Political Party Leaders Research Articles

The Qualitative Election Study of Britain Party Leader Evaluations Database, 2010–2019

Abstract The authors describe the Qualitative Election Study of Britain (qesb) Party Leader Evaluation Database, a database containing 4,119 words and phrases evaluating British political party leaders. The data were collected during pre-election focus groups and interviews with participants from England, Scotland, and Wales during the General Election campaigns of 2010, 2015, 2017, and 2019. A supplementary dataset of leaders’ evaluation data from Dundee residents after the Scottish Independence Referendum in 2014 is also provided. To collect the data, participants viewed headshot pictures of major and minor party leaders (depending on where in Britain they lived) taken from party websites. Participants wrote down words or phrases they associated with each leader and coded their assessment as positive, negative, or neutral. These data are suitable for content, sentiment, and discourse analysis or analytic generalization.

CORRUPTION AND POLITICAL PARTY PERFORMANCE IN NIGERIA’S FOURTH REPUBLIC; FOCUS ON PEOPLES DEMOCRATIC PARTY

One of the perennial challenges facing the Nigerian polity is corruption and the political space was not left out in this regard. Despite the fact that political parties are the bedrock of democratic settings as they perform the functions of political recruitment, socialization, articulation as well as strengthening the competition in the political space, lack of ideology, corrupt practices and intra-party contradictions have hindered them from meeting their expectations. This paper interrogated the effects of corruption on political party performance in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic with much focus on the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and to proffer solutions on how the menace could be curbed to enhance the internal democracy and potential of the PDP to capture the state power. The paper adopted qualitative research method through the use of secondary data such as journals, textbooks and periodicals and also utilized the clientelism model as a framework of analysis. The study reveals that corruption has eaten deep into the fabric of all democratic institutions in the state including the political parties as the electoral processes have been monetized beyond reasonable doubt. The study, therefore, recommended among others that the democratic institutions in the state such as political parties and the electoral commission be strengthened so as to promote good governance, values ethics and national prosperity. Again, there should be focus on meritocracy in selecting the leadership of political parties and party candidates rather than emphasis on nepotism and relying on patron-client agreements where the patrons decide who and how leaders are elected. This will go along to establish a just, fair and an egalitarian society.

Democratization or Extra-Constitutionalism: Ideas for Limiting the Term of Office for Chairmen of Political Parties in Indonesia

One aspect of the internal democratization of political parties that is not working is the lack of regeneration of political party leaders. This phenomenon presents oligarchic party practices and gives rise to a very elitist and feudalistic culture since political parties are controlled by the general chairman. This research is qualitative research with normative juridical methods using legal, conceptual, philosophical, and doctrinal approaches. This research is library research that examines and explores regulatory documents, books, journals, and other scientific works that are relevant to the topic of discussion. This article aims to provide new thinking in building internal institutions of democratic political parties. The results of data collection were analyzed in depth and then presented descriptively analytically. The conclusion of the article shows that by limiting the term of office of the general chairman of a political party, party internalization becomes more open. This idea advances party organizations that prioritize healthy competition. The terms of office need to be regulated in the political party law and do not need to be regulated in the political party's articles of association and bylaws for the sake of uniformity and legal certainty. The term of office of a political party leader is limited to 1 (one) period, namely five years, and a maximum of 2 (two) periods, namely ten years, if re-elected as general chairman at the political party conference forum and chairman election.

The Strength of Figures and Characteristics of Political Party Leaders in the 2024 Simultaneous Regional Head Election in Indonesia

This paper projects that the figures and characteristics of leaders are needed in the power of political parties, especially in contesting simultaneous regional elections in Indonesia. In the 2014 and 2019 elections, Jokowi and Prabowo Subianto, respectively, were two central figures in each party. Analysis of survey data for eight Indonesian elections shows that party leadership and identity are the most important determinants of party votes in legislative and presidential elections. Political parties must correctly place a central figure in their respective parties. The central figure serves as a booster, navigator, and inspiration for party cadres. In addition, figures can also be public reference material to choose one political party, when it is difficult for people to distinguish ideology between one party and another. Nevertheless, the system, traditions, and regeneration process must run as it should. Because only systems, traditions, and regeneration will be the foundation of the future. Political parties as a large organization are certainly not enough to rely on only one individual. There must be a regeneration of leadership within the party. So, if the central figure is no longer in the party, the party can still survive to maintain its existence in society.

Analyzing Party Identification Dynamics Using SmartPLS in the Peshawar Valley, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Province of Pakistan

The political landscape in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP), Pakistan, has seen a significant transformation since the 2013 elections, marked by the unprecedented dominance of Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) across three consecutive elections. This study explores the dynamics of party identification with specific relevance to the Peshawar Valley of KP, focusing on the role of family socialization, peer group interactions, political party performance, leadership, and political campaigns. Data from 1196 respondents in the Peshawar Valley were analyzed using multiple regression with SmartPLS. The findings indicate that traditional familial and peer influences on party identification are weakening, while instrumental factors like political leadership and campaigns have a substantial impact. PTI's success is attributed to its effective use of social media and charismatic leadership, emphasizing the shift towards leader-centric and campaign-driven party support. This shift reflects a weakening of traditional partisan alignments and a growing reliance on dynamic political factors in shaping voter behavior.

Identity Construction, Reverse Discourse and the Amhara Nationalism in Ethiopia

This paper examines how anti-Amhara ethnonationalists have constructed derogatory epithets to rationalise their mistreatment of Amhara, and delves into how Amhara nationalists endeavour to reclaim these epithets by imbuing them with positive connotations, contrasting with what the former has attached to them. It is a qualitative study that draws data from interviews with leaders of Amhara-based political parties, scholars, and victims of genocide, as well as review of social media content and scholarly literature. Foucault’s concept of reverse discourse, which entails resistance to prevailing discourse without altering the language and categories of the dominant group, was employed as an analytical tool. The findings reveal that ethnonationalist movements, emerging since the 1970s, utilised the imagery of ‘Amhara as enemy’ to spur political mobilisation. They construct disparaging epithets like neftegna (gun-holder) and timkhtegna (chauvinist) to justify their mistreatment of Amhara. This led to widespread killings and evictions of the people. In response, Amhara youths have formed a resistance movement since 2015. They strive to mobilise the populace by repurposing these derogatory labels as a tactic to resist discursive defamation and genocidal acts.

A question of truth: accusations of untruthfulness by populist and non-populist politicians on Facebook during the COVID-19 crisis

ABSTRACT Online environments can foster opportunities for political engagement but can also hinder democratic deliberation by promoting hostile and polarizing communication. A prominent concern revolves around the attacks on political actors’ truthfulness in public discourse. Such discourse is expressed through anti-elite and antagonistic attacks on perceived (un)truthfulness employed by some politicians toward political opponents in public debates, and it is argued to maintain a close affinity with populist politics. During crises, when people seek guidance from elites, discourses of untruthfulness can lead to further uncertainty by eroding trust in political leadership. Relying on the extensive claims analysis of 7,109 Facebook posts published by political party leaders between March 2020 and February 2021, this study investigates how accusations of untruthfulness unfold in the social media posts of populist and non-populist political leaders in Austria, the Czech Republic, Germany, and Poland during the COVID-19 pandemic. Our findings show that populist leaders are generally more prone to utilize accusations of untruthfulness in their social media posts than non-populist politicians, but the extent of attacks is context-dependent.

Adverse Contagion? Populist Radical Right Parties and Norms on Gender Balance in Political Institutions

How do male-dominated populist radical right (PRR) parties relate to and influence norms around women’s political inclusion and leadership in mainstream political parties? While research has focused on describing the male dominance of PRR parties or its influence on mainstream political parties’ policies, particularly immigration, we know less about how PRR parties relate to norms on women’s inclusion or gender-balanced representation in mainstream parties. In a theory-building effort, we posit that PRR parties may seek to (a) adapt to mainstream parties’ norms and include more women in leading positions (positive contagion) or (b) negatively affect or even challenge norms around women’s inclusion in mainstream parties (adverse contagion). Seeking to theorize this relationship further, we explore leadership selection in the Swedish Parliament, where gender balance constitutes a strong norm. Yet, following the 2022 elections, the proportion of women parliamentary leaders dipped below 30% for the first time in decades. At the same time, the Sweden Democrats, a male-dominated PRR party, emerged as the second-largest party in Parliament. Drawing on interviews with nomination committees, party documents, and data on leadership, we empirically investigate continuity and change in committee leadership appointments in the Swedish Parliament and the role of the radical right in this process. We do not find signs of adverse contagion in the short run: as of 2023, norms promoting gender balance appear to remain robust and enjoy widespread support among mainstream parties. Yet, neither do we find signs of positive contagion where the radical right adapts to mainstream norms around gender balance.

Godfatherism and Democratic Reconstruction in Nigeria: A Review of Nigeria’s Fourth Republic

Much of the contemporary discourse on Nigeria's democracy and politics from 1999 till date has at its centre, the phenomenon of 'godfatherism' in the leadership of political parties, and in running the affairs of our multi-nation-state. As a result of the corruption of the electoral and political processes, governmental structures, electoral politics and state power are skewed towards satisfying the self- regarding interests of the dominant political mentors otherwise known as 'political godfathers'. Relying on their wealth and their political machines, they secure party nomination for candidates of their choice by any means, sponsor their election, including manipulating the electoral process. This paper is intended to examine critically the crisis of political godfatherism in Nigeria and its implications for the future of the nation's democracy. It suggests ways the gods of Nigerian democracy and politics can be checked and confronted if the country is to deepen democracy and strengthen democratic institutions.

Patterns of Political Communication in Virtual Leadership in Political Parties After the COVID-19 Pandemic

After the COVID-19 pandemic, all sectors must still implement health protocols while continuing to work virtually to fulfill their obligations. The GERINDRA Party is one of the major parties in Indonesia that continues to carry out political communication to carry out its functions. The virtual leadership model and competitive organizational culture are applied in running an adequate organization. This research aims to analyze virtual leadership and competitive culture in post-pandemic organizations. The research method is carried out with bibliometric analysis which utilizes vos viewer software to conduct analysis and participatory research because the author is at the research location. The result is that virtual leadership is applied with several conditions, including leaders understanding the perceptions of members and organizations, leaders acting as the key to success, leaders being obliged to work remotely, leaders following the flow of globalization, and mastering ICT. Then the competitive organizational culture is applied with innovation, knowledge, collaboration, and target markets.

Postponement Of Elections Perspective Of Constitutional Law In The Indonesian Constitution

Elections are a democratic party for the people as the holder of the highest sovereignty, namely electing members of the DPR, DPD, president, and vice president by the 1945 Constitution article 22E paragraph "general elections are carried out directly, publicly, freely, secretly, honestly and fairly every five once a year." However, due to recent issues saying that the 2024 election will be postponed, which was proposed by several political party leaders and one of President Joko Widodo's ministers for reasons of maintaining national economic stability, the author tries to divert research on the issue of postponing elections from maintaining financial stability to the realm of state administration and constitution. The author uses qualitative research methods because the data source and results of this research are from library research in the form of descriptions of words. In this research, secondary data sources are used where data sources include books, articles, and journals. Data collection techniques are generally carried out by looking for data sources so that this research is carried out only based on written works, including research results that have been published, and that still need to be published. With the discussions and the results of the research, the author can conclude that if the issue of postponing the election is implemented, then it is unconstitutional or a violation of the Indonesian constitution and state administration; if this discourse is implemented by the government unilaterally without considering the will and opinion of the people.

Presidents And Political Parties: Power In The Hands Of Many Changed To The Power In The Hands Of One

It is the aim of this paper to answer one specific question: How do presidents influence and forever alter the political parties they lead? This paper will examine the power dynamics between the American presidency and political parties throughout this nation’s history. This paper will analyze how presidents in different political eras have influenced political party leadership. This paper will explore specific case studies of presidents and how they have changed their political parties. And this paper will elaborate on its primary thesis that: Before the modern presidency, presidents who wanted to expand their powers were stopped by strongly mobilized and competitive political parties; now, since the New Deal, presidents have much greater control and leadership over their political party, being the ones to advance or derail political party objectives. Conclusively, this paper finds thats presidents, in general, throughout the modern era have made political parties weaker, both in terms of voter turnout and political participation, which is different to how robust and strong political parties were before the New Deal. Additionally, it is found that specific presidents have direct impacts on the political parties they represent, from the demographics of a political party base, to the fundamental policies and ideologies believed by a political party, to the rhetoric used by a political party, and even to the amount of faith voters have in the American government.

Youth Political Participation and Party Politics during the 2023 General Elections in Nigeria

The waning of young participation in politics has made the involvement of Nigerian youth in politics a contentious issue since the country's return to democracy on May 29, 1999. Therefore, this study seeks to investigate the level of youth participation at the party level during 2023 general elections in Nigeria. This study used secondary data such as textbooks, Journal articles and online sources while content analysis was used to analyse the data collected. Moreover, this study is situated within the “Sleeping Dog Theory”. The study argues that the African Democratic Congress (ADC) recorded the highest number of youth participation at the party level during the 2023 general elections. Other parties in order of increased youth participation include Action Democratic Party, New Nigeria's People Party (NNPP), Socialist Democratic Party (SDP), Action Alliance (AA) and Labour Party among others. However, Labour Party occupied sixth position, Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP) thirteen positions while the All Progressive Congress (APC) fifteen positions. This shows that the three dominant Political parties during the 2023 general elections namely Labour Party, Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP) and All Progressive Congress (APC) were not among the leading political parties that encouraged youth participation at the party level during the 2023 general elections. On the whole, this study recommends among other things that Interparty Advisory Council (IPAC) which is the umbrella body for Political parties in Nigeria should work closely with the various political party leadership on ways to increase youth participation at the party level like the reduction of the party nomination/interest form.
 
 Received: 10 October 2023 / Accepted: 28 December 2023 / Published: 5 January 2024

Power Sharing of Political Position in Jeneponto Regency

This study aims to explore in-depth, discuss, and provide a detailed description of power distribution in political positions in Jeneponto. The power-sharing of political position in Jeneponto Regency can be seen from several aspects, first, power-sharing is intended to create a balance, harmony, and political order by adhering to the principle of checks and balances. Second, it anticipates the occurrence of power practices dominated by specific groups or factions. Third, it is a political strategy to acquire power and fight for the rights and interests of the people. This research is qualitative and descriptive in nature. The informants of this study were government officials, political party leaders, general election commission commissioners, and registered voters selected through a purposive sampling technique. Data collection techniques included observation, interviews, and documentation. The data analysis techniques used were data presentation, data reduction, and conclusion. The results of the study indicate that (1) an imbalance was observed in the distribution of political power, which has the potential to create political imbalance, disharmony, and division. (2) There is a tendency for power distribution to be dominated by specific groups or factions. (3) There is still the practice of oligarchy driven by political elites who prioritize their interests and their groups while neglecting or disregarding the interests of others and the general public.
 Keywords: power sharing, political positions

Exploring Forms of Political Violence Against Women and their Effect on Women’s Political Participation in Matero Constituency of Lusaka District, Zambia.

This article explored the forms of political violence against women and their effects on women’s political participation in Matero Constituency of Lusaka District, Zambia. This research took a qualitative approach and rode on a case study design to generate evidence. A sample of 24 political party leaders were recruited through homogenous purposive sampling procedure. The data was generated using interviews and was analysed thematically. This research found that five (5) forms of political violence against women were in existence in Matero Constituency. These included: physical, psychological, sexual, economic and semiotic violence. This research also revealed that political violence against women affected the political participation of women negatively as cases of resignations, disenfranchisement and fear to participate, confinement to lower positions and reduced freedom of expression were prominent in the constituency. This research concluded that there was a growing increase in the forms of political violence against women in Matero constituency and this discouraged women from participating in political processes as expected. Among others, it is recommended that the Zambia Center for Inter-party Dialogue (ZCID), the Electoral Commission of Zambia (ECZ) and Civil Society Organisations (CSOs) should convene wider consultative seminars and workshops to familiarize themselves and the general public with the forms of political violence against women.

Risks and Impacts of Labor Influx in Road Construction in Nepal: Study from Human Security Perspective

This study attempts to explore the impacts of labour influx related to road construction in Nepal with particular attention to the local community. The study is based on consultation and focus group discussions with laborers and people living in local communities that hosted the project and additional key informant interviews with road project staffs, local leaders of major political parties, schoolteachers, local service providers such as police officers, medical workers, and others. The study concludes that influx of laborers have both positive and negative impacts on local community. Adequate monitoring and adaptive management of likely adverse impacts from labor influx are keys to properly addressing them and mitigating risks. This study identifies the way forward and instruments to prepare and implement in reducing labor influx for preventing the threats of human security of local community along the road alignment.

Explaining Electoral Successes in Greek Parliamentary Elections: Is it the Economy Again?

This paper asks the following question: can the macroeconomic fluctuations of Gross Domestic Product (GDP) explain the electoral success of political parties? Notwithstanding other important determinants such as the charisma of the leader of a popular political party or ideology, the economy may very well explain electoral successes. In this paper, I use a very simple variable to account for the economy: the rate of growth of GDP. It is claimed that years of relative higher growth are associated with the incumbent government retaining its power, while years of zero or negative growth rates are related with the fall of an incumbent government. The period between 1974-2023 shows evidence of Greek economic growth and the impact on elections and therefore the hypothesis cannot be rejected that the economy plays a central role in explaining electoral successes, and especially failures, of incumbent governments. Keywords: Greece, elections, economy, GDP, political parties, time series, policy, political leaders

Populism as a Threat to the Post-War Recovery of Ukraine

The article attempts to analyze the emergence and formation of populism in Ukraine. The role of political party leaders in the political transformation of Ukraine is studied, which allows us to understand social transformations caused by populism: populist parties are particularly prone to internal authoritarianism, often relying on a charismatic leader in the style of a strongman. It is noted that the political culture of the elite matters and shapes political institutions, and these political institutions influence both the process of societal consolidation and the type of political regime in general. It is emphasized that numerous elite groups are necessary for the functioning of democracy. The influence of the mass media on the results of the formation of public opinion and national voting is considered. The ability of populists to transition to personalistic authoritarian rule is emphasized, and this process is significantly accelerated during a long-term crisis, especially war. It is noted that one of the signs of growing authoritarianism is a decrease in the rights and influence of the regions and the regional political elite. The article concludes that after the victory, the ruling class and the political elite of Ukraine face two risks: the first is that it is quite possible to expect a further decrease in the level of trust of Ukrainians not only in the Verkhovna Rada, but also in the top political leadership of the country. And the second - there are likely to be splits within the ruling elite, which is usually one of the main factors in the collapse of a personalist or authoritarian regime. It is stated that after the war, opposition sentiments in Ukraine will increase significantly, and the opposition environment will be favorable for its representatives to try to compete for power. It is quite likely that after the end of the war, other elites and other leaders will enter the arena. Taking this into account, the authorities need to adjust to a difficult compromise with civil society, domestic business and foreign partners.

Gender affinity effects between female voters and women leaders in parliamentary elections: Cross-national evidence (1996-2016)

An increasing amount of literature has demonstrated that party leaders affect voting behavior in parliamentary elections. However, the electoral impact of female leadership of political parties has been under-researched. The gender affinity hypothesis suggests that when women run for presidential or prime ministerial office, women are more likely than men to vote for them. Using data from the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems project, we tested gender affinity effects between female voters and female party leaders in mixed-sex legislative elections, that is, elections involving at least one female party candidate for prime minister, in parliamentary and semi-presidential systems. We analyzed 50 elections held from 1996 to 2016 in 24 countries. The results showed that female leaders were better evaluated by women and that women were more likely than men to vote for them. However, the gender affinity effects were small and not largely conditioned or not conditioned at all by other factors, such as some voters’ characteristics and electoral setting.

Exclusively Our People: Defining Tribalism through the Slovak Case

We define tribalism as a mode of articulation that draws an antagonistic frontier between societal groups. Unlike populism, tribalism does not have a hegemonic character. It articulates groups through a horizontally oriented, shared value system; whereas populism is an essential part of a democratic system, tribalism disregards democracy. To conceptualize tribalism as a separate theoretical frame from populism or (ethno)nationalism, we used discourse theoretical analysis to analyze the Facebook pages of four political party leaders in Slovakia (Marian Kotleba, Krisztián Forró, Igor Matovič, and Boris Kollár). Kotleba’s page showed tribalistic features by articulating an antagonistic divide between “us,” the people, linked by shared values and identities, and anyone not sharing those values, or “them.” His representation of his party’s fight against oppressive forces, combined with their apathetic stance toward democracy, makes his a prime example of a tribalist party. While populism is an ever-expanding area of research and a framework widely used to analyze political entities and events, it is a word often thrown around and thus overused. Tribalism offers an alternative approach to analyze political instances in a national and transnational context in a more nuanced way, and to gain a better understanding of previously overlooked phenomena.