Legacy Of Apartheid Research Articles

Frontiers of Power and Prosperity: Explaining Provincial Boundary Disputes in Postapartheid South Africa

Abstract:Territorial reforms in South Africa, undertaken in order to address the legacy of apartheid, have proven to be a contested terrain. This article considers three case studies and argues that in order to understand these territorial disputes, it is important to pay attention to the material conditions of the affected communities, disparities between provinces in terms of resources and governance efficiency, and perceptions that the preferred province is better positioned to serve the interests of the community. The article highlights the role of party political interests and also reflects on the relevance of the South African experience to other African countries.

Confronting “Self” and “Other” in Damon Galgut’s The Good Doctor

This article evaluates the position and experience of whites in South Africa after the advent of a black majority government, insofar as these are represented by the English-speaking white male protagonist in The Good Doctor (2003) by Damon Galgut. Analysis of the novel will illustrate that the legacy of colonisation and apartheid continues to influence the settler descendants’ perceptions of self and the other and their place in the country.

Contesting ideologies and the struggle for equality: Reconsidering the politics of education in South Africa

As international standards are continually publicized, countries across the globe have adapted educational policies to meet the demands of the global market, which has led to much emphasis on specific subjects and teaching methods. Although modern educational policies tend to focus on rhetoric about inclusion, systematic segregation remains in many parts of the world. In the case of South Africa, the political transition in the 1990s had tremendous impacts on educational policies. However, by studying the policies that were in effect during apartheid, it is easier to understand some of the inequalities that remain. From the 1950s to the 1980s, Bantu education was used as a tool to support the apartheid state. In the 1980s, the People’s Education Movement began as a grassroots initiative to promote equal education and the transition to democracy. While the latter was achieved, the people’s education vision was largely abandoned in exchange for policies that would allow the state to be most competitive in the global market. Just as the apartheid regime imposed Bantu education on the non-White population, this article argues that international standards are now imposing a Western model of education on South Africa. Although great strides have been made toward a more egalitarian education system, this pattern has been occurring worldwide. Through studying these policies, scholars may better understand how the legacy of apartheid continues to impact modern education systems.

Public Transportation in South Africa: Challenges and Opportunities

<p><em>This article engages with several important questions regarding the state of public transportation in South Africa. It provides a brief description of the historical legacy of apartheid in relation to public transport, and the challenges this posed to the government after 1994. This is followed by a summary of the changing policy frameworks in the post-apartheid era, and an examination of the current policies, trajectories, and major transportation projects within the country. For example, this includes a more detailed discussion of major infrastructure projects such as the Gautrain and Bus Rapid Transit (BRT) in the form of Rea Vaya. Overall, the article argues that the South African government is struggling to build an inclusive public transportation infrastructure that addresses issues of poverty, access, and inequality. Finally, the article will conclude with a set of recommendations to build a more inclusive transportation policy framework for South Africa. </em></p>

The African Renaissance versus the South African Renaissance?

When Nelson Mandela was sworn in as president on 10 May 1994, South Africa enjoyed an unprecedented global standing. Much of the international community, particularly Western states, saw the new South Africa as well equipped to play a dynamic and dominant role on the continent; promoting conflict resolution, economic development, and acting as a standard-bearer for democracy and human rights.Yet, throughout the presidencies of Nelson Mandela, Thabo Mbeki and Jacob Zuma, South Africa has failed to deliver on this early promise. Its continental primacy has been circumscribed by its own reluctance to lead, combined with widespread African hostility to its economic expansion, antipathy towards its democratic ideals and scepticism about its suitability as Africa’s global representative. With an onerous domestic agenda, as it continues to tackle the profound socio-economic legacies of apartheid, and with its military power also on the wane, South Africa must now adapt to an emerging multipolarity on the continent. This transition – which may produce a new concert of African powers working in constructive collaboration or lead to fragmentation, discord and gridlock – is likely to determine Africa’s prospects for decades to come.This Adelphi book squarely challenges the received wisdom that South Africa is a dominant power in Africa. It explores the country’s complex and difficult relationship with the rest of the continent in the post-apartheid era and examines the ways in which the country has struggled to translate its economic, military and diplomatic weight into tangible foreign policy successes and enduring influence on the ground. The conclusions of this book will be valuable to academics, policymakers, journalists, and business leaders seeking to understand the evolution and trajectory of South African policy in Africa.

The plight of the South African National Defence Force

When Nelson Mandela was sworn in as president on 10 May 1994, South Africa enjoyed an unprecedented global standing. Much of the international community, particularly Western states, saw the new South Africa as well equipped to play a dynamic and dominant role on the continent; promoting conflict resolution, economic development, and acting as a standard-bearer for democracy and human rights.Yet, throughout the presidencies of Nelson Mandela, Thabo Mbeki and Jacob Zuma, South Africa has failed to deliver on this early promise. Its continental primacy has been circumscribed by its own reluctance to lead, combined with widespread African hostility to its economic expansion, antipathy towards its democratic ideals and scepticism about its suitability as Africa’s global representative. With an onerous domestic agenda, as it continues to tackle the profound socio-economic legacies of apartheid, and with its military power also on the wane, South Africa must now adapt to an emerging multipolarity on the continent. This transition – which may produce a new concert of African powers working in constructive collaboration or lead to fragmentation, discord and gridlock – is likely to determine Africa’s prospects for decades to come.This Adelphi book squarely challenges the received wisdom that South Africa is a dominant power in Africa. It explores the country’s complex and difficult relationship with the rest of the continent in the post-apartheid era and examines the ways in which the country has struggled to translate its economic, military and diplomatic weight into tangible foreign policy successes and enduring influence on the ground. The conclusions of this book will be valuable to academics, policymakers, journalists, and business leaders seeking to understand the evolution and trajectory of South African policy in Africa.

South Africa's image problem in Africa

When Nelson Mandela was sworn in as president on 10 May 1994, South Africa enjoyed an unprecedented global standing. Much of the international community, particularly Western states, saw the new South Africa as well equipped to play a dynamic and dominant role on the continent; promoting conflict resolution, economic development, and acting as a standard-bearer for democracy and human rights.Yet, throughout the presidencies of Nelson Mandela, Thabo Mbeki and Jacob Zuma, South Africa has failed to deliver on this early promise. Its continental primacy has been circumscribed by its own reluctance to lead, combined with widespread African hostility to its economic expansion, antipathy towards its democratic ideals and scepticism about its suitability as Africa’s global representative. With an onerous domestic agenda, as it continues to tackle the profound socio-economic legacies of apartheid, and with its military power also on the wane, South Africa must now adapt to an emerging multipolarity on the continent. This transition – which may produce a new concert of African powers working in constructive collaboration or lead to fragmentation, discord and gridlock – is likely to determine Africa’s prospects for decades to come.This Adelphi book squarely challenges the received wisdom that South Africa is a dominant power in Africa. It explores the country’s complex and difficult relationship with the rest of the continent in the post-apartheid era and examines the ways in which the country has struggled to translate its economic, military and diplomatic weight into tangible foreign policy successes and enduring influence on the ground. The conclusions of this book will be valuable to academics, policymakers, journalists, and business leaders seeking to understand the evolution and trajectory of South African policy in Africa.

South Africa in Africa: The challenges of the new multipolarity

When Nelson Mandela was sworn in as president on 10 May 1994, South Africa enjoyed an unprecedented global standing. Much of the international community, particularly Western states, saw the new South Africa as well equipped to play a dynamic and dominant role on the continent; promoting conflict resolution, economic development, and acting as a standard-bearer for democracy and human rights.Yet, throughout the presidencies of Nelson Mandela, Thabo Mbeki and Jacob Zuma, South Africa has failed to deliver on this early promise. Its continental primacy has been circumscribed by its own reluctance to lead, combined with widespread African hostility to its economic expansion, antipathy towards its democratic ideals and scepticism about its suitability as Africa’s global representative. With an onerous domestic agenda, as it continues to tackle the profound socio-economic legacies of apartheid, and with its military power also on the wane, South Africa must now adapt to an emerging multipolarity on the continent. This transition – which may produce a new concert of African powers working in constructive collaboration or lead to fragmentation, discord and gridlock – is likely to determine Africa’s prospects for decades to come.This Adelphi book squarely challenges the received wisdom that South Africa is a dominant power in Africa. It explores the country’s complex and difficult relationship with the rest of the continent in the post-apartheid era and examines the ways in which the country has struggled to translate its economic, military and diplomatic weight into tangible foreign policy successes and enduring influence on the ground. The conclusions of this book will be valuable to academics, policymakers, journalists, and business leaders seeking to understand the evolution and trajectory of South African policy in Africa.

Tentative hegemony from Mandela to Zuma

When Nelson Mandela was sworn in as president on 10 May 1994, South Africa enjoyed an unprecedented global standing. Much of the international community, particularly Western states, saw the new South Africa as well equipped to play a dynamic and dominant role on the continent; promoting conflict resolution, economic development, and acting as a standard-bearer for democracy and human rights.Yet, throughout the presidencies of Nelson Mandela, Thabo Mbeki and Jacob Zuma, South Africa has failed to deliver on this early promise. Its continental primacy has been circumscribed by its own reluctance to lead, combined with widespread African hostility to its economic expansion, antipathy towards its democratic ideals and scepticism about its suitability as Africa’s global representative. With an onerous domestic agenda, as it continues to tackle the profound socio-economic legacies of apartheid, and with its military power also on the wane, South Africa must now adapt to an emerging multipolarity on the continent. This transition – which may produce a new concert of African powers working in constructive collaboration or lead to fragmentation, discord and gridlock – is likely to determine Africa’s prospects for decades to come.This Adelphi book squarely challenges the received wisdom that South Africa is a dominant power in Africa. It explores the country’s complex and difficult relationship with the rest of the continent in the post-apartheid era and examines the ways in which the country has struggled to translate its economic, military and diplomatic weight into tangible foreign policy successes and enduring influence on the ground. The conclusions of this book will be valuable to academics, policymakers, journalists, and business leaders seeking to understand the evolution and trajectory of South African policy in Africa.

Industrial development zone and South African environmental legal initiatives post-1994: a quest for sustainable industrial development

Many developing countries are currently undergoing increased industrialization, which has accelerated environmental degradation. This study aims to examine South Africa's industrial development path as a socio-economic strategy pursued along the rill-lines of sustainable industrial development (SID) in view of the post-1994 environmental legislative initiatives. An exploratory review guided the study analysis. As industrial development zones (IDZs), environmental sustainability research is virtually non-existent, leading to the poor understanding of this programme's role in SID. This study reveals that the government political commitment, 1996 South Africa's Constitution and National Environmental Act (No. 107 of 1998) are key pillars reconciling the environment and industrial development in diffusing apartheid legacies. Non-compliances re-occur in industries outside the IDZs due to shortage of environmental monitoring inspectors and government priorities changes. Therefore, there is need to ‘green’ IDZ stakeholders for proper environmental legislation implementation. Finally, the study highlights new potential directions for research into SID zoning.

The ‘good city’ or ‘post-colonial catch-basins of violent empire’? A contextual theological appraisal of South Africa’s Integrated Urban Development Framework

The Integrated Urban Development Framework (IUDF) was constructed as a ‘new deal’ for South African cities and towns. It outlines a vision with four overarching goals and eight priorities or policy levers meant to overcome the apartheid legacy through comprehensive spatial restructuring and strategic urban–rural linkages. This article is a contextual theological reflection ‘from below’, reading the IUDF through the lenses of five distinct contours. It asks whether the IUDF has the potential to mediate good cities in which the urban poor and disenfranchised can experience integral liberation as equal citizens, or whether it will perpetuate the city as post-colonial satellite of violent empire. It concludes by proposing five areas for theological and political action: consciousness from below, a new economics, a different kind of politics, socio-spatial transformation, and collaborative knowledge generation.

Framing the problem of rape in South Africa: Gender, race, class and state histories

With rates of rape in South Africa among the highest in the world, the significance of context has surfaced repeatedly in South African scholarship on rape. Most commonly, rape is understood as a symptom of deep and pervasive gender inequality, historical, social and economic legacies of apartheid as well as post-apartheid state discourses that have normalized rape and enabled it to be tolerated. In addition, the role of masculinities has received significant attention, linked to social and economic histories and contemporary political narratives. This article considers how scholarly discussions on rape in South Africa are evolving. Applying a critical sociological lens of enquiry to the ways in which the problem of rape is constructed, it outlines the significance of state histories in understandings of rape in South Africa today, the explicit and implicit ways in which research and writing on rape is racialized and classed, and considers the implications of this.

NEW BLOOD: Implications of en masse recruitment for the South African Police Service

This article is concerned with the process of en masse recruitment implemented within the South African Police Service since 2002. As a result of this process the personnel strength of the SAPS has increased dramatically from 120 549 in 2002 to 199 345 in 2012, an increase of over 65%. A large proportion of SAPS personnel are now people who have joined since 1994 and particularly since 2002. En masse recruitment has in part addressed the legacy of apartheid by promoting racial and gender representativeness in the SAPS. In so doing it has facilitated entry into the civil service by a significant number of black, and particularly African,South Africans, thus contributing to ‘class formation’. At the same time the process does not ensure political non-partisanship on the part of the SAPS. It also has not necessarily contributed to ‘better policing’ in South Africa. While it may have increased the potential that the SAPS will enjoy legitimacy, this cannot be achieved by recruitment alone.

Validation of the Client Diagnostic Questionnaire to Assess Mental Health in South African Caregivers of Children.

Given the high prevalence of mental health (MH) and substance abuse problems in low-to-middle income countries, the scarcity of MH professionals and the negative impact of psychiatric disorders on caregivers of young children, there is significant need for brief evidence-based screening tools for lay counselors to assist with MH assessment. This study aimed to validate a brief screening tool to assess psychiatric and substance use disorders, the Client Diagnostic Questionnaire (CDQ), in South Africa (SA). Data are from a longitudinal study of health and psychosocial needs in preschool children in SA. Participants included 322 Zulu-speaking, female caregivers. Following procedures of the US CDQ validation study, lay counselors interviewed participants using the translated Zulu CDQ. Subsequently a psychologist conducted a full psychiatric assessment guided by the CDQ questions. Analyses examined sensitivity, specificity and overall accuracy, comparing lay counselor and psychologist assessment. Sensitivity (73%), specificity (81%) and overall accuracy (79%) were good for the variable indicating presence of 'any diagnosis.' Among those cases identified by the psychologist as having any psychiatric diagnosis, over 70% were correctly identified by lay counselors using the CDQ (i.e., positive predictive value was greater than 70%). The false positive rate was relatively low (19%). Specificity for 'any disorder' (including substance use) and 'any psychiatric disorder' were 81% and 79%. The isiZulu CDQ is a sensitive and valid MH diagnostic screener that can be used by lay counselors with limited MH training to identify those in need of treatment and target extremely scarce MH professionals. Copyright © 2016 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. South Africa (SA), a country heavily impacted by poverty, HIV and the legacy of Apartheid, has a high prevalence of mental health (MH) and substance abuse problems. In SA and other low-and-middle-income-countries (LMIC) there is a dearth of MH professionals. This study examined use and validity of the Client Diagnostic Questionnaire (CDQ), a brief diagnostic MH screening tool designed for use by lay counselors in HIV-affected populations. Comparing lay counsellor diagnoses on the CDQ to clinician assessment, sensitivity, specificity and overall accuracy were good at the level of 'any diagnosis.' The CDQ can be used effectively in SA and other LMIC with limited MH services to enable appropriate and efficient referral of individuals in primary care settings, supporting caregivers and the children in their care.

Reconsidering the Freedom Charter, the black theology of liberation and the African proverb about the locust’s head in the context of poverty in South Africa

While South Africa attained liberation from the apartheid rule in 1994, the legacy of colonialism and apartheid – in the form of poverty and economic inequality – continues to haunt black South Africans. The aim of this article is to make a case for the equitable sharing of South Africa’s mineral wealth amongst all its citizens with the view to alleviate poverty. Firstly, this article provides a reflection on the Freedom Charter and suggests that the values of the Charter, for instance, the sharing of resources and wealth, are relevant in South Africa today. Secondly, it is argued in the present article that the preferential option for the poor which is upheld in the black theology of liberation is equally relevant in post-apartheid South Africa where many black South Africans remain poor. Thirdly, this article argues that the African proverb, Bana ba motho ba ngwathelana hlogo ya tšie [The siblings share the head of a locust], also echoes the idea of equitable sharing of resources with a view to alleviate poverty. Lastly, the author submits that the idea of equitable sharing of resources and wealth that is echoed in the Freedom Charter, the black theology of liberation and the African wise saying support the equitable redistribution of the mineral wealth to the benefit of all South Africans.

Politics of faith: Transforming religious communities and spiritual subjectivities in post-apartheid South Africa

The enforcement of racial segregation during apartheid was aimed not only at regulating public spaces, residential areas and the workforce, but also at shaping the subjectivities of individuals who were socialised to see themselves through the lens of a white racial hierarchy. The ideology of white supremacy and superiority that informed apartheid policy was largely justified using Christonormative epistemologies that sought to legitimate the racial hierarchy as having basis in Holy Scripture and as an extension of God’s will. At the same time, apartheid policy fragmented religious communities, entrenching race as a central component of spiritual subjectivities. Twenty years after the end of apartheid, the legacy of apartheid continues to shape the lives and opportunities of all people living in South Africa, despite many gains made in working towards a non-racial, non-sexist democracy. While much scholarly attention has been paid to postapartheid contexts of work, residency and recreation, relatively little attention has been paid to spaces of worship. This is surprising, given that religious belief and practice are widespread in South Africa in the first instance, and that Christian belief, in particular, was so central to the social imaginary of apartheid, in the second. Thus, in efforts to transform society and advance social justice, it is imperative to consider diversity, difference and otherness from the perspective of, and in relation to, contemporary religious communities and contexts. This article will consider some of the factors shaping dynamics of diversity and difference within the context of religious communities in South Africa, over 20 years into democracy.

Waiting and the Legacy of Apartheid

With debates about the issues of liberation, centering, and empowerment dominating the African literary landscape, particularly in works written by women, it is not surprising to find that the issue of ‘waiting’ occupies centre stage in Njabulo Ndebele’s novel The Cry of Winnie Mandela (2003). Much, of course, has been written on this work, which focuses on the peculiar problems facing women in contemporary South Africa, but the object of this essay is to examine the theme of waiting as it is made manifest in the literary production of the Third-World level of South African life under apartheid. The background to this literature is infiltration, colonialism, and exploitation in the lives of simple people struggling for survival and meaning in a harsh world. Through complex negotiations, women are attempting to come to terms with their increasingly visible role as breadwinners in the absence of their menfolk. This produces unexpected reconfigurations, personal and familial. One question addressed is whether these reconfigurations represent a crisis in the relations of social reproduction or a transition to new forms of family life. The novel is characterized by elements of the fantastic and mythical woven into a deceptively simple story that scrutinizes society at its base in a state of post-apartheid hangover.

Experiences of black women teacher educators in the South African higher education system: initiating debate

The documenting of Black women’s past and current experiences within academia remains important despite the apparent opening up of opportunities for the formerly excluded. This is due to the need to confront the twin edifices of domination and marginalisation arising from the legacies of colonialism and apartheid. Within the context of discourses on transformation, it is critical to take stock of the extent to which universities have created supportive and enabling environments that take account of the diverse and unequal backgrounds of their academics, especially women. This introductory paper serves to initiate aspects of the debates that inform the narratives of a group of Black women academics who are university-based teacher educators and to raise questions about their positioning within tertiary institutions which remain relevant even under a democratic and inclusive dispensation. Key words: Black women, academics, identity, narrative, teacher education, South Africa, university

Reconceptualising the teaching of heritage in schools

The broader education system in South Africa, and specifically history teaching, has undergone changes that aimed, on the one hand, to cleanse the subject content of discriminatory and incriminating practices and, on the other, to affirm previously neglected histories. By so doing, the principles of democratic citizenry such as critical thinking, clear reasoning and respect for multiple perspectives were envisioned to be enhanced. This paper, using a postcolonial discourse, reports on a study conducted in the Free State Province. It seeks to add to the debate on enhancing democracy through education and to augment the creation of sustainable learning environments by means of accommodating previously neglected forms of historical knowledge and heritage conceptualisation. Qualitative focus-group interviews were used to investigate the ways in which teachers conceptualise and teach heritage during their history lessons. Findings revealed that the participants’ initial training and socialisation plays an important part in conceptualising and teaching heritage from a predominantly colonial and imperialistic perspective. This approach continues to look down upon African knowledge systems and ways in which Africans make meaning of their past. Critical learning in such environments might be compromised, as experiences and interpretations from one perspective only are promoted. It is recommended that history educators be exposed to other ways of interpreting the past, for example postcolonial discourse, as this will assist in challenging the continuing legacy of imperialism, colonialism and apartheid instilled in history educators’ and learners’ approach towards the concept of heritage. The findings of the study have a direct impact on the initial and in-service training of history teachers in that a more open way is needed of looking at the past and the exposure to multiple perspectives in the teaching of history. KEYWORDS History Teaching, Heritage, Postcolonial Discourse

A LEGISLATED SCHOOL LIBRARY POLICY: CAN FUNCTIONAL SCHOOL LIBRARIES BE ENVISIONED WITHOUT ONE?

Although school libraries are important resource centres that support curriculum delivery and important pedagogical matters, it is disturbing that, in South Africa, only a minority (7.2%) of schools have well-stocked functional school libraries. A legislated school library policy is crucial for a country to roll out effective school library and information services (LIS). This is particularly true in South African schools, which are characterised by enormous disparities in the provision of resources because of the legacy of apartheid. Grounded in the literature review, the fact that the national Department of Basic Education (DBE) does not have a legislated and approved school library policy is a stumbling block to developing and sustaining an active and dynamic school library service for all public schools in South Africa. The purpose of this article is to help relevant stakeholders understand the importance of a legislated school library policy in championing the establishment and development of an active, vibrant and dynamic functional school library service to support the progressive, constructivist and resource based curriculum in the country. The study recommends that the National Guidelines for School Library and Information Services (SA DBE 2012) be amended to a legislated school library policy to resuscitate indeterminate and non-functional libraries in the majority of schools.Â