cjpp Volume 2, Issue 1, 2010 structure. He wanted the commission to suggest changes to the revenue laws that would result in a more stable revenue stream and would better reflect California’s economy for the 21st century. The governor concluded that California’s “revenue stream is the epitome of boom or bust,” and that California needed a long-term solution to its revenue prob- lem in order to achieve ongoing fiscal stability. 2 B. Commission’s Findings In its report of September 29, 2009, the Commis- sion focused on California’s three main taxes—the per- sonal income tax, the corporation tax, and the sales and use tax—that constitute approximately 90 percent of the state’s General Fund. 3 The commission found that the tax system’s performance had become increasingly volatile and less diverse in terms of its revenue sources, primar- ily due to changes in the state’s economy and how these changes impact the tax system. 4 When the basic elements of the tax system were es- tablished in the 1930s, agriculture and manufacturing

Governors and “Their” Deputies: New Legislative Principals in Mexico

Many studies on legislatures around the world have not detected a regional voting dimension. Yet governors are often important political figures and can exert strong influence on state politicians. From an analysis of the Mexican legislature, I determine that governors hold important resources that ambitious politicians need in a system with no consecutive reelection. Mexican governors use their power over federal deputies to prod their agents, the caucus leaders, into working for their states' interests on fiscally relevant issues, especially the annual budget. On all other issues, the governors delegate their deputies' votes to the party's legislative leadership.

The Logic of Legislative Leadership: Preferences, Challenges, and the Speaker's Powers

Principal agent theory implies that legislators will delegate power to a leader only when they need the leader's help and the leader can be expected to provide satisfactory help if granted power. This study is the first to evaluate the implied interaction between legislators' need for help and the degree to which legislators and leaders have similar preferences. By analyzing the Speaker's powers in the U.S. states, I arrived at three key conclusions. First, institutional leadership power responds to the interaction between preference alignment and policymaking challenges. Traditionally expected effects only appear when both alignment and challenges are relatively high. Second, professionalization causes weaker leadership powers. Finally, electoral competition correlates with stronger appointment, committee, and resource powers, but weaker procedural powers.

Harry Reid and Health Care Reform in the Senate: Transactional Leadership in a Transformational Moment?

On December 24, 2009, the United States Senate passed H.R. 3590, the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act, by a vote of 60-39. Final passage was the culmination of over a month of behind-the-scenes negotiations and strategy sessions coordinated by Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-NV). In this paper, I trace and evaluate Harry Reid’s coalition-building efforts on health care reform in the months leading up to the Christmas Eve vote using concepts drawn from the political science literature on legislative leadership. I conclude that Reid adopted precisely the transactional, "keep-the-chains-moving" leadership posture that matched both the institution he leads and his limited personal investment in the issue of health care prior to 2009. Efforts to paint Reid's performance on this issue as a failure of leadership ignore the extent to which contextual factors in the Senate were stacked against reform.