Left-wing Research Articles

Red Maulanas: Revisiting Islam and the Left in twentieth‐century South Asia

AbstractIn the early 20th century, colonised people across empires rejected their status quo with visions and articulations of different emancipatory futures. The more radical and creative of these projects fused socialist thought with national, cultural or religious traditions. Grounded in ideas of equality, redistribution and common ownership, these visions offered futures of freedom beyond nationalism. Islamic Socialism was one of these revolutionary currents alongside Arab socialism, African socialism and Black Liberation Theology. The article reviews the historical scholarship on the relationship between Muslims and Left politics in 20th century South Asia and proposes Islamic Socialism as a new field of study. Some of the earliest articulations and enduring commitment to the politics of Islamic Socialism emerged from South Asia, yet the topic is not easily located in the existing scholarship on the region or elsewhere. Employing a diverse set of texts, I show how we can approach through three categories ‐ time, space, and ideas– and map out subaltern Islam as a future area of research. Existing studies have treated Islamic Socialism variously as crude readings of Islam and Marxism, an immemorial Islamic tradition, the intellectual product of theoretical congruence, or as a novel and creative experiment. Reflecting on its minor status in historiography, the article argues for the importance of Islamic Socialism in thinking beyond Islamic literalism and furthering our understanding of decolonisation experiments, everyday subaltern politics, and the possibilities for Marxism and Islam in the Global South.

Consumers’ meat commitment and the importance of animal welfare as agricultural policy goal

Animal welfare is one of the key agricultural policy goals and is considered extremely important by consumers. With the increasing urgency for a sustainable and healthy dietary shift, it could be one of the key motivators for behaviour change. Therefore, we investigate how consumers perceive the importance of animal welfare not only as an agricultural policy goal but also in comparison to conflicting goals, such as domestic food production, farmers’ income, and consumer prices. We investigate how the weighing of animal welfare as an agricultural policy goal is related to individual behaviour (i.e. meat consumption), values and attitudes, such as meat commitment, the perceptions of farmers and the Ecological Welfare scale (which includes animal welfare and environment protection). Thus, we conducted an online survey in October 2022, recruiting a sample of 1542 participants (51.5% women) in equal parts from the German-, French-, and Italian-speaking parts of Switzerland. Participants were asked to evaluate the importance of increased animal welfare in three situations with the following conflicting policy goals: (1) increasing domestic food production, (2) reducing consumer food prices, and (3) increasing farm incomes. Regression analysis revealed that the influential predictors in all three models were similar. Being a woman, politically left leaning, and less committed to meat eating, having a more negative perception of farmers, and assigning more importance to ethical food consumption increased the probability of putting more weight on animal welfare in all three goal conflicts described above. The finding that participants who were more committed to meat eating tended to assign less importance to animal welfare when weighing the three conflicting agricultural policy goals is well-aligned with the current literature. Implications for agricultural policy are discussed.

Analyzing drivers of organic food sales-A pooled spatial data analysis for Hamburg (Germany).

Shifting the food system to a more sustainable one requires changes on both sides of the supply chain, with the consumer playing a key role. Therefore, understanding the factors that positively correlate with increased organic food sales over time for an entire population can help guide policymakers, industry, and research to increase this transition further. Using a statistical approach, we developed a spatial pooled cross-sectional model to analyze factors that positively correlate with an increased demand for organic food sales over 20 years (1999-2019) for an entire region (the city-state of Hamburg, Germany), accounting for spatial effects through the spatial error model, spatially lagged X model, and spatial Durbin error model. The results indicated that voting behavior strongly correlated with increased organic food sales over time. Specifically, areas with a higher number of residents that voted for a political party with a core focus on environmental issues, the Greens and the Left Party in Germany. However, there is a stronger connection with the more "radical" Left Party than with the "mainstream" Green Party, which may provide evidence for the attitude-behavior gap, as Left Party supporters are very convinced of their attitudes (pro-environment) and behavior thus follows. By including time and space, this analysis is the first to summarize developments over time for a metropolitan population while accounting for spatial effects and identifying areas for targeted marketing that need further motivation to increase organic food sales.

A moral or class divide for populist parties? ‘The people’ in the discourse of Podemos and Vox in Spain

ABSTRACT Do populist parties refer to class identities in their discourses or do they, as most populism literature assumes, mainly highlight a moral distinction between ‘people’ and the ‘elite’? To explore these questions, this research uses dictionary-based methods and discourse analysis to identify the various ways to reconstruct such identities in Spanish populist left (Podemos) and right (Vox) political parties between 2014 and 2023. Our findings reveal that both the populist left and populist right politicise class divisions as much as moral divides, even more so in the case of the left. Moreover, we observe significant differences in the class identities mobilised by Podemos and Vox and their evolution over time.

Post-industrial alignment and class support for radical left parties in Southern Europe

ABSTRACT Focusing on Southern Europe during the sharp electoral rise of radical left parties (RLPs) (2008–2020), this article identifies a post-industrial pattern of class support for the radical left. Leveraging survey data, it shows class support for the radical left is linked to a horizontal distinction in the labour market based on work logic. RLPs attract mostly those working in face-to-face service jobs, lower-grade associate professionals voting based on cultural and economic preferences, and unskilled routine workers voting out of economic preferences. Radical left support in post-industrial Southern Europe is thus stronger among service workers and segments of the professional middle classes than among production workers.

Rituals Within Walls: Thinking Post-War Japan’s History through Cinematic Allegories of Everyday Life

Between the mid-1960s and the early 1970s, the quotidian dimension took political centrality in Japan thanks to the leading role of the New Left movement and its ideology. This went hand in hand with an appreciation of the philosophical approaches of Marxist intellectuals such as Jun Tosaka and Gorō Hani, who saw the quotidian as a fundamental space for historical transformation. We know how Tosaka and Hani developed an everyday-centred philosophy of history through their writings, but we know little about how formats other than the written word – such as cinema – contributed to thinking historical reality from the same ideological approach. To address this gap in our understanding, this article analyses the intersection of two highly representative films with Tosaka and Hani’s historical thought: Secrets Within Walls ( Kabe no naka no himegoto, Kōji Wakamatsu, 1965) and Ceremonies ( Gishiki, Nagisa Ōshima, 1971). These films’ cinematic allegorisation of post-war Japan’s everyday relationships was a way to reflect on the political character of that period.

Challenges in Diagnosing Fibrodysplasia Ossificans Progressiva: A Case Report.

A 5-year-old boy presented with multiple bony swellings in the dorsal spine region, restricted left shoulder movement, and a previous misdiagnosis of hereditary multiple exostoses (HMEs) resulting in unnecessary excision of the right scapular lesion. Clinical examination revealed hallux valgus, brachydactyly, and limited neck movement. Radiography and computed tomography confirmed a diagnosis of fibrodysplasia ossificans progressiva (FOP). This case report underscores the importance of accurate diagnosis and differentiation between FOP and HME. Hallux valgus, brachydactyly, and restricted neck movement suggested FOP. It is paramount for orthopaedic surgeons to exclude rare disorders before performing any interventions. Biopsies or resections of bone formation areas should be avoided for patients with FOP.

Early Socialism and the Impact of the Paris Commune on the Ottoman Political Imagination in the Nineteenth Century

ABSTRACT The purpose of this article is to re-examine the thinking, motivation and causes for the development of early socialism and its transformation in the Ottoman Empire during the nineteenth century. The first part of the paper will engage with the socialistic aspirations and political language of the radical branch of the Young Ottomans, in the writings of Mehmed, Reşad and Nuri Beys. The second part will reconstruct the debate between the detractors and defenders of the Paris Commune of 1871 regarding the meanings, effects, and possible threats or benefits of socialism, to rediscover what the Ottomans meant by socialism and what the Commune and socialism meant to them. The article will demonstrate that socialism did not meet with a delayed response in Turkey, contrary to what conventional historiography claims. In fact, the Ottomans were aware of these developments. Just as elsewhere, 1848 and, more importantly, 1871 were important turning points in the Leftist discourse within the Ottoman Empire. This early development of Ottoman socialist perspectives means that Ottoman Empire is more accurately considered as an active participant in the global intellectual trends of the nineteenth century, rather than as a passive observer.

Two and a half undeservedly forgotten conceptual foundations of rural sociology

Although Russian society is strongly connected with the countryside and has deep ‘rural roots’, agrarian issues have always been somewhat marginal in the national scientific tradition, mainly in its social-scientific branch. Today the situation seems to change due to at least two globally urgent issues - sustainable food-security patterns (agricultural production) and rural social/human capital - which increase both theoretical and practical interest to the heuristic and reform potential of the rural sociology research. To the acknowledged factors of the somewhat marginal status of rural sociology the authors add the fact that not all its conceptual foundations, especially in the national tradition, were identified and systematized. The article presents only two and a half such foundations: agricultural economics, theories of peasant agrarianism, and, partly, theory of rural-urban continuum (forgotten in its rural half and widely used to explain suburbanization trends). In the first part of the article, the authors reconstruct the historical path of agricultural economics, focusing on its creative adaptation to the specific conditions of rural Russia. At the turn of the 1920s - 1930s, the national and global political-ideological crisis of agricultural economics determined the replacement of its initial German economic-philosophical agrarian approach by the American pragmatic agricultural approach and applied farm management. In the second part of the article, the authors summarize, on the one hand, utopian, political-economic and populist ideas of agrarianism (1); on the other hand, reasons for its fair criticism which did not focus on the utopian ideas of agrarianism (rather on its being an eclectic pragmatic ideology, contradictions between its left and right wings, its negative conservative potential, lack of political experience and decisiveness, and so on). In the third part of the article, the authors reconstruct a more successful life path of the theory of ruralurban continuum, which emphasizes not so much the fundamental differences between rural and urban communities as a spatially extended rural-urban scale of community types differing by size, population density, division of labor, isolation, local solidarity, and so on. This continuum model remains extremely important for the analysis of the social development of contemporary rural areas and should be supplemented by the elements of the theory of peasant economy and cooperation in order to study comprehensively rural social and human capital.

Neo-Zionism's Vision for the Issue of the Jewishness of the State in Israel

Objectives: The purpose of the present paper is to analyze Neo-Zionism’s vision for the issue of the Jewishness of the state in Israel by tracing the foundations of this trend, the factors that helped crystalizing it in Israeli state, and the impact of that on the state’s identity. Methods: The paper is based on two approaches: the historical approach and the analytical approach, the first helps in tracing the intellectual roots of Neo-Zionism trend, while the second helps in dividing the phenomenon in question in order to identify its causes, analyze its vision's results, and explain its impact on the identity of the Israeli state. Results: The Neo-Zionism trend presented a set of coherent values and ideas towards the issue of the Jewish state. In reality, Neo-Zionism was able to achieve the following: Firstly, the idolization of its visions. Secondly, the legitimization of its ideological visions. Thirdly, the legalization of its ideology and political approach. Although the trend presented a coherent intellectual perspective on the nature of the identity of the Israeli state, its religious vision led to a deepening of the identity crisis in Israeli society and created a new crisis between the nature of the identity of the state and the democratic system in Israel. Conclusions: the study recommends more research on the opposing visions to values and ideas of Neo-Zionism trend (left and Arab parties), and the alliances they can achieve in the face of the expansion of the Neo-Zionism.

The Alternative for Germany and the Left Parties in the Eastern States: Transformation of Electoral Preferences

Introduction. The separate existence of East Germany over the years has led to the formation of unique electoral preferences of citizens. In eastern federal states the Left as the heir to the Socialist Unity Party of Germany remained one of the leaders for a long time. However, in recent years its traditional electorate has increasingly begun to choose the Alternative for Germany. The aim of this article is to identify the main reasons for this shift in preferences in East Germany. Materials and Methods. The main materials were the results of the elections to the Bundestag and Landtags. The statistics illustrating the performance of the Left on the national average and separately in East Germany in the national elections since 2009 was processed with the help of comparative analysis, the same was done with regard to the subnational elections since 2009 and 2011. The results of the Alternative for Germany were evaluated from its inception in 2013. Additionally, the data was used on preferences among voters of various age groups, the rating of the National Democratic Party of Germany before and after the advent of the Alternative for Germany, as well as GDP per capita indicators. Results. It is confirmed that it was the Alternative for Germany that mainly occupied the former niche of the Left. The main reasons that comprehensively influenced electoral preferences include the generational change, the unsuccessful adaptation of the left forces to Western values, the unpopularity of anti-capitalist rhetoric, the presence of more influential opponents on key left-wing topics, the demand for conservative and opposition ideology (e.g. in migration policy), as well as the ability of right-wing populists to work with protest voters. Discussion and Conclusion. The decline in the ratings of the left has become a rather stable phenomenon in recent years, while the performance of the right-wing populists strongly depended on the reaction of the party to a particular political crisis. However, this was more about the general popularity of the Alternative for Germany, which did not imply real prerequisites for the return of the electorate to the Left. The results of this paper can be applied in expert-analytical and research activities aimed at explaining electoral processes.

Norway: Political Developments and Data in 2022

AbstractFollowing the 2021 parliamentary election, which was a big win for the centre‐left, Norway has a governing coalition of the Centre Party and the Labor Party, led by Prime minister (PM) Støre of the Labor Party. The government faced various challenges in 2022 and fell dramatically in public standing, according to public opinion polls. The main difficulties concerned both the government's policy, for instance on COVID‐19, on inflation and energy policy, and also some political scandals that led to high‐profile resignations. The main opposition Conservative Party, led by former PM Solberg, rose in the polls throughout the year. The leaders of the Green and Socialist Left parties resigned in 2022.

The Program of Alexander Shchipkov’s Social Tradition or Synthesis of Left Wing and Conservatism: Its Opportunities

The article explores the concept of the social tradition and the program of the synthesis of the left wing and conservatism put forward by the political philosopher, publicist and public fi gure Alexander Shchipkov. These subjects are assessed as a logical and appropriate attempt to formulate a conservative ideology that would be actual for modern Russia while relying on the historical experience and social background of the country and corresponding to the Russian history of the 19th–20th centuries. The term “Social Tradition” is similar to the term “Synthesis of Left Wing and Conservatism”, where “social” is loaded with positive and moderate leftist content, as far as it can be deemed possible to combine it with traditional and historically conservative content. The term “tradition” can be characterized here by what is usually understood in this concept as conservatism. The paper notes the importance of the Soviet specifi cs and the correct assessment of the Soviet period of the Russian history for the successful possibility of this synthesis. The article briefl y discusses the attempts of synthesis of socialism (left wing) and conservatism (tradition and traditionalism) that preceded in the history of the Russian social thought. It also points out a problem this program has: the left tradition demands the total equality, both economic and social, while the classical conservatism has always insisted on the principles of hierarchy and class stratifi cation of the society. In this regard, the essential eclecticism of this program put forward by Alexander Shchipkov can be noted. At the same time, it is emphasized that the time of integral classical conservatism, which directly relied on religion and class stratifi cation of the society, is now the irrevocable yesterday. Today, in a sense, we are condemned to eclectic conservatism and attempts to combine incompatible. Social traditionalism or synthesis of left wing and conservatism, fi rstly, takes the best from diff erent ideologies, and, secondly, best corresponds to the Russian history of the 19th-20th centuries. The ideological integrity goes away along with the “age of ideologies”. The ideological eclecticism comes to replace it, and nobody knows for how long. This can be taken as a transition step to something new and yet unknown.

OA07 A case of severe osteoporosis treated with teriparatide following the development of bilateral atypical femoral fractures due to IV zoledronic acid

Abstract Introduction Atypical femoral fractures (AFF) are a rare complication of long-term anti-resorptive therapy. A literature review of 310 cases of AFF did reveal a median duration of bisphosphonate therapy of 7 years. Additionally, simultaneous glucocorticoid use was seen in 34% of the cases and was reported to have a 5-fold increase in one case series. Around 70% of patients do describe a prodrome of thigh pain and around quarter of all cases will have bilateral involvement. Case description A 59-year-old lady with a background diagnosis of Behçet’s disease was referred for continuation of osteoporosis care. History of Fractures 2003- left-sided distal radial fracture; 2017 - refractured again after a fall; left 5th metatarsal fracture a few months later. 2019 - right navicular fracture, left pubic rami fracture and left iliac wing fracture, after a fall from the bus In 2023, she has tripped and fell from the standing height resulting in a left femoral shaft fracture, which had radiological features of an atypical femoral fracture. She denied any prodromal thigh pain. The orthopaedic team did an intramedullary nailing to the left femoral shaft. X-ray of the right femur shaft revealed cortical thickening of right mid femoral shaft. Treatment History In 2009, she was started on oral bisphosphonate therapy and from 2020 to 2022 received 3 doses of IV zoledronic acid at the national Behçet’s centre in Birmingham. She has been on long-term steroid therapy due to the underlying Behçet's disease and was on prednisolone 7mg daily when she was referred to us. Management of AFF The orthopaedic team initially recommended a watch and wait policy for the right side; however, following discussions with the patient and with us, prophylactic nailing of the right femoral shaft was done 2 months later. Investigations DXA scan in 2022: spine T-score of−3.3 (L2 −3.6, L3 −3.9, L4 −3.7); femoral neck T-score of −2.5. Despite treatment with oral and then parenteral bisphosphonates for the last 12 years, there is a significant reduction in BMD with 18.2% decrease in the spine and 7.1% decrease in the femoral neck compared to the last DEXA in 2019. Management plan The next step was to treat her with teriparatide, which she is currently having without any problems. We shall continue it for 24 months. Discussion Atypical femoral fractures are rare. Anti-resorptive medication including bisphosphonates and denosumab are known to cause atypical femoral fractures. Teriparatide, being anabolic agent, is not associated with the increased risk of atypical femoral fractures. While there are no randomised controlled studies about the use of teriparatide in healing atypical femoral fractures, there are some case reports where teriparatide had shown improved fracture healing in AFF. After the 24 months, to ‘lock in the effects’ of teriparatide, an anti-resorptive medication will be required. Because both femoral shafts have received intramedullary nailing, we would consider IV zoledronic acid after the 24 months of teriparatide. This is the approach supported by the European Calcified Tissue Society in their systemic review and recommendations on ‘Medical Management of Patients After Atypical Femur Fractures’ (https://doi.org/10.1210/clinem/dgz295). Key learning points Consider atypical femoral fracture in patients who are on anti-resorptive therapy and complain of thigh/groin pain. Atypical femoral fractures can be bilateral; therefore, evaluate both sides. Teriparatide can be used to treat osteoporosis in patients with atypical femoral fracture, but considerations will have to be made in relation to subsequent therapy.

Leftist ad-persons and their creative craft: the formation of the advertising field in Turkey from the 1960s to 1980s

ABSTRACT A socialist advertiser/ adperson sounds very much like a contradiction. However, Turkish advertising was formed as a “field” from the 1960s to late 1980s by left leaning intellectuals and literary figures associated with the dominant socialist political party of the time. While entrepreneurial and profit-oriented agents were significant initiators, the field was essentially shaped by leftist/ socialist adpersons along with established/ entrepreneurial agents and entered into competition with such profit-oriented actors. Such competition, combined at times with cooperation, led to the creation of a field in the Bourdieusian sense. Thus, analysing the formation of the field, we can go beyond conceptualizing adpersons as mere cultural intermediaries and understand advertising as a social space in which multiple capitals operate. This allows us to reflect on the un(der)theorized work of left(ists) in the making of consumer capitalism during the post war period in Turkey.

Extended source analysis of movement related potentials (MRPs) for self-paced hand and foot movements demonstrates opposing cerebral and cerebellar laterality: a preliminary study

The cerebellum is known to have extensive reciprocal connectivity with the cerebral cortex, including with prefrontal and posterior parietal cortex, which play an important role on the planning and execution of voluntary movement. In the present article we report an exploratory non-invasive electrophysiological study of the activity of the cerebellum and cerebrum during voluntary finger and foot movements. In a sample of five healthy adult subjects, we recorded EEG and the electro-cerebellogram (ECeG) with a 10% cerebellar extension montage during voluntary left and right index finger and foot movements. EMG was recorded from finger extensors and flexors and from the tibialis anterior and soleus muscles and was used to generate triggers for movement related averaging (−2000 to +2000 ms). Source analysis was conducted over five epochs defined relative to EMG onset: whole epoch (−1000 to +1000 ms), pre-move 1000 (−1000 to 0 ms), pre-move 500 (−500 to 0 ms), post-move 500 (0 to +500 ms) and post-move 1000 (0 to +1000 ms). This yielded a total of 123 cerebral and 65 cerebellar dipole clusters from across all epochs, including the pre-movement epochs, which were then subject to statistical analysis. These demonstrated predominantly contralateral dominance for the cerebral clusters, but predominantly ipsilateral dominance for the cerebellar clusters. In addition, both cerebral and cerebellar clusters showed evidence of a somatotopic gradient, medially (X-axis) for the cerebral clusters, and medially and dorso-ventrally (Z-axis) for the cerebellar clusters. These findings support the value of recording cerebellar ECeG and demonstrate its potential to contribute to understanding cerebellar function.

‘Void’ democrats? The populist notion of ‘democracy’ in action

Populism is often seen as a threat to liberal democracy because of its rejection of constitutional constraints and emphasis on popular sovereignty. Others argue that populism is a corrective to mainstream politics and not necessarily anti-democratic. While the relationship between populism and democracy is widely debated in theory and empirically assessed by estimating the effect of populist rule, we analyse discursive references to democracy in election manifestos and tweets of populist radical right (PRRP) and populist radical left (PRLP) parties in seven Western European countries. By mapping populists’ discourses on democracy across electoral, liberal, participatory, deliberative and egalitarian dimensions, we find that PRLP elaborate a more coherent understanding of democracy (especially its participatory and egalitarian dimensions) and do not reject any dimension. PRRP hardly elaborate on any dimension except participation. PRRP appear as ‘void’ democrats with ambivalent and incoherent credentials, which at times reject and instrumentalise democracy.

The rise and fall of political outsiders: Political opportunity structure and (de-)mobilization in Paraguay (2008–2012)

Unlike left outsiders in contexts of steadfast traditional opposition in Latin America, Fernando Lugo refrained from intensifying the conflict with the political establishment and mobilizing subaltern groups to push through progressive policies after winning the 2008 elections. Ultimately, conservative interests pushed through impeachment proceedings and forced him out of office prematurely, and Lugo yielded to their will instead of using the interbranch stalemate to instigate popular resistance. For their part, the popular sectors did not mobilize to pressure the Lugo government, nor did they stand firmly against the president’s impeachment. The article aims to answer why Lugo flopped as a political broker and why Paraguayans did not mobilize to Lugo’s defense by developing a two-level argument that combines the institutional supply side that determines the actors’ mobilization capacity and the demand side of movement issue-framing that conditions actors’ willingness to mobilize. First, the organizational and representative pathologies of the left parties persisted into Lugo’s reign and curtailed the capacity of the mobilization brokers to forge ties between otherwise separate organizations in society and to serve as a veto gate in power centers. Second, community leaders and social actors did not engage in active issue-framing processes to construct new meanings to orient their collective action. The article draws on interview data, public opinion polls, and archival works to substantiate the argument and contributes to social movement literature by highlighting the role of political leadership’s strategic choices and its interactions with opponents and allies (inside and outside power centers) in realizing favorable political opportunity and remolding clientelistic ties to mobilize social constituencies.

Madan Bhandari and His Theory of People’s Multiparty Democracy

People’s Multiparty Democracy (PMPD), postulated by Madan Kumar Bhandari in the early 1990s, is a political, economic, and social theory that combines Marxism with specific Nepali attributes. By reviewing the global landscape of socialist movements, Bhandari’s political thought offers a theoretical framework for critically examining Nepal’s evolving production relations based on its contemporary class dynamics. Tragically, Bhandari, who served as the Secretary-General of the Communist Party of Nepal-Unified Marxist Leninist (CPN [UML]), lost his life in a mysterious car accident in 1993. His political journey traces back to the 1960s when he began as a communist party worker during the Panchayat regime under the absolute monarchy. Subsequently, he drew inspiration from the postwar rise of communist parties around the world but went on to reshape Nepal’s unique left movement, setting it distinctly apart from other communist parties in South Asia and beyond. He recognized the need for a joint movement with non-communist groups like the Nepali Congress for the restoration of multiparty democracy, which remained vital in his ideological transformation. Applying a historical explanatory approach, this article explores the factors contributing to the formulation of PMPD while also retracing the evolution of Bhandari’s ideological position in the left movement with Nepali characteristics. Through an examination of the political history and Bhandari’s political philosophy, this article sheds light on the theory of PMPD, which has now become the guiding principle of CPN (UML).

Estimating stellar population and emission-line properties in S-PLUS galaxies

ABSTRACT We present tests of a new method to simultaneously estimate stellar population and emission-line (EL) properties of galaxies out of the Southern Photometric Local Universe Survey (S-PLUS) photometry. The technique uses the AlStar code, updated with an empirical prior that greatly improves its ability to estimate ELs using only the survey’s 12 bands. The tests compare the output of (noise-perturbed) synthetic photometry of the Sloan Digital Sky Survey (SDSS) galaxies to properties derived from previous full spectral fitting and detailed EL analysis. For realistic signal-to-noise ratios, stellar population properties are recovered to better than 0.2 dex in masses, mean ages, metallicities, and ±0.2 mag for the extinction. More importantly, ELs are recovered remarkably well for a photometric survey. We obtain input − output dispersions of 0.05–0.2 dex for the equivalent widths of [O ii], [O iii], Hβ, Hα, [N ii], and [S ii], and even better for lines stronger than ∼5 Å. These excellent results are achieved by combining two empirical facts into a prior that restricts the EL space available for the fits. (1) Because, for the redshifts explored here, Hα and [N ii] fall in a single narrow band (J0660), their combined equivalent width is always well recovered, even when [N ii]/Hα is not. (2) We know from SDSS that $W_{\mathrm{H}\alpha +[\mathrm{N}\,\small {\rm II}] }$ correlates with [N ii]/Hα, which can be used to tell if a galaxy belongs to the left or right wings in the classical Baldwin–Phillips–Telervich (BPT) diagnostic diagram. Example applications to integrated light and spatially resolved data are also presented, including a comparison with independent results obtained with the Multi-Unit Spectroscopic Explorer (MUSE)-based integral field spectroscopy.