Legal Permanent Residents Research Articles

Entre les deux mon cœur balance : citoyens américains … mais toujours mexicains ?

Although figures have been improving in recent years, Mexicans are traditionally one of the immigrant groups with the lowest naturalization rate in the United States. This paper first examines the reasons for this phenomenon, but also the efforts by the Mexican government to promote protection through integration. Relying on a number of interviews with immigrants, organizations and Mexican diplomats, this paper will attempt to determine why a growing number of Mexican legal permanent residents (LPRs) now choose to take the plunge and to become U.S. citizens. This essay concludes on an evaluation of the ambivalent ties the newly-naturalized develop with both countries.

The Labour Market Integration of Refugee and Family Reunion Immigrants: A Comparison of Outcomes in Canada and Sweden

This paper assesses the employment and earnings trajectories of refugee and family reunion category immigrants in Canada and Sweden using two national level sources of data. The Canadian Immigration Database (IMDB) is a file that links the intake record of post 1979 immigrants with annual taxation records. The 2007 Swedish Register Data includes information on all legal permanent residents. Using standard regression methods we compare labour force outcomes of age-sex-schooling-place of birth cohorts looking specifically at non-economic (family reunion and refugee intake) immigrants from Iran, Iraq, Afghanistan and the former Yugoslavia. We find that the employment and earning trajectories of the selected non-economic migrant groups are quite similar in the two host countries, although earnings are higher in Canada than in Sweden.

Transitions to Adulthood in Immigrant America: Barriers and Opportunities [Figures and Data Tables

[Power point slides to accompany SSRN abstract= 2182128.] Approximately 30 percent of the more than 68 million young adults aged 18 to 34 in the United States today are either foreign born or of foreign parentage. As these newcomers make their transitions to adulthood, their experiences and readiness to progress to adulthood differ significantly from one another, and from their native-parentage counterparts. For many ethnic groups, significant progress takes place from the first to the second generation. But for millions of young immigrants, a lack of legal permanent residency status blocks their prospects for social mobility. Immigrant groups experience gaps in social, economic, and legal status that are even greater than the gaps between native whites and blacks. These social and economic divides reflect three very different ways immigrants enter the country: through regular immigration channels, without legal authorization, or as state-sponsored refugees. Having an undocumented status has become all the more consequential with the failure of Congress to pass comprehensive federal immigration reforms. In the 2011 Pastora Cafferty Lecture on Race and Ethnicity in American Life, professor Ruben G. Rumbaut described how generation, national origin, and the contexts in which they are coming of age in America shape the experiences of these newcomers as they become adults.

Generations of Immigrants: Paths of Immigrant and Immigrant-Descendant Political Engagement Across Generations

The changing demographics of Latino and, to a lesser degree, other immigrant/ethnic communities have encouraged increasing scholarly focus to the question of differential patterns of immigrant incorporation across immigrant generations. This scholarship has been particularly attentive to differences between the first and second generations, in large part because those generations dominate the contemporary “immigrant-stock” population. This scholarship (and the much less quantitative generational scholarship on turn-of-the-twentieth century immigrants) offers important insights into the generational process of immigrant political incorporation. In this paper, I shift the focus a bit and look to an earlier generation, specifically the parents of today’s adult immigrants who spurred the migration of the 1.5 and 2nd generation and, in most cases, accompanied them in their migration. I assess whether parental characteristics shape political participation among adult 1.5 and 2nd generation immigrants. Specifically, I assess two dimensions of the potential parental bequest to their children. First, and most straightforwardly, I can look at parental education as a resource for the children of immigrants. Political socialization scholarship would predict that 1.5 and 2nd generation immigrants, like the U.S.-born children of “native-stock” Americans, who are the children of more highly educated parents would see higher levels of political engagement. Second, I measure different forms of immigrant status and immigrant status change among the parents of today’s adult 1.5 and 2nd generation immigrants. Immigrant status at the time of migration can include migration without a permanent status (either as unauthorized migrants or as migrants with short-term statuses such as student visas or work visas) or entrance as a permanent resident. Immigrant status changes include transitions from temporary status to legal permanent residence and from legal permanent residence to naturalized U.S. citizen.

An Analysis of the United States Employment Immigration System in Attracting and Retaining Skilled Workers and the Effects of its Dichotomous Objectives - Competitiveness versus Protectionism: A Case for Reform?

Over the years, two diametric objectives have emerged within the U.S. employment immigration system: protectionist measures to safeguard or protect the interests of the U.S. workers (which have a corollary purpose of protecting the interest of international workers) and competitive measures to attract and retain highly skilled workers. Currently, the system is out of sync in meeting the needs of the (1) U.S. as a global competitor; (2) domestic industry; (3) U.S. workers; and (4) international workers. The quantitative restraints have led to a decade or more wait for legal permanent residence, which is impeding the U.S. from attracting and retaining highly skilled workers. On the other hand, the U.S.’s global competitors are in the position to offer immediate permanent residency or at least permanent residency within a relatively short period of time. The burgeoning new economies, such as in India and China, have an impact on the flow of immigrants. Already there is evidence of reverse brain drain from the U.S. to these countries, although that flow, at present, may have been exacerbated by the deepening worldwide recession. Further compounding these changes is the looming threat of the world’s aging population. All these developments may heighten the competition for highly skilled workers. Moreover, on the domestic level, dissatisfaction with the competitiveness of the immigration system, which has prevented employers from hiring the necessary skilled workers, has caused some of the leading information technology companies to relocate or outsource their work. This, in turn, has serious repercussion to the U.S. economy, as much needed job creation opportunities are lost at the time when they are most needed. Further, the very mechanism utilized to protect the U.S. workers against wage suppression and adverse working conditions may have the potential to be misused and may adversely affect the interest of the U.S. worker. For instance, even though the hiring of overqualified international workers may be in compliance with the law, it still does have the potential to suppress wages in the long run. As for the international worker, any immigration destination country or home country that can offer long term career and personal advancement, as well as an opportunity to be with family, will likely be attractive.In view of the above, any corrective measure that is undertaken should focus on these two aspects: (1) leveling the playing field between the U.S. workers and international workers by tightening the protectionist measures against wage suppression and adverse working conditions, and (2) liberalizing the quantitative limitation. These would have the effect of ensuring optimal protection for the U.S. workers and the international workers, as well as improving the competitiveness in attracting and retaining highly skilled workers to meet the needs of the domestic industry.

Estimating Obamacare's Effect on State Medicaid Expenditure Growth: A Study of Five Most Populous U.S. States

Unless repeal attempts succeed, the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act of 2010 (ObamaCare) promises to increase state government obligations on account of Medicaid by expanding Medicaid eligibility and introducing an individual health insurance mandate for all US citizens and legal permanent residents. Once ObamaCare becomes fully effective in 2014, the cost of newly eligible Medicaid enrollees will be almost fully covered by the federal government through 2019, with federal financial support expected to be extended thereafter. But ObamaCare provides states with zero additional federal financial support for new enrollees among those eligible for Medicaid under the old laws. That makes increased state Medicaid costs from higher enrollments by “old-eligibles” virtually certain as they enroll into Medicaid to comply with the mandate to purchase health insurance. This study estimates and compares potential increases in Medicaid costs from ObamaCare for the five most populous states: California, Florida, Illinois, New York, and Texas.The results suggest that Medicaid costs would increase considerably even on a pre-ObamaCare basis in California, Florida, and Texas — states with rising populations across many Medicaid eligibility and enrollment groups by age and gender. Cost increases on a pre-ObamaCare basis are projected to be smaller in Illinois and New York — states whose populations are projected to remain generally stagnant or decline during the next two decades. On a post-ObamaCare basis, the projected cost increase is small for California — just 4.5 percentage points in cumulative costs during 2014-23 compared to the pre-ObamaCare ten-year total cost projection. That’s because enrollment rates among “old-eligibles” are already high in California on a pre-ObamaCare basis, implying little scope for additional enrollment increases from the introduction of ObamaCare. In Florida and Texas, projected post-ObamaCare increases in Medicaid costs are larger, because these states are projected to have larger populations of non-enrolled “old eligibles.” Illinois and New York exhibit historically stable or declining enrollment rates among “old eligibles,” implying larger potentials for higher enrollments and increased costs when ObamaCare becomes effective after the year 2014.

The Earnings and Social Security Contributions of Documented and Undocumented Mexican Immigrants

Using information supplied by immigrants interviewed by the Mexican Migration Project (MMP) we analyze the Social Security coverage of jobs held by legal and other-than-legal Mexican immigrants who work in the United States. Our analysis suggests that about half the Mexican-born migrants residing in the United States who are wage earners and heads of household earn their incomes in jobs that are not covered by Social Security. Since workers in uncovered jobs tend to earn below-average wages, their earnings account for less than half the wages earned by Mexican immigrants. Evidence from the MMP survey shows that Social Security coverage is higher among Mexican immigrants who are authorized to live in the United States than it is among undocumented Mexican immigrants. Coverage among working legal permanent residents is less than 75 percent, but the coverage rate among undocumented workers is even lower, about 25 percent. Based on annual earnings reports in the March CPS we estimate that in 2007 about 1.4 percent of all U.S. wages, or $87 billion, was earned by Mexican immigrant heads of household. Our estimates imply that about 52 percent of this total was earned in Social-Security-covered jobs while the remainder, about $41 billion, was earned in jobs not covered by Social Security. The MMP surveys show that only a small proportion of undocumented migrants report a change in their legal status that allowed them to live and work legally in this country. Two-thirds of legalizations occurred within five years of the enactment of the Immigration Reform and Control Act in 1986. In the absence of this kind of special legislation, only a small percentage of undocumented workers is likely to be granted permanent residency status in the future. Thus, the Social-Security-covered wages of most of the undocumented workers who earn them will never result in an increased claim for Social Security benefits.

Attachment, Coping, Acculturative Stress, and Quality of Life Among Haitian Immigrants

This study investigated the relationship between attachment, coping, acculturative stress, and quality of life (QOL) in a sample of Haitian immigrants in the United States. Results indicated that an increase in years living in the United States and greater anxiety attachment were negatively associated with QOL and that higher levels of adaptive coping were associated with higher QOL and lower levels of acculturative stress. Implications for counseling and recommendations for future research are discussed.

The persistence of skin color discrimination for immigrants

Under Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, discrimination in employment on the basis of color is prohibited, and color is a protected basis independent from race. Using data from the spouses of the main respondents to the New Immigrant Survey 2003, this paper shows that immigrants with the lightest skin color earn on average 16–23% more than comparable immigrants with the darkest skin color. These estimates control for years of legal permanent residence in the US, education, English language proficiency, occupation in source country, Hispanic or Latino ethnicity, race, country of birth, as well as for extensive current labor market characteristics that may be themselves influenced by discrimination. Furthermore, the skin color penalty does not diminish over time. These results are consistent with persistent skin color discrimination affecting legal immigrants to the United States.

The Effect of Legalization on Wages and Health Insurance: Evidence from the National Agricultural Workers Survey

AbstractWe estimate the effect of legalization on the wages and benefits of foreign‐born agricultural workers. Using data from the National Agricultural Workers Survey, we employ propensity score matching techniques to compare legal permanent residents in the United States with an appropriate control group of undocumented workers. Consistent with previous findings, we show that becoming a legal permanent resident results in a modest wage gain of about 5%. Further, we provide novel evidence that, in addition to higher wages, legalization leads to a significantly higher likelihood of receiving some other form of compensation, such as employer‐sponsored health insurance or a monetary bonus.

Health Insurance Disparities among Immigrants: Are Some Legal Immigrants More Vulnerable Than Others?

This study examined health insurance disparities among recent immigrants. The authors analyzed all working-age adult immigrants between the ages of 18 and 64 using the New Immigrant Survey data collected in 2003.This survey is a cross-sectional interview of recent legal permanent residents on their social, economic, and health status. Respondents were interviewed in English or in their preferred languages. Nearly two-thirds of immigrants were uninsured, in spite of their strong labor force participation. Of the four key classes of immigration--employment based, family sponsored, refugee/asylum program, and diversity program--the diversity program immigrants were least likely to be insured, controlling for a wide array of demographic, human capital, acculturation, and assets-related variables. Strategies to increase health insurance coverage among legal immigrants, especially diversity immigrants, are discussed.

The Persistence of Skin Color Discrimination for Immigrants

Under Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, discrimination in employment on the basis of color is prohibited, and color is a protected basis independent from race. Using data from the spouses of the main respondents to the New Immigrant Survey 2003, this paper shows that immigrants with the lightest skin color earn on average 16 percent to 23 percent more than comparable immigrants with the darkest skin color. These estimates control for years of legal permanent residence in the U.S., education, English language proficiency, occupation in source country, Hispanic or Latino ethnicity, race, country of birth, as well as for extensive current labor market characteristics that may be themselves influenced by discrimination. Furthermore, the skin color penalty does not diminish over time. These results are consistent with persistent skin color discrimination affecting legal immigrants to the United States.

Deportation Process Penalizes Mentally Ill Immigrants

Deportation Process Penalizes Mentally Ill Immigrants

Policy Shocks: On the Legal Auspices of Latin American Migration to the United States

In this paper, I compare the transition into legal permanent residence (LPR) of Mexicans, Dominicans, and Nicaraguans. Dominicans had the highest likelihood of obtaining residence, mostly sponsored by parents and spouses. Mexicans had the lowest LPR transition rates and presented sharp gender differentials in modes: women mostly legalized through husbands while men were sponsored through IRCA, parents. Nicaraguans stood in-between, presenting few gender differences in rates and modes of transition and a heavy dependence on asylum and special provisions such as IRCA and NACARA. I argue these patterns stem from the interplay of conditions favoring the emigration of and the specific immigration policy context faced by migrant pioneers; the influence of social networks in reproducing the legal character of flows; and differences in the actual use of kinship ties as sponsors. I discuss the implications of these trends on the observed gendered patterns of migration from Latin America.

How Many Highly Skilled Foreign-Born are Waiting in Line for U.S. Legal Permanent Residence?

While the United States welcomes foreign-born students and trainees and, less warmly, temporary workers such as H-1B visa holders, it places an array of requirements, obstacles, and delays upon persons who would like to make the U.S. their permanent home. The number of people in the queue for legal permanent residence (LPR) is, however, difficult to ascertain. This paper estimates the number of highly skilled foreign-born persons waiting for LPR via the three main employment-based categories, separately by whether they are living in the United States or abroad, as well as the number of family members. We find that as of the end of FY 2006 there were about half a million employment-based principals awaiting LPR in the United States, together with over half a million family members, plus over 125 thousand principals and family members waiting abroad. These numbers dwarf the visas available annually – 120,120 plus any not used in the family preferences – suggesting that the long delays in gaining legal permanent residence are a visa number problem, not an administrative processing problem, as many believe. The backlog thus cannot be eliminated without a large change in public policy. The delay in gaining legal permanent residence could contribute to the decision of many highly skilled foreign-born to leave the United States.

How would selecting for skill change flows of immigrants to the United States? A simulation of three merit-based point systems

The policies determining how the foreign born enter the United States are some of the most complicated, least understood, and most disliked of all federal policies. This paper uses New Immigrant Survey (2003) data to examine how proposed changes to U.S. immigration policy might alter the composition of legal permanent residents (LPRs) admitted. Specifically, we consider the 2007 federal proposal that would have placed greater emphasis on employment and skills by instituting a merit-based point system while eliminating some types of family sponsorship. We also simulate point scores for the 2003 LPR cohort according to the point systems used in Canada and Australia. We find that, despite significant variation in point allocations, the three systems would admit similar numbers and types of immigrants. In the 2007 U.S. proposal, work experience in the United States is extremely important for earning high point scores. Thus, the proposal would place even more stress on temporary visa programs.

Immigration and Adult Transitions

Almost 30 percent of the more than 68 million young adults aged eighteen to thirty-four in the United States today are either foreign born or of foreign parentage. As these newcomers make their transitions to adulthood, say Rubén Rumbaut and Golnaz Komaie, they differ significantly not only from one another but also from their native-parentage counterparts, including blacks and whites. The authors document the demographic changes in the United States over the past forty years and describe the ways in which generation and national origin shape the experiences of these newcomers as they become adults. Rumbaut and Komaie point out that immigrant groups experience gaps in social, economic, and legal status that are even greater than the gaps between native whites and blacks. By far the most-educated (Indians) and the least-educated (Mexicans) groups in the United States today are first-generation immigrants, as are the groups with the lowest poverty rate (Filipinos) and the highest poverty rate (Dominicans). These social and economic divides reflect three very different ways immigrants enter the country: through regular immigration channels, without legal authorization, or as state-sponsored refugees. For many ethnic groups, significant progress takes place from the first to the second generation. But, say the authors, for millions of young immigrants, a lack of legal permanent residency status blocks their prospects for social mobility. Having an undocumented status has become all the more consequential with the failure of Congress to pass comprehensive federal immigration reforms. In the coming two decades, as the U.S. native-parentage labor force continues to shrink, immigrants and their children are expected to account for most of the growth of the nation's labor force, with the fastest-growing occupations requiring college degrees. Rumbaut and Komaie stress that one key to the nation's future will be how it incorporates young adults of immigrant origin in its economy, polity, and society, especially how it enables these young adults to have access to, and to attain, postsecondary education and its manifold pyoffs.

Which Immigrants Are Most Innovative and Entrepreneurial? Distinctions by Entry Visa

Using the 2003 National Survey of College Graduates, I examine how immigrants perform in activities likely to increase U.S. productivity, according to the type of visa on which they first entered the United States. Immigrants who entered on a student/trainee visa or a temporary work visa have a large advantage over natives in wages, patenting, and publishing. Much of the advantage is explained by immigrants' higher education and field of study. Immigrants who entered with legal permanent residence do not outperform natives for any of the outcomes considered. Immigrants are more likely to start companies than similar natives.

Wealth accumulation among U.S. immigrants: A study of assimilation and differentials

Data from the New Immigrant Survey are used to study wealth differentials among U.S. legal permanent residents. This study is unique in its ability to account for wealth held in the U.S. and that held abroad and yields several key findings. First, relative to immigrants from Western Europe, Australia, Canada, and New Zealand (who have median wealth similar to native born non-Hispanic whites), other immigrant groups have lower levels of total wealth even after accounting for permanent income and life course characteristics. Second, time in the U.S. is positively associated with the wealth of married immigrants, yet this relationship is not statistically significant for single immigrants. Third, differences in the means of measured characteristics between Western European immigrants and those from most other origin regions account for more than 75 percent of observed wealth disparities. However, for immigrants from Asia and from the Indian subcontinent, much of the wealth differential remains unexplained by these factors.

Housing Cost Burden and New Lawful Immigrants in the United States

Housing in the United States constitutes the largest expenditure for many households. Increasing rents and home prices, changes in the mortgage industry, and the growing importance of immigrants in the U.S. housing market underscore the value of examining the economic hardship that housing costs pose for immigrants. As is true for the native-born, immigrants’ allocation of financial resources to housing influences the funds available for savings, investments, survival of emergencies, and the overall economic well-being of children and families. This project employs 2003 national-level data of legal permanent residents from the New Immigrant Survey to examine an outcome lacking sufficient empirical study: the proportion of household income spent on housing. The study examines whether disparities in immigrant housing cost burden by country/region of origin persist after accounting for differences in human capital, stage in the life cycle, assimilation, and other factors. The analyses disaggregate immigrants from Latin America, Asia, Europe and other areas into more nuanced categories. The results document that after controlling for a diverse array of variables, legal immigrants vary widely in housing cost burdens by country/region of origin. These disparities have implications for the future wealth accumulation and long-term financial security of immigrants in the United States.