Left-wing Groups Research Articles

THE PAN-EUROPEAN AGENDA IN THE PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS IN FRANCE

The article presents an analysis of the results of the parliamentary elections held in France in June 2022 and analyzes the program positions of the leading political forces of France that took part in them on pan-European topics. It is shown that the ruling coalition, which unites parties that were loyal to the incumbent President E. Macron, expressed full support for a united Europe in their election program. The coalition of leftists, socialists and environmentalists led by J.-L. Melenchon regarding the European Union is divided. Melenchon’s left-wing radicals took a rather critical position on this issue, while socialists and environmentalists remained moderately skeptical, generally supporting the need to preserve the European Union. M. Le Pen’s National Unification party was extremely disapproving of united Europe, but at the same time refused to form a coalition with the right-wing party of E. Zemmour, who was most negatively disposed towards the EU. It is noted that the 10 factions formed in the French Parliament following the results of these elections represent the entire spectrum of possible relations to the European Union: from full support to sharp denial, which will undoubtedly make it difficult for E. Macron to pursue a proEuropean policy based on the French parliament, which he constantly declares.

Polarização Política e Relações Intergrupais: um estudo das Representações Sociais no Brasil

This research aimed to study left-wing and right-wing groups’ political polarization and their Social Representations (SR) of each other, as well as to investigate the experience of political violence and the belief in a just world (BJW). An online survey was conducted. The left-wing groups used the terms equality, empathy, and justice to describe themselves, while the right-wing groups used freedom, conservatism, and justice. Both groups used negative terms to describe their opponents; left-wingers described right-wingers as selfish, ignorant, and intolerant and right-wingers described left-wingers as corrupt, intolerant, and extremist. Regarding violence, 72% stated that they knew someone who had suffered political violence in the last two years, especially through social media. As for the means on the BJW scale, left-wingers had a lower mean than right-wingers. There are significant differences in SRs and positions between the groups, which may be at the core of violence.

Политический террор Партии активного сопротивления Финляндии и леворадикальных организаций в Великом княжестве Финляндском в 1903-1907 гг.

The purpose of this article is to analyze the terrorist activities of the Active Resistance Party of Finland («activists») and left-wing radical organizations in the Grand Duchy of Finland in 1903–1907. The article used such methods of scientific research as descriptive, historical, retrospective and comparative method. The article examines in detail the terrorist activities of the militants of the Active Resistance Party of Finland against the highest officials of state bodies of the Grand Duchy of Finland, namely, the plot describes the assassination attempt on Governor-Generals N.I. Bobrikov and I.M. Obolensky, on the governor of the Tavastgus province A.A. Papkov, on other high-ranking officials of the principality, and also tells about the murder of the prosecutor of the Finnish Senate E. Soisalon-Soininen (Johnsson) and the reaction to this murder of the Finnish society. In addition to the terrorist activities of the militants of the radical bourgeois Active Resistance Party of Finland, terror, as a method of combating the existing government, in the period considered in the article, was also carried out by left-wing radical organizations, which at the stage of their formation had the closest connection with the Active Resistance Party of Finland. The article analyzes the terrorist acts committed by such radical left organizations as «workers' activists», the Force of the Karelian people, «Bloody Dogs», as well as anarchists, including an unsuccessful attempt to assassinate Nicholas II by militants from the «Bloody Dogs» organization, during while the emperor was hunting in Björkö. The article provides information about the close military and revolutionary cooperation of the Active Resistance Party of Finland and radical left organizations with the Russian Socialist-Revolutionary Party, including in the preparation (making of bombs) and carrying out terrorist acts. The theoretical significance of the work lies in the analysis and definition of the place and role of terror as a political practice and method of struggle of various political forces of the Grand Duchy of Finland in 1903-1907, starting with the bourgeois-separatist Active Resistance Party of Finland and ending with small anarchist groups. The terror of the Finnish radicals, despite their declared politically "noble" goals of the struggle for the independence of Finland and the struggle for the liberation of labor from the yoke of capital, did not find mass support from the Finnish society, moreover, caused rejection in it, which became one of the reasons for the political collapse Active resistance parties in Finland and the collapse of left-wing organizations that relied on terror as a means to achieve their goals.

Politics of Beauty: Modernization, Comparativism, and the Empress of Iran

On the evening of April 12, 1962, U.S. President John F. Kennedy and First Lady Jacqueline Kennedy hosted Mohammad Reza Shah and Empress Farah Pahlavi of Iran at the White House for a glamorous dinner and reception. The visit constituted the first meeting between the President and the Shah, who had single-handedly held the reins of Iran since the U.S.-sponsored coup of 1953. Much was at stake. Although Iran was a staunch U.S. ally, the Democratic President and the Shah disagreed sharply on the road the country should take. Kennedy had come to power through idealistic rhetoric that considered human rights and democratization a significant part of modernization and a practical way of averting radical left-wing revolutions.1 The Shah, the autocratic leader of an increasingly oil-rich nation, believed socioeconomic development in Iran had to precede democratization to prevent destabilization. He had set out on the visit to convince the president and the U.S. public that Iran’s progress meant royal leadership—not U.S.-style democracy.

Young Platforms and Old Politics: Quantitative Analysis of Parties’ Instagram Posts During the 2022 French Legislative Elections

The French legislative elections of 2022 saw President Emmanuel Macron's majority in the National Assembly being dramatically tilted. This was driven by youth votes that favoured the left-wing group NUPES and the far- right party Rassemblement National. The literature on young people's online political communication, on the characteristics of social media campaigns and on political outreach to young people usually assumes dichotomies of political engagement and age. The aim of this study is to challenge these dichotomies and establish a baseline of communication characteristics for each of these areas, as well as for the areas of political campaigning on Instagram and political campaigning for young people. The content of the Instagram pages of the parties in the elections and their youth branches was analysed quantitatively. A codebook combining a priori, inductive and deductive knowledge was used to highlight patterns in the use of social media, visual and campaign features. Statistical tests were conducted to examine their relationship to the pages of youth and traditional parties, and to the pages of parties more or less successful in mobilising young voters. Statistically significant features were arranged in a matrix that summarises them visually. The results show that youth parties and the parties that are more successful in mobilising young voters have similar visual approach to information structure and presentation. Additionally, while youth and more successful parties might follow different strategies in their choices of topics and issues, they follow similar trends identifiable only by considering the strategies employed by their counterparts.

1922 — the best year of the Comintern. Soviet Russia, German communists and the Genoa conference

The signing of the Declaration on the formation of the Soviet Union on December 30, 1922 marked a new stage in the history of international relations, and, at the same time, took stock of intense domestic and international political struggle unfolding in the previous years. The developments within the Communist International were of particular importance for both the outcomes of this struggle and the future of international labor movement. The author stresses that for the Comintern the year of 1922 was dominated by a struggle between the two opposing ideological and political trends: the inertia of the ‘storm and onslaught’ enthusiasm of the first post-revolutionary years and the rise of the ideas of peaceful coexistence. In this context, the paper assesses the role that the Bolshevik leaders envisaged for the Comintern during the preparation and conduct of the Genoa Conference and, particularly, for the policy of the united workers front. The author shows that the very idea of cooperation with socialists and social democrats received an extremely ambiguous reaction from representatives of Western communist parties. In this regard, the position of the German Communist Party (KPD) was of particular importance to the Bolshevik leaders. Indeed, the case of KPD was emblematic of those tendencies and contradictions that marked the development of the international communist movement in the period under review. The KPD leaders welcomed the Comintern’s turn towards a united workers front. However, the author notes that this support was based on a highly unstable compromise between multiple contradicting domestic and foreign policy imperatives, including opposition from the left-wing radicals within the party and continuous conflict with the government of the Weimar Republic, exacerbated by ideological and financial dependence on Moscow. As a result, the KPD’s actions were very often ad hoc and inconsistent, reflecting general issues typical to the international labor movement of that period. That became clear during the Fourth Congress of the Comintern, which took place at the end of 1922. It failed to outline a clear strategy for interaction between the Russian Bolsheviks and foreign communists. At the same time, the outcomes of the Fourth Congress were crucial for further evolution of the ideology and practical activities of the Comintern. The policy of the united workers front got a broader definition as the Communist International started to recognize the threat posed by fascism.

Опыт национально-государственного строительства народов Кавказа в период российских революций 1917 года

The article analyzes the features of the state building of Caucasian people in the crucial period of Russian statehood, marked by acute dramatic events—the revolutions of 1917. The specifics of the subject of the study are closely related to the All-Russian political process, the fall of the au-tocracy in February—March 1917. It is concluded that the consequence of the revolutions, includ-ing the October revolution, was not only the transformation of the social and political institutions of the mountain population of the Caucasus, the Cossacks of this agrarian outskirts of our country but a rather fierce struggle between local political forces that sought to implement their national state system projects in the region. However, none of them took place in 1918. The conclusion is given that in the conditions of the social and economic crisis, which was increasingly intensifying by the end of 1917, in the mass consciousness of the North Caucasian society, the South of Russia, as in other things, the main part of the population of other regions of Russia, left-wing radical tendencies prevailed, resulting in a civil war and the construction of socialism in the country.

Left Radical Movements in the World: Political and Legal Features

Background: In most Latin American states, a revolutionary situation persists after the Second World War. Left-wing radical armed groups have intensified guerrilla warfare, especially in Guatemala, Venezuela, Colombia, Nicaragua, Peru, and El Salvador. Objective: to identify the historical characteristics and understand the development of guerilla movements. Methods: The authors have chosen the case of Colombia since Russia has been strongly influenced by Marxist- Leninist ideology at the beginning of the 20th century. Results: Readers, particularly in Russia, are little familiar with the history of Colombia, the authors dwell on the details of the development of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia. Conclusions: authors compared activities of Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia with the work of similar movements in Russia, which help readers to better understand the conclusions reached by the authors.

Controversial Issues on Alevism and Bektashism

Araştırmada Alevîlik konusunda dikkat çeken tartışmalı kavramları ele almaya çalıştık. Yıllardır çeşitli makale ve çalışmalarda tartışmalı kavramların artış gösterdiği dikkatimizi çekmiştir. Özellikle heterodoksi, ortodoksi, senkretizm vb. başlıca kavramların Alevilik çalışmalarında temel tartışma ekseni olarak öne çıktığı görülmüştür. Ancak bu kavramların ne olduğu bilinmeden “Alevilik bir heterodoksidir, Alevilik bir senkretizmdir” şeklinde sloganlaşma eğilimiyle kurulan cümleler Aleviliği bambaşka mecralara sürüklenmektedir. Bu noktadan hareketle Alevîlik araştırmalarında karşılaşılan belli başlı platform kavramları ve tartışmaları ele almaya çalıştık. Özellikle yine Batı’nın ürettiği spekülasyonlar çevresinde oluşan, gündem yaratan tartışmalı kavramların ele almaya çalıştık.
 Osmanlı Safevî rekabeti, Avrupa’nın ilgisini çekmiş, bu alanda araştırma ve bilgilerini arttırma yoluna gitmiştir. Hatta bu alanda bugün bile dengi olmayan bir literatür ortaya çıkmıştır. Zamanla oluşan bu literatür modern Alevilik araştırmalarında başvuru kaynağı olagelmiştir. Bu çalışmalar, kısmen objektif olsa da kaleme alan elçi, din adamı, gezgin ve araştırmacılar almış olduğu eğitim, gelmiş olduğu kültürel, dini siyasi perspektifinin etkisinden kurtulamamıştır. Zamanla günümüze aktarılan bu birikim diğer kuşaklara devredilerek bir algı geleneği oluşturmuştur. Bununla beraber her dönemin üretmiş olduğu bilgi ve metot değişimleri de eş zamanlı olarak bu literatüre yansımıştır. Bu kapsamda Alevîlik konusunda araştırma ürünleri siyasi politizasyon ve yönlendirme faaliyetlerinde bilgisel altyapını oluşturmuştur. 
 Avrupalıların uzun zamandır devam eden bu ilgileri neticede yeni kavramların ortaya çıkmasına, kendi zaviyelerinden bazı değerlendirmeler yapmalarına imkân vermiştir. Aleviliğin sistematik bir teolojisinin olmaması, şifâhî ve geleneklere dayalı, mitolojik bir teolojik anlayış olması yapısı sebebiyle tanımlama hususunda uzlaşma sağlanamamıştır. Bunun doğal sonucu olarak Alevilik farklı kişi ve gruplarca tanımlanma yarışı içinde olmuş ve her biri kendisinin en doğru olduğu inancıyla faaliyette bulunmuştur. Böylece Alevîlik herkesin söz söyleyebildiği ve her bir şahsın kendini mutlak hakikatte hissettiği bir alan olmuştur. Yöntem olarak önde gelen tartışmalı kavramları güncel karşılıklarıyla somut bir şekilde incelemeye çalıştık, böylece araştırmacıların zihninde somut karşılık bulmasını hedefledik. Ayrıca gündemi belirleyen geçmişte ve günümüzde temayüz etmiş çalışmaları da ele almaya çalıştık. Böylece Alevilik hususunda çıkan tartışmalı kavramların genel manzarasını ortaya koymaya çalıştık. Aleviliğin içinde bulunduğu bu durum, tarihi süreçte, oryantalist (George White, Irène Mélikoff, Marcus Dressler..) araştırmacıların da dikkatinden kaçmamış, siyasi, ideolojik, dini ve diğer saiklerle bu alana ilgi göstermişlerdir. Bunu yaparken de kendi Hristiyanlık, Musevilik tarihinde karşılık bulan kavramları Alevilik alanında kullanma yolunu tercih etmişlerdir. Bu araştırmacılar köken itibariyle ait oldukları Hristiyanlık, Musevilik gibi kültürlerine ait tarihi anlayış kalıplarını Aleviliği yorumlamada yöntem edindiler. Tüm bu yaklaşımlar, Aleviliğin doğru algılanmasını engelleyerek, zihinsel karmaşa ve kaos ortamına yol açmaktadır. Aleviliğin hak ettiği bilimsel anlayıştan uzaklaşmasına sebep olmuştur.

Уго Чавес ‒ деятель планетарного масштаба

The article analyzes the international course of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela in the first decade of the 2000s. The author believes that considering this particular period of the recent history of Venezuela as an integral part of the world historical process, is particularly important since the formation of the Hugo Chavez regime with its peculiar foreign policy and foreign economic steps took place precisely in the first half of the first decade of the 21st century. With the constitutional rise to power of the charismatic leader Hugo Chavez, the country's foreign pol-icy acquired a multi-vector character embracing all regions of Earth. Hugo Chavez strengthened the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries, in collaboration with Fidel Castro founded the "Bolivarian Alternative for America" (ALBA), which united the left-wing radical regimes of the continent; he established contacts with many leaders of the Third World, has confronted the United States, established friendly relations with China and a strategic partnership with Russia. This arti-cle is devoted to some, albeit very significant, aspects of Chavez’s for-eign policy.

The janus-faced nature of radical voting: Subjective social decline at the roots of radical right and radical left support

This study advances the decline of Parent-Relative Subjective Social Status (PRSSS) as a reconciling factor among radical right and radical left supporters. While self-employed workers, men and rural residents perceive socioeconomic decline relative to their parents and support the radical right, the well-educated, urbanites and low-income individuals are likely to feel similar decline given the rising levels of unemployment and social inequality. These structural changes may push the latter to support a party which stresses income inequality, a catchcry of the radical left. Using a 2017 Eurobarometer Survey, logistic regressions show positive associations between low PRSSS (versus equal or high PRSSS) and support for right- and left-wing radicalism in 28 European countries. The traditional attitudes of each group magnify the PRSSS effects on radical support: these are reinforced by anti-immigrant support for the radical right and by preference for redistribution for the radical left.

Principled or Partisan? The Effect of Cancel Culture Framings on Support for Free Speech

Political scientists have long been interested in the effects that media framings have on support or tolerance for controversial speech. In recent years, the concept of cancel culture has complicated our understanding of free speech. In particular, the modern Republican Party under Donald Trump has made “fighting cancel culture” a cornerstone of its electoral strategy. We expect that when extremist groups invoke cancel culture as a reason for their alleged censorship, support for their free speech rights among Republicans should increase. We use a nationally representative survey experiment to assess whether individuals’ opposition to cancel culture is principled or contingent on the ideological identity of the speaker. We show that framing free speech restrictions as the consequence of cancel culture does not increase support for free speech among Republicans. Further, when left-wing groups utilize the cancel culture framing, Republicans become even less supportive of those groups’ free speech rights.

The Lesbian, Gay and Bisexual Vote in a More Tolerant Canada

AbstractResearch on the political preferences of lesbian, gay and bisexual (LGB) voters shows that they are more progressive than heterosexuals. However, few studies consider differences between heterosexual, gay/lesbian, and bisexual men and women. Furthermore, little is known about how these preferences have changed as society has become more accepting of diverse sexualities. We offer an analysis of Canadian LGB voters’ political preferences a decade and a half after same-sex marriage was legalized. Consistent with prior research, we find that gay men, and, to a lesser extent, bisexual men, are more left-wing than heterosexual men. A more novel finding is that bisexual women are the most left-wing group. Lesbian women are only slightly to the left of heterosexual women. While left-wing bisexual women are growing in number, the overall gap between LGB and heterosexual voters has remained stable across generations, because marriage narrows some of the preference gaps.

Президентские выборы 2021 г. и начало нового политического цикла в Чили

The article analyzes the problems and specifics of the modern political process in Chile, the electoral campaign of 2021 and the results of the presidential elections that brought victory to the leader of the left-wing radical coalition, Gabriel Borich. Special attention is paid to the crisis of centrism as an ideological and political trend in Chilean politics, the new alignment of political forces on the eve of national elections, the programs and problematic points of the main candidates. The author examines the reasons for the increasing influence of radical ideologies (both on the left and on the right side of the political spectrum), the re-sults of the protest movement in 2019, the role of the constitutional process and the prospects for the implementation of the large-scale so-cial agenda of the elected president. The article highlights significant risks and challenges caused by mass public expectations and hopes for achieving the ideals of social justice and equality.

METHODS FOR REPRESENTATION OF RADICAL CONTENT UNDER STATE ANTI-EXTREMIST CENSORSHIP ON THE MATERIAL OF VKONTAKTE SOCIAL NETWORK

The study aims to identify the forms and ways of representing the radical content of the ideologies of right-wing radicalism, Islamic radicalism and left-wing radicalism in conditions of state anti-extremist censorship on the material of the social network VKontakte. The research object is the radical texts and visual content of the studied ideologies posted on the Vkontakte. The research subject is the forms and methods of representation of this radical content under the conditions of state anti-extremist censorship. Content identification methods are structural links search, automatic content analysis, and natural language processing. To identify the forms and ways of implementing the representation of radical content, a combination of qualitative sociological methods and technologies for automatic analysis of texts are used. As a result of the identification of radical content, a list of 169 communities is compiled with a total number of 1,378,717 profiles. Communities of supporters of the right-wing radical are formed on the basis of rejection and protest against certain phenomena and processes of modern society. The difference from the resources, sharing the view and value system of traditional Islam, for radical Salafi communities is a pronounced emphasis on topics that separate “true believers” from the rest of the social world, mired in atheism, sins and social problems. The discourse of Russian left-wing radicals in VKontakte is associated with support for political protest actions and the propaganda of forms of self-organization of the population and production collectives in opposition to the bureaucratic tardiness of the authorities and the arbitrariness of corporate management. The general conspiracy frame of the left-wing radicals is the participation of the government in a conspiracy of world elites to destroy the productive forces, science, culture and social sphere of Russia and the exposure of liberals as agents of imperialism.

The Irish Republic after the Crisis: Commemorating the Easter Rising in the 2016 Election Campaign

The Irish Republic after the Crisis:Commemorating the Easter Rising in the 2016 Election Campaign* Isabel Kusche (bio) A vote for myself and Sinn Féin is a vote for change, for a fair and just society based on the spirit and principles of 1916. —dessie ellis, candidate in the 2016 election The 2016 general election in Ireland was perhaps the most unpredictable in the country's history. In hindsight it would be called "the election that nobody won" and resulted in a complicated minority-government arrangement.1 The traditional parties Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael, and Labour were confronted with a Sinn Féin rising in the polls, two newly formed parties (Renua and the Social Democrats), radical left-wing groups, and strong support for independent candidates.2 In this altered political landscape both new and established political actors faced the challenge of defining what they could offer to an electorate that looked back to years of austerity in the wake of the financial crisis. They needed to articulate an identity as political actors different from the others to an extent that made them more appealing to voters. This was also the centenary year of the Easter Rising and the Proclamation of the Irish Republic. An election campaign a few months before Easter in such a year was likely to include some acknowledgment of the significance of the anniversary. Yet which political actors would or would not attempt to associate themselves with it and how [End Page 128] they would do so was far from clear and are the subject of the following analysis. Commemoration and the Context of the 2016 Election The politics of history can be defined "as any social action that is essentially based on historical references and/or tries to influence the interpretation and representation of history."3 It often involves open conflict about competing interpretations of past events. The history of commemorating the Easter Rising in the Republic of Ireland offers ample evidence of how changing political constellations guide decisions about the form and content of commemorations.4 Some anniversaries, most notably the fiftieth in 1966, were turned into state celebrations of an Ireland whose progress and modernity were framed as the eventual outcome of the Rising and were also validated by it.5 Other anniversaries, for example, the sixtieth in 1976, were celebrated without major public commemoration organized by the state since the violent character of the Rising was deemed deeply problematic given the violence in Northern Ireland at the time. Commemorations were thus left to non-state initiatives, notably the Provisional IRA and its sympathizers.6 The commemoration of events imbues them with extraordinary significance and assigns them a distinct role in understanding the present.7 It defines and constructs a present identity based on an interpretation of the past, which is inevitably selective.8 In doing so, commemorations serve both sociopolitical and psychological [End Page 129] functions.9 The notion of articulation in discourse is helpful to clarify how commemorations connect past and present.10 Making such a link suggests a contingent unity as opposed to a necessary unity. The articulated unity does not simply bring together preexisting elements but changes the articulated elements by creating a specific context in which they are to be understood. Consequently, interpretive frames that relate the past to the present are also tactical tools that parties and politicians can use in political competition.11 In drawing on a past event to make sense of their present and their pledges for the future, parties attempt to define their identity and the nature of that past event as they relate to each other. If this articulation is successful, it will change the understanding of both—either subtly or more radically, depending on how similar to or different from previous articulations it is. After all, "to remember is to place a part of the past in the service of conceptions and needs of the present."12 In the context of the 2016 Dáil election most Irish parties could be expected to have some reason to try to make use of the upcoming centenary of the Easter Rising in the service of their own present position. First...

Interview: Interview of Brian Murphy, Former Chief of Intelligence, Department of Homeland Security

Background: Brian Murphy has just wrapped up a decorated twenty-five-year career in the government, which included five years in the Marine Corps, followed by twenty years in the FBI. Brian’s career in the government recently concluded with a stint at the Department of Homeland Security, where he was the Chief Intelligence Officer, Chief Information Sharing Officer, and Chief Counterintelligence Officer for the department. M. Murphy also became the highest-ranking whistleblower in US government history in 2020 when he said he was told to stop discussing the threat of Russian interference in the 2016 Presidential election and to highlight the role of left-wing groups in anti-racism protests. All of these experiences provide him with a unique view about the intersection of national security and international trade issues.

Политические взгляды и позиции российских военных в Финляндии на заключительном этапе Первой мировой войны (весна – лето 1917 г.)

Introduction. In the spring and summer of 1917 changes in the former autonomous Grand Duchy of Finland determined the history of relations between Russia and Finland for decades to come. The purpose of the article is to show changes in the political views and positions of the Baltic sailors and the army servicemen, who were elected to democratic organizations of the Russian military at the final stage of the First World War. Methods and materials. The article is based on the results of long standing study of issues, dealing with the stay of the Russian armed forces in the Grand Duchy of Finland, and follows the theoretical developments of V.D. Zimina, B.I. Kolonitsky, E. Mawdsley, A. Wildman on the problems of the Russian revolution of 1917. It uses a historical and anthropological approach to the research of the role of the military factor in the history of Russia and Finland in the 20th Century. Analysis. Reviewed archival documents and published sources indicate that immediately after the February Revolution active party organizations in the units were either a rare exception or experienced a stage of formation, which affected the actions of the primary personnel of the Soviets, as well as soldier’s and sailor’s committees. During the spring months voters’ political sympathies were closely associated with the Socialist Revolutionaries as the most popular party in Russia. However, by the summer of 1917 the readiness of the socialist leaders of the Socialist-Revolutionary Party and the Mensheviks to continue the war increasingly contradicted the interests of ordinary servicemen. The question of how the activities of the Soviets and committees of this period fit into the rope of events that became the “prologue” of the Civil War in Russia has been investigated. It is pointed out, that such measures include the abolition of the old apparatus of power, the refusal to comply with the orders of the military authorities, not agreed with soldier and sailor organizations, assistance in the deployment and strengthening of the political union of the Bolsheviks and left-wing groups of socialist parties, support provided to the radical wing of the Finnish social-democracy. Results. The study of socio-political transformations that took place in the Russian military community during the period under review and predetermined changes in the views and positions of the Russian servicemen in Finland allows us to conclude the following. In the spring and summer of 1917 leaders of the Soviets and committees still managed to accumulate a certain experience of “inter-party” interaction. It was first noted that that in the course of the revolution development representative organizations of sailors and the army men just during these months were prepared for an independent line of behavior and sometimes outpaced the protest actions of military personnel in the Russian capital. Key words: Russian revolution of 1917, Finland, servicemen, Soviets, committees, political views and positions, socio-political transformations.

¡Zapatero, a tus zapatos! Explaining the social engagement of M-19 ex-combatants in education and social work institutions in Colombia

Why do some former rebels transition into social engagement after demobilisation while others do not? How do they adjust their militant aspirations to their context of reintegration? Studies on the political dimensions of rebel groups’ disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration processes have focused on post-rebel political parties, ex-combatant violence, elite transformation, political participation, and social and community engagement. Despite increased attention to reintegration processes, we know little about the processes that shape community engagement amongst ex-combatants. I address this gap by investigating the lifelong socialisation processes that influence transitions in and out of violence and social engagement. I argue that socialisation across various institutional settings in pre-recruitment and wartime life stages provides ex-combatants with dispositions and resources that, in interaction with post-demobilisation opportunities, shape their post-demobilisation social engagement. Applying a biographical approach, I analyse the trajectories of 32 ex-combatants from M-19, a left-wing nationalist guerrilla group at war with the Colombian government between 1974 and 1990. The study contributes to the literature on the long-term consequences of ex-combatant reintegration, socialisation and violence as well as the legacies of armed violence. It notably highlights how various dimensions of insurgent mobilisation can have lasting effects on individual life courses and society more broadly.

ВОСПОМИНАНИЯ Э.Б. ВОЙНОВСКОГО-КРИГЕРА КАК ИСТОЧНИК ЗНАНИЙ О РОССИЙСКОЙ ГОСУДАРСТВЕННОСТИ

E.B. Voinovsky-Krieger, a railroad engineer, held important positions in the state machine during the First World War, became the last Minister of Railroads in Tsarist Russia. Participating in the work of the government, meeting with the emperor, government ministers, deputies of the Russian parliament, he witnessed the crisis of the Russian statehood, the decline in the level of state administration, and the decrease in the quality of the work of the state bureaucracy. In his memoirs, written in 1925 in exile, he described in detail the state and society, bureaucracy, the root causes of the political crisis that led to the fall of the monarchy. The major part in the memoirs is the characteristics of the last Russian Emperor, Nicholas II, and his inner circle. The author draws attention to the moral state of the society, the role of the Russian intelligentsia in the life of the country, the issues of education, and the influence of the socialist ideas , brought from the West upon the minds of young people. E.B. Voinovsky-Krieger highly appreciated the state activity of P.A. Stolypin regretting that in the days of the severe trials of the First World War, there were no statesmen of such a level at the head of the country. In his opinion, the liberal Provisional Government, formed after the fall of the monarchy, was also not up to par. Instead of restoring law and order, the actions of the Provisional Government only exacerbated anarchy in the country and contributed to the establishment of a left-wing radical Soviet political system in Russia.