Left-wing Parties Research Articles

Local far-right demonstrations and nationwide public attitudes towards migration

One of the primary objectives of protests and demonstrations is to bring social, political, or economic issues to the attention of politicians and the wider population. While protests can have a mobilising and persuading effect, they may reduce support for their cause if they are perceived as a threat to public order. In this study, we look at how local or spontaneously organised right-wing xenophobic demonstrations affect concerns about hostility towards foreigners and worries about immigration among natives in Germany. We use a regression discontinuity design to compare the attitudes of individuals interviewed in the days immediately before a large far-right demonstration and individuals interviewed in the days immediately after that demonstration. Our results show that large far-right demonstrations lead to a substantial increase in worries about hostility towards foreigners of 13.7% of a standard deviation. In contrast, worries about immigration are not affected by the demonstrations, indicating that the protesters are not successful in swaying public opinion in their favour. In the heterogeneity analyses, we uncover some polarisation in the population: While worries about hostility against foreigners increase and worries about immigration decrease in left-leaning regions, both types of worries increase in districts where centre-right parties are more successful. Lastly, we also show that people become more politically interested in response to protests, mainly benefiting left-wing parties, and are more likely to wish to donate money to help refugees.

Eurointegration in Czech Left-Wing Parliamentary Parties’ Programs in the 1990s – 2010s

The article presents the results of a comparative historical analysis of the foreign policy sections of the programs of the Czech Social Democratic Party and the Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia using documents from their current archives. Particular attention in the approaches of the two parties is paid to the issues of the integration of the Czech Republic into the structures of NATO and the European Union. Based on the study of the available scientific literature, a conclusion is made about the need to consider this problem through the prism of two main lines in the context of European integration: security policy and economic rapprochement with the EU. Fundamental differences in the interpretations of Czech Social Democrats and Communists about the prospects for their country's entry into European and Euro-Atlantic associations have been revealed. If the Social Democrats defended the need to “enter Europe” and even into its “core”, seeing this as a significant benefit for the country’s economy due to the free movement of labor, protection from currency crises and a reduction in transaction costs, the Communists called for maintaining the focus on a multi-vector foreign policy of the state – cooperation with all countries of interest to the Czech Republic. At the same time, both parties, although with varying degrees of intensity, resorted to criticism of European institutions. The results of the study help to identify the reason why the major Czech left-wing parties lost the elections to the lower house of the Czech Parliament in 2021.

When is gender on party agendas? Manifestos and (De-)democratisation in Greece, Portugal, and Spain

ABSTRACT When do political parties give attention to gender-related political interests, and what determines their positions? We argue that progress in gender equality commitments is an essential component of democratisation, and backsliding in these indicates democratic decay. Using original data coded from party manifestos in Greece, Portugal, and Spain over recent decades, we investigate the role of party ideology and critical junctures in the political context. We find that left-wing parties give more attention to gender-related interests than other parties. Far-right parties also give significant attention to some interests and stand out for traditional positions. Further, the economic recession significantly decreased attention to gender-related interests. Our results suggest that economic crises and associated far-right party strength fuel gender backsliding and de-democratisation.

Strengthening mainstream consensus? The effect of radical right populist parties on the defense policies of left parties

Abstract We study how the electoral success of radical right populist parties (RRPPs) affects mainstream parties' defense policy positions. The success of RRPPs threatens the credibility of established left-wing parties with coalition and international partners due to substantive overlap between their and RRPPs' defense-skeptical position. We argue that left parties adopt more assertive defense positions to distinguish themselves from RRPPs, thus increasing mainstream consensus on defense policy. Examining 27 European countries between the end of the Cold War and Russia's occupation of Crimea (1990–2013), we test this argument based on a regression discontinuity design around electoral thresholds for obtaining parliamentary seats. We find that, in response to RRPP success, left parties adopt more assertive defense policy positions, whereas center-right parties stand their ground. This study yields evidence for an adversarial response to the radical right, often thought to have lost out to accommodation, and for mechanisms other than electoral incentives, in a highly consequential domain.

HINDERING POLICY CHANGE: Under What Conditions Have Marriage Equality Policies Been Hampered in Latin America?

Since 1993, over a hundred bills have been submitted to National Congresses in Latin America, proposing a shift from restrictive to permissive marriage equality or same sex partnerships regulations. Only five of 19 countries have approved legal changes, and five have done so in courts. Extant research has focused on the explanatory factors of the positive policy changes, but few studies have examined cases of hampered policies. This article aims to identify under what conditions marriage equality, as a moral policy, has stalled in Latin America. It contributes to our understanding of policy non-decisions by offering a cross-national analysis and overcoming the limitations of “mirror” strategies that explain negative cases solely by the absence of factors associated with positive change. It highlights the importance of studying conditions conjunctionally. High levels of religiosity can significantly influence political decisions and may obfuscate religious cleavages, as left-wing parties also engage in moral discourse.

Peculiarities of the social structure of the electorate of left-wing parties in the EU countries

The article is devoted to the analysis of the political situation in the European Union, focusing on changes in support for left-wing parties in the context of global challenges. Transformations in the electoral preferences of EU citizens caused by economic and political turmoil and international conflicts are considered. The main focus is on the growing popularity of radical left populist parties. The analysis shows that traditional left-wing parties are losing support due to insufficiently radical proposals, which leads to fragmentation of their electorate. Radicalization of political sentiment is seen as a serious challenge, as radical movements are less predictable and can create political instability in the region. In this regard, analysts are faced with the question of possible changes in the political landscape, which is especially important in the context of tense international relations and sanctions pressure on Russia. The author emphasizes the need to understand political changes and forecast their consequences in order to develop effective electoral forecasts. The article considers the main results of the 2024 European Parliament elections, their impact on electoral preferences and changes in the EU political landscape. The theoretical approaches and empirical studies of leading domestic and foreign scholars in the field of studying party systems are analyzed, which allows us to assess current and future trends in European politics. The work also touches upon the issues of uniting left-wing forces in opposition to right-wing parties, as well as possible scenarios for the development of the political situation in the European Parliament and its impact on international relations and interstate interaction.

Greece’s 2015 Eurozone Bailout “Renegotiation”: Beware of Greeks Bearing “Unpolitics”?

In January 2015, Greece witnessed a political earthquake with the election of the populist anti-austerity/EU bailout coalition of the left-wing party SYRIZA and the far-right party ANEL. It is argued that during January–July 2015, the SYRIZA–ANEL coalition engaged in a protracted process of renegotiation of Greece’s bailout terms that were agreed between previous Greek governments and the so-called Troika (European Commission, European Central Bank, and International Monetary Fund) adopting a behaviour ruled by “unpolitics.” First, the SYRIZA–ANEL government immediately rejected formal and informal rules of EU decision-making. Second, the SYRIZA–ANEL government rejected traditional means of compromise, such as package deals and side payments. Third, when Greece’s creditors presented their last-minute bailout offer in June 2015 to avoid Greece leaving the eurozone (Grexit), the SYRIZA–ANEL government rejected the suggested solution and tried to exploit the ensuing deadlock by calling a rashly organised referendum asking Greeks to vote against the suggested deal. This period of “unpolitics” ended almost immediately after the referendum when, in a sudden and unexpected volte-face, Tsipras interpreted the referendum result as a call for compromise with the Troika and accepted the previously intolerable bailout deal.

Targeted transfers, a left-wing policy? The impact of left-wing governments and corporatism on transfers to low-income families (1982–2019)

In the last decades, several countries introduced new income-tested child benefits and targeted in-work tax credits to boost the income of low-income families. Inspired by the power resource theory, I postulate that left-wing governments tend to increase benefits to low-income families because their ideology favours redistribution and to consolidate the vote of low-income families, but that both right- and left-wing governments increase benefits for middle-income families. The impact of left-wing governments should be stronger in countries with a weak bargaining system as social partners are unable to reduce inequalities between families. To demonstrate this argument, I use statistical analyses based on OECD data to measure the effect of government ideology and corporatism on the level of benefits received by low- and middle-income families in OECD countries from 1982 to 2019. The results indicate that left-wing parties have a significant impact on benefits received by low-income families, but not on benefits received by middle-income families. Also, even though corporatism is associated with different types of child benefits, it does not influence the relationship between left-wing governments and benefits received by low-income families.

Generations of pride? LGBTQ+ rights, sexuality, and voting behaviour in Spain

ABSTRACT This study investigates the enduring presence of a sexuality gap in political behaviour within the unique context of Spain – an early-mover country in the expansion of LGBTQ+ rights. First, analysing supply-side dynamics, we demonstrate that political parties in Spain remain markedly polarised on LGBTQ+ rights. Second, utilising original survey data, we observe a more pronounced sexuality gap among younger generations: the youngest LGB voters demonstrate notably greater support for left-wing parties, particularly emergent progressive parties to the left of the social democrats than their older counterparts, while rejecting right-wing alternatives. These results underscore the enduring significance of sexual identity in shaping political behaviours, even in a nation celebrated for its strides in the advancement LGBTQ+ rights.

Embedded memory wars: Italy’s 2019 Armenian Genocide recognition

Scholars often associate the political instrumentalisation of memory with right-wing populists. But this focus somewhat obscures the fact that elected officials across the political spectrum instrumentalise memory in their efforts to shape perceptions and influence behaviours. In fact, the success of memory laws often depends on the fact that MPs from diverse political parties support the same projects not only to validate their own views but also to delegitimise those of others. I refer to the conflicts resulting from different political actors’ support of the same memory laws as embedded memory wars. Based on documentary analysis and fieldwork interviews, this article examines embedded memory wars through the illustrative case of the 2019 recognition of the Armenian Genocide in Italy's Chamber of Deputies. In supporting Armenian Genocide recognition, Italian MPs from both right and left-wing parties developed competing narratives to debate contemporary topics related to European integration, multiculturalism, and Turkey.

The revenge of districts that don’t matter: inequality and elections in Rome from 2000 to 2023

ABSTRACT This article examines whether the theory of the ‘revenge of the places that don’t matter’ applies to urban districts within a metropolis like Rome, Italy. To contribute to this body of literature, we test the hypothesis of a ‘deprivation loop’ arising from local issues related to socio-economic marginality and urban deprivation. To explore this hypothesis, we analyse the relationships among compositional and contextual indicators using principal components analysis. We then use the resulting factor components as explanatory variables in multiple linear regression analyses of voting patterns. Between 2000 and 2023, electoral outcomes reveal that left-wing parties perform best in semi-central, densely populated districts, while right-wing and populist parties gain more support in low-density, sprawling outskirts. Other areas exhibit more variable trends following the turning points of 2008 and 2016. Our findings indicate that certain territorial determinants of discontent enhance electoral support for right-wing or populist parties by channelling protest votes. Key factors include residence in new sprawling districts with many young households, in socially challenged and marginal areas with a high prevalence of precarious or underemployed workers (often foreigners), and generally in ‘left behind’ places.

Challenged by postmaterialism: left-wing parties in postcommunist Europe

ABSTRACT The article explores the evolution of left-wing voting in the postcommunist countries of Central and Eastern Europe against the background of value shifts. The main trend indicates that those societies are witnessing a gradual transition to postmaterialism. However, examining the parties’ electoral manifestos allowed the authors to conclude that the twenty-first century cannot be characterized by uniform trends: only in the case of environmentalism did the left-wing parties adapt to the changing values of their electorate, while for other indicators the situation was the opposite. The main argument of the study, supported by regression analysis is that only the appeal to green policies prevented the left-wing parties from losing out in electoral campaigns, while the references to multiculturalism and social equality had the opposite effect. Curiously enough, the verbal commitment to traditionalist values also helped the left-wingers to retain their electorate. To get a more complete picture of the voting patterns, the authors carried out an investigation into the left-wing electorate. The conclusion was that supporters of the left-wing parties are increasingly inclined toward postmaterialism. At the same time, the study showed the ineffectiveness of the left-wing political programs. This creates a gap between the left-wing parties and their electorate.

Determinants of Income Composition Inequality

A rich literature examines the determinants of income inequality. Less is known about the distribution of income composition, or the extent to which different socio-economic groups hold different sources of income. This article explores the drivers of income composition inequality (ICI). Contrary to recent studies, which show that the composition of government has ceased to shape redistribution and income inequality dynamics, this article posits that left-wing parties are associated with lower income composition inequality. We test this expectation with data from thirty European countries between 2003 and 2017. Our results suggest that the polarization between capital and labor income holders declines under left-wing governments. We establish that this is mainly because left-wing parties seek to broaden access to capital income.

Коминтерн и попытка организации Народного Фронта в Перу в 1934–1936 гг.

The VII World Congress of the Comintern 1935 led to a sharp change in the tactics and strategy of the international communist movement and to a transition from radical “class against class” tactics to the formation of broad united anti-fascist fronts. In the period 1935-1939, the policy of “popu-lar fronts,” which consisted of building political alliances be-tween left-wing parties and organizations to fight the right, was implemented in many countries. In Latin America, where this tactic was implemented even before the VII Congress of the Comintern, “popular fronts” became widespread, some-times playing a significant role in the history of their coun-tries. Historiography covers in detail the history of the estab-lishing of alliances in Brazil, Chile, Mexico, Cuba, etc. How-ever, the history of the organization of the “popular front” in Peru is less covered, although this story is interesting in that it largely reflects the problems that faced the sections of the Comintern. An attempt to form a "popular front" in Peru in 1934-1935, primarily based on the creation of an alliance be-tween the Communist Party of Peru (the CPP) and the Ameri-can Popular Revolutionary Alliance (the APRA) to participate in the 1936 elections, failed. There were several reasons for this: from the personal hostility of the APRA leader V.R. Haya de la Torre to the leader of the CPP E. Ravines before the policy that the CPP implemented according to the direc-tives of the Comintern during the period of “class against class” tactics in 1930-1933.

Impact of Political Ideology on Spending Audiences of Brazilian States

Objective: The present study seeks to verify the extent to which affiliation with parties in different locations on the ideological spectrum explains public spending in Brazilian states (2012-2017). Theoretical framework: To achieve the proposed objective, the article in question has a section where the theoretical framework is exposed, consisting of the discussion regarding the classic distinctions between left and right and the relationship with the provision of public policies. Method: Data were collected using the National Treasury Secretariat (STN) databases. Some expenditure functions were chosen which, in principle, would denote ideological divergences between left and right parties and consequently differentiated public spending, namely: public security, social assistance, health, education, urban planning and environmental management. With the database ready, the Chi-square test was carried out to check whether there was an association between ideologies and spending. The Mann-Whitney U test was subsequently applied to compare the median expenditures of the two terms (2012-2014 and 2015-2017). Finally, panel data were used. Results and Discussion: It can be seen that there is no consistent relationship between ideology (E/D) and public spending, that is, left-wing and right-wing parties tend to spend similarly. The exceptions are spending on education and urbanization, which are higher in states led by managers affiliated with left-wing parties, as expected. Implications of the Research: If ideology is a good predictor of political positioning in the legislature, the same cannot be said in the executive and subnational governments. The ideological component here remains in the background and reveals little explanatory power. Originality/Value: Few studies delve into the impact of political ideology on the provision of public policies.

A tale of two crises: affective polarization in Greece

Affective polarization, the strong feeling of animosity toward the supporters of the opposite party is rising in Europe. Several studies have examined the impact of ideological extremity and partisanship as a social identity on the rise of affective polarization. However, the impact of policy preferences on affective polarization remains relatively unexplored. I am at filling this gap by examining how preferences towards measures taken at addressing both the economic and the health crises impact affective polarization. Using newly collected data from Greece, a country with historically high levels of affective polarization, the analysis reveals that both policies have an impact of affective polarization but there are asymmetries on how policy preferences influence it. For the supporters of the governing conservative party, affective polarization appears to be policy-driven, whereas for the supporters of the opposition, the populist left-wing party SYRIZA, it is predominantly ideology-driven. Interestingly, the supporters of the governing party continue to align with the pro-memorandum stance even in the absence of an actual memorandum.

Carrying the Cross: Popular Christian Communities and Religious Protest during Pinochet's Dictatorship, 1973–90

Abstract This article examines the activities of Comunidades Cristianas Populares (Popular Christian Communities, CCPs) in marginalised neighbourhoods of Chile's capital, Santiago, during the Augusto Pinochet dictatorship. It traces how the CCPs emerged, thrived and then stopped, to showcase the uneasy co-existence between liberationist practices espoused by popular sectors and traditional ecclesiastical paradigms until their breaking point in 1990. In doing so, I argue that religious ritual is an important form of social protest against authoritarianism. Public processions exposed tensions between the Church and state, within the Church's diverse constituents, as well as between Christian community members and left-wing party militants. In the late 1980s, as the Church increasingly retreated from liberation theology, the dictatorship successfully co-opted social organisations and rendered religious rituals largely ineffective as a form of social protest.

Идейно-политический спектр: общеметодологический контекст и ситуация в современной России

The concept of the “ideological and political spectrum” in the political science literature is used to describe various ideologies and their propagators, such as political parties and social movements. However, there is no single definition of this term. In fact, the ideological and political spectrum reflects the diversity of political parties or their counterparts. As a rule, this refers to the main characteristic of the internal structure of the ideological and political scale, that is, the positioning of parties and social movements based on the right-left spectrum. The aim of the article is to identify the specifics of the tradition of distinguishing between right-wing and left-wing political parties in the methodological context. Objectives: to identify the basic principles on the basis of which certain political parties belong to the right or left political spectrum; to consider the situation of differentiation between left and right in the Russian political field. It is concluded that there is practically no division between left and right in Russian society. A significant part of respondents in the Russian Federation are unaware of the differences between right-wing or left-wing parties, which indicates a low level of their political awareness. It is stated that the main feature of the majority of political parties in modern Russia is a gravitation towards values and principles, rather than ideological doctrines.

Changing prices after the reform of local public services: remunicipalization versus privatization

AbstractPrivatization and remunicipalization have been used as alternative options to reform the delivery of local public services; in both cases, mainly because of disappointment with the service performance, although ideological preferences might also play a role. The drivers and effects of water privatization have been widely studied, whereas little empirical evidence is available for remunicipalization, particularly regarding its effects. Using a sample of Spanish municipalities, this paper assesses the change in the price of urban water following remunicipalization as compared to privatization. The main finding is that remunicipalization leads to smaller increases in price; this outcome is, however, due to a few atypical municipalities with abnormally low prices before the policy reform. Once these influential observations are controlled for, whether the reform consists of remunicipalization or privatization makes no difference regarding price changes. It is also found that remunicipalization is much more likely in cities governed by extreme left-wing parties.

«THE STATE» AND «LEGALITY» IN THE DISCOURSE OF P.A. STOLYPIN DURING THE REVOLUTIONARY CRISIS OF 1905–1907

The relevance of the research is determined by the need to disclose the political and legal concepts used by P.A. Stolypin during the first Russian Revolution and the beginning of forming the constitutional political system in Russia. Solving this problem makes it possible to better understand the ideas of the Chairman of the Council of Ministers, who played a significant role in developing the government’s reform program during the first Russian Revolution, and assess its compliance with historical time. The novelty of the research lies in studying the influence of historical circumstances on P.A. Stolypin’s ideological design of the course aimed at creating a state governed by the rule of law, as well as at identifying its political values, which determined the main tasks of its activities. The purpose of the study is to study the influence of historical circumstances on the ideological justification of P.A. Stolypin’s state activities during the years of the revolutionary crisis and transformation of the political system in Russia, in the analysis of his political discourse. Materials and methods of the study. The source base of the work was made up of speeches by P.A. Stolypin and deputies of the State Duma in 1906–1907. The work is carried out in the context of the theory of political modernization and the axiological approach, which obliges to identify the system of values that determined the worldview of a historical personality. Study results. In the new Russian historical conditions – the beginning of creating a constitutional state, arbitrariness of left–wing parties, criticism of government policy by Constitutional Democrats – the «healthy forces» in power actualized the task of creating the rule of law, offering their own version of its functioning: representative institutions are engaged in legislative work within their powers and recognize the prerogatives of the emperor. There was there is much concern about the authorities’ choice of means to combat to preserve the statehood and order. In Stolypin’s understanding, the priorities of the government should be to restore order in the interests of all compatriots. He disagreed with the liberals’ view that the government sought to govern on the basis of «exceptional laws,» saying that it was the duty of the authorities to preserve order. The government must fight destructive forces with all measures,» therefore, Stolypin believed, the government can resort to extraordinary means to prevent destruction of statehood and seizure of power by rebels. Conclusions. The formation of the political discourse of the Prime Minister Stolypin was influenced by such historical circumstances as creation of a constitutional political system in 1905–1906, emergence of «healthy forces» in power capable of carrying out reforms, the activities of liberal parties demanding the rule of law, activation of a left-wing radical movement focused on destruction of the existing system. Stolypin thought through and ideologically justified the program, which was based on indisputable national values: integrity and greatness of Russia, strong statehood, legality, welfare and education of people, preservation of culture created by many generations of ancestors. Stolypin’s discourse was defined by the era of transition from autocracy to the rule of law, when a conflict arose between the value system of traditionalists, liberals and radicals. Maneuvering, Stolypin simultaneously formed the ideological foundations of the rule of law and protection of the management system by repressive means.