War Leader Research Articles

The image of Yemelyan Pugachev in Tatar historical folklore

This article examines samples of the Tatars’ non-fairy tale prose, which reflects the historical figure of the popular uprising leader in the Urals and the Volga Region, Yemelyan Pugachev. The author summarizes the popular assessment of the Peasant War leader’s actions, found in the historical tales of the Tatars from the republics of Bashkortostan, Tatarstan and other regions of Russia. Based on the analyzed sources, it is possible to obtain valuable information about those socio-political clashes that have left deep traces in the worldview and psychology of the local population. The relevance of the research topic is due to the need to understand the role of one of the key personalities for the Bashkortostan Tatars, Yemelyan Pugachev, as well as the need to replenish the knowledge about the local history specifics and the national policy of the tsarist government. The object of the study is the Tatar people’s historical tales about uprisings and riots. The subject of the study is the image of Yemelyan Pugachev in Tatar historical tales. The purpose of the work is to identify the features reflecting the image of Yemelyan Pugachev in Tatar tales and the prerequisites that form the basis of the popular assessment of this hero’s deeds. The objectives of the article are to review historical tales about popular uprisings, unrest and riots and their leader, to identify the specifics, reflecting people’s indignation based on the transformation of the dissenter’s image, an opponent of state power in the oral folk art of the Tatars living in various regions of Russia, in particular in the Volga Region and the Urals. The article concludes that despite the strengths and weaknesses of Yemelyan Pugachev’s personality, the people portray him with respect, recognizing his strength and charisma, but they are in no hurry to take the “oath of allegiance”; at the same time, through the description of everyday events, he reveals himself, first of all, as a Person.

Mau‘iẓat al-Ikhwān and the Knowledge of the Acehnese Past

This article attempts to study a work of late nineteenth century Aceh, known as Mau‘iẓat al-Ikhwān. The main bulk of this inquiry revolves around the question of how far the text conveys the ‘historical knowledge’ of Aceh at the height of its war against the Dutch within the time of its composition (1886 AD). The work, which is a short treatise with only 14 pages in length, was written by Shaykh Muḥammad ‘Abbās al-Āshī, a prominent ‘ālim (religious scholar) and a war leader. Its composition was initially intended as an ‘exhortation’ (mau‘iẓat) for the Acehnese in their efforts at waging the holy war against the Dutch, and therefore it was addressed to them for contemporary use. Yet, as a product of the past the text also encompasses some factual data which can enrich our knowledge of the Acehnese past, especially that of the late nineteenth century. As such, the work plays its role beyond its initial intention as it also functions as a historical source. This study employs a ‘descriptive analytical’ method which will be supported by the mode of Culler’s ‘hermeneutics of recovery’.

Sayyida Alhurra: A forgotten North African queen and war leader

In this study I will focus on a forgotten North African queen of Andalusian origin, Sayyida al-Hurra, the governor of Tetouan in the sixteenth century. During a critical political period when the country had suffered from fragmentation and the attacks by both the Portugal and Spain, Alhurra emerged as a well-trained governor and ruler and the first Moroccan woman to rule the North for thirty years (Mernissi, 2000) without an objection.
 I adopted both historic and ethnographic approach. Available data demonstrates that Alhurra is the daughter of the founder and governor of Chafchouan (Haki, 1983). Factors that helped her to be an exceptional leader include her Shariff decent, her family leadership in the region, excellent education in religion and science, as well as her intelligence, flexibility, fluency in Arabic and Spanish, and, finally, her strong personality. Both her marriages served as means to bring stability to the North. After her first husband death (1519), she became the governor of Tetouan. When Sultan Ahmad Al-watassi felt that his reign was threatened by the rise of Saadi dynasty, he married her (1541) because of her political status and her active role in the North. Marine warfare was central to her government.

Действующие лица Гражданской войны в Туркменистане: правда и вымысел о Джунаид-хане

The article describes about little-known pages in the life of one of the key military and political leaders of the Civil War in Turkmenistan, Junaid Khan — Kurbanmamed serdar (1862–1938). The historiography of the issue is criticized. Based on unpublished sources from the founds of state and departmental archives, the details of the biography of this figure related to his participation in the fratricidal confrontation are clarified. The theoretical basis of the study is a combination of military anthropology, problematic and comparative historical methods. Summing up, the author assesses the personality of Junaid Khan against the backdrop of the controversial era in which this military and political figure lived.

Expeditionary Surgeons: Essential to Surgical Leadership in World War II and Today.

This presidential address, given during the Annual Symposium of the Excelsior Surgical Society of the American College of Surgeons, explores the origins of the expeditionary surgeon. The essential traits of such a surgeon-leader are defined using examples from history and are then used to examine the leadership of Edward D Churchill during World War II as the prototypical expeditionary surgeon. In the future, identifying key military surgical leaders as expeditionary surgeons would serve our nation's interests well in preserving our fighting force on the battlefield. Consideration should be given to formally training and designating such surgical leaders for the military and other austere settings.

Leadership in the Emergent Baekje State: State Formation in Central-Western Korea (ca. 200–400 CE)

Abstract The process of state formation is a social phenomenon closely connected with a polity’s external relationships. During peer–polity interactions, polities undergo social reorganization as they mutually influence each other. This study examines this process and argues that in central-western Korea, around 200–400 CE, hostile interactions among multiple polities weakened the power of ingroup members to level social differences and increased social complexity. When confronted with unfriendly outgroups, potential rulers could assume different social roles (e.g., diplomat, war leader, or trader) and utilize new social threats to demand and legitimize higher social status. Archaeological data from central-western Korea illustrate the community’s efforts to build a defense system and prepare for war. Autonomous agricultural communities rapidly realigned into a state system in response to external threats, presumably from historically documented hostile groups such as the Lelang commandery and Goguryeo. The decision to oppose neighboring polities likely enhanced the leaders’ ability to consolidate power, while the rulers of the Baekje (also spelled “Paekche”) state could employ various other means for self-aggrandizement throughout its history.

Rossel Islanders and Wanggulam Lani

This paper compares social inequality in the Melanesian societies of the Rossel Islanders and the Wanggulam Lani. As regards the Rossel Islanders, I rely on the ethnography of John Liep. For the Wanggulam Lani I use my own research among them. The comparison shows how, in these two societies, men ac-quired prestige and power in different ways: on Rossel Island by prominence in transactions in wealth items, and among the Wanggulam Lani by warriorhood and leadership in war.

Winston Churchill as a One Nation Conservative

Paradoxically the social reforms which entitle Churchill to the title of One Nation Conservative were enacted when he was a member of a Liberal Cabinet after 1908. Indeed, it was partly because he believed that the Conservatives had ceased to be a party of social reform that he crossed the floor to the Liberals in 1904.Churchill pioneered the welfare state – measures such as labour exchanges, minimum wages in sweated trades, and the world’s first system of unemployment insurance. All this was in his words “the untrodden field of politics”. To help him, he brought into government in an advisory role, William Beveridge, later to be author of the famous report on social insurance. Churchill is best remembered of course for his leadership in war from 1940 to 1945. But in 1951, he had a second innings as peacetime prime minister. Here too he made his contribution to One Nation Conservatism, not by action as had been the case before 1914, but by inaction. He preserved the welfare state measures enacted by Attlee’s Labour government after 1945, rather than dismantling them as some Conservatives had wished. His peacetime government cemented his reputation as a One Nation Conservative.

Revisioning Stalin and Stalinism: Complexities, Contradictions, and Controversies ed. by James Ryan and Susan Grant (review)

Reviewed by: Revisioning Stalin and Stalinism: Complexities, Contradictions, and Controversies ed. by James Ryan and Susan Grant Claire Knight Ryan, James and Grant, Susan (eds). Revisioning Stalin and Stalinism: Complexities, Contradictions, and Controversies. Bloomsbury Academic, London and New York, 2021. xiii + 250 pp. Notes. Select bibliography. Geoffrey Roberts select bibliography. Index. £90.00; £28.99; £26.09 (e-book). This volume accomplishes a rare feat: it combines fascinating new research with insightful stock-taking of the past several decades of Stalin-era political history scholarship, rendering it a worthy addition to the bookshelves of seasoned academics and fledgling students alike. The diverse chapters are united by a shared interest in themes of an international bent, showcasing the influence of transnationalism, postcolonialism and the modernity school on recent Soviet scholarship. The volume is divided into four sections, concentrating on Stalin as a leader, the cult of personality and the Cold War, with a final chapter on the afterlife of Stalinism in today's Russia. Part One is the most fully subscribed, opening with a chapter by Christopher Read on the recent explosion of scholarly biographies of Stalin, including his own, and offering a candid assessment of the value and limitations of the biography as a historical exercise. In chapter two, Peter Whitewood takes on misconceptions concerning the military purges in 1937, arguing convincingly that these developments were reactive rather than proactive, having more to do with the leadership's decades-long perception of the Red Army's vulnerability to enemy infiltration than Stalin's bid for power. In chapter three, Daniel Kowalsky offers a lively and comprehensive historiography of Soviet involvement in the Spanish Civil War, putting to rest 'the Orwellian [End Page 181] myth of swarms of Soviet illegals carrying out assassinations and sapping the Republic's moral[e]' (p. 62) once and for all. Chapter four by Chris Bellamy dovetails nicely with Whitewood's chapter, focusing on Stalin's capabilities as an intelligent, detail-oriented war leader and dispelling Khrushchev's tall tale of an isolated leader holed up in his dacha on the verge of nervous breakdown at the outbreak of the war: instead, Stalin was in his Kremlin office barely an hour after the first bombs were dropped on Crimea (p. 73). Part Two moves away from Stalin the man and onto the Stalin/Stalinist cult, with chapters by Judith Devlin, placing the cult in transnational context, and Balázs Apor, examining the Stalinist cult as but one in a series of leader cults that arose in twentieth-century Hungary. Both chapters abandon the well-trod path of Stalinist exceptionalism and underline instead the parallels and continuities between the Stalinist cult and other leader cults across space and time, making a valuable contribution to the broader, ongoing work on leader cults as a modern phenomenon. Part Three focuses on the Cold War, beginning with Caroline Kennedy-Pipe's enlightening historiography and thematic analysis of the conflict, in which she does not shy away from critiquing her own earlier work in a bid to provide a more global perspective on a topic that continues to be alarmingly relevant today. In contrast to the rest of the volume, chapter eight by Geoffrey Roberts concentrates on an aspect of Soviet policy in which Stalin had very little interest, namely, the peace movement. Roberts shows how the famed bureaucratism of the Stalinist system could prove advantageous at times, as it provided a mechanism by which those outside the inner circle might influence policy. Chapter nine by Molly Pucci steps outside the USSR and into the interrogation rooms of the Czechoslovak secret police, tracing the chilling way in which seemingly simple adjustments in the protocols for writing confessions served to Sovietize the Czechoslovak criminal justice system and systematize the fabrication of evidence in political cases. Finally, James Ryan's thorough, equable analysis of the seeming revival of Stalinism in state and society under Putin provides a fitting end to a volume dedicated to eschewing simplistic formulations and seductive myths in reconsidering the Stalin era. One of the key strengths of this collection lies in the wealth of historiographical analysis it provides both in the introduction, with its cogent, concise survey of...

임진왜란시기 八公山會盟과 작품에 대한 고찰

This study is about Mt. Palgong Meetings among war leaders of Korea, the general process of battles in the mountain, and literary works of meeting participants during the Imjin War(Japanese Invasion to Korea, 1592~1598; 壬辰倭亂).
 It has been known that Mt. Palgong Meetings were held two times - in March 1596(the 29th year of the King Seonjo 宣祖) and September 1596. But, this study reveals that the meetings were held two more times - in September 1592(the 25th year of the King Seonjo) and September 1594(the 27th year of the King Seonjo). Among the meetings, only what was held in March 1596 was led by the central government, while the other three meetings were voluntarily led by volunteer army leaders. At the battle in September 1597(the 30th year of the King Seonjo), those leaders who had participated in Mt. Palgong Meetings led the volunteer soldiers in defeating the Japanese troops.
 At Mt. Palgong Meetings, voluntary army leaders would express their visions about the world and the country with many patriotic literary works. The works of such leaders written at the meeting of September 1596 can be divided into two types: responsory and presenting poems(和唱詩) and linking verses poems(聯詩). While Mt. Palgong Meetings and Mt. Palgong battles were important historical accidents which would allow us to grasp the organizations and activities of volunteer armies, there remains no such historical space in the Mt. Palgong region.

NAPOLEON I, KARADJORDJE, AND THE GLORY OF THE GREATEST MILITARY LEADER

This article addresses a statement allegedly made by the French emperor Napoleon Bonaparte, in which he says that Karadjordje (“Black George”), the leader of the First Serbian Uprising, was a great war leader who was even greater than he himself. Every effort has been made to analyze all relevant sources for this anecdote. The purpose to systematically prove or disprove this academically neglected but publicly influential rumor.

Snapshots from an information war: Propaganda, intertextuality, and audience design in the Russia–Ukraine conflict

This article argues for a novel conceptualization of propaganda as powerful (multimodal) discourse and forms of sociocultural practice that are both vertical (from elite actors to the populace) and horizontal (originating from and/or circulating among popular actors). Drawing upon the concept of audience design, the article examines the use of intertextuality and affective rhetoric as tactical resources in a set of political performances delivered during the first phase of the Russia–Ukraine war (March 2022) that erupted following the Russian invasion of Ukraine on 24 February 2022. Through critical discourse analysis of political speeches delivered by the war leaders of Ukraine and the US, as well as multimodal analysis of two social media videos, it is shown that discursive aspects of the information war include meticulous audience design through intertextual references that achieve “cultural resonance” with western media, while also leveraging the affective domain, through carefully framed emotional appeals targeted at multiple audiences. The article calls attention to the role of online news for recontextualizing and amplifying key messages from these political performances as a key aspect of propaganda, and offers insights into the rhetorical construction of strategic narratives during information war in the current diverse and hybrid media landscape.

Bouncing Back from the ‘Mid‐Term Blues’: Myth or Reality in Postwar Britain?

AbstractIt is commonly thought that British governments can rapidly recover from mid‐term unpopularity and go on to secure success in general elections at the end of their term in office. However, it is in fact very difficult to gain a working majority for a full term, and then secure a further working majority for a further full term. Thirteen of the twenty administrations in the postwar period failed to achieve this. Only three administrations managed to recover from serious mid‐term unpopularity. The 1979–1983 government was, uniquely, saved by the Falklands War. The 1987–1992 administration recovered from unpopularity in the mid‐term by brutally dispatching the patriotic war leader of 1982. Only the 1955–1959 Macmillan government came back for more humdrum reasons, such as lower interest rates and improving living standards. In short, if politicians think they can readily shake off the mid‐term blues, postwar British history has some uncomfortable lessons for them.

Studying SARS-CoV-2 vaccine hesitancy among health professionals in Tunisia

BackgroundPeople's lives were seriously affected by the emergence and the spread of the COVID-19 disease. Several vaccines were developed in record time to overcome this pandemic. However, putting an end to this public health problem requires substantial vaccination coverage rate. This latter depends on the acceptance of these vaccines especially by health professionals; the leaders of the current war against COVID-19. In fact, they have a central role in promoting vaccination against the SARS-CoV-2. In the developed countries, hesitancy rates towards these vaccines among health professionals vary from 4.3% to 72%. In the developing countries, few studies focused on this issue.ObjectiveTo estimate the prevalence and the predictors of SARS-CoV-2 vaccine hesitancy among the Tunisian health professionals.MethodsA cross-sectional study was led online between the 7th and the 21th of January 2021 among Tunisian health professionals. At least 460 participants were required. Snowball sampling method served to recruit participants. Data were collected using a pre-established and pre-tested questionnaire recorded in a free Google form. The link of the questionnaire was disseminated online to be self-administered anonymously to the participants. The generated online Google Sheet was uploaded and exported to SPSS software for analysis.ResultsOf the 546 responses, 493 were retained. The mean age of participants was 37.4 (± 9.5) years. Females represented 70.2% of participants. Social media represented the most frequently used source of information about COVID-19. The prevalence of SARS-CoV-2 vaccine hesitancy among participants was 51.9% (95% CI: 47.5–56.3)). Female sex, working far from the capital and having concerns about the vaccines components predicted more hesitancy among participants. In contrast, the use of the national COVID-19 information website predicted less hesitancy among them.ConclusionsThe current Tunisian communication plan about COVID-19 vaccines must be reinforced. Social media represent a cost effective communication channel that can serve to reassure Tunisian health professionals regarding the safety of COVID-19 vaccines. Special interest should be paid to females, paramedical professionals and those working far from the capital.

Leaders of war: modelling the evolution of conflict among heterogeneous groups.

War, in human and animal societies, can be extremely costly but can also offer significant benefits to the victorious group. We might expect groups to go into battle when the potential benefits of victory (V) outweigh the costs of escalated conflict (C); however, V and C are unlikely to be distributed evenly in heterogeneous groups. For example, some leaders who make the decision to go to war may monopolize the benefits at little cost to themselves ('exploitative' leaders). By contrast, other leaders may willingly pay increased costs, above and beyond their share of V ('heroic' leaders). We investigated conflict initiation and conflict participation in an ecological model where single-leader-multiple-follower groups came into conflict over natural resources. We found that small group size, low migration rate and frequent interaction between groups increased intergroup competition and the evolution of 'exploitative' leadership, while converse patterns favoured increased intragroup competition and the emergence of 'heroic' leaders. We also found evidence of an alternative leader/follower 'shared effort' outcome. Parameters that favoured high contributing 'heroic' leaders, and low contributing followers, facilitated transitions to more peaceful outcomes. We outline and discuss the key testable predictions of our model for empiricists studying intergroup conflict in humans and animals. This article is part of the theme issue 'Intergroup conflict across taxa'.

Solid support or secret dissent? A list experiment on preference falsification during the Russian war against Ukraine

Do individuals reveal their true preferences when asked for their support for an ongoing war? This research note presents the results of a list experiment implemented in the midst of the Russian invasion of Ukraine. Our experiment allows us to estimate the extent of preference falsification with regard to support for the war by comparing the experimental results with a direct question. Our data comes from an online sample of 3000 Russians. Results show high levels of support for the war and significant levels of preference falsification: when asked directly, 71% of respondents support the war, while this share drops to 61% when using the list experiment. Preference falsification is particularly pronounced among individuals using TV as a main source of news. Our results imply that war leaders can pursue peace without fearing a large popular backlash, but also show that high levels of support for war can be sustained even once the brutality of the war has become clear.

АСПЕКТИ МАРКЕТИНГОВОГО МЕНЕДЖМЕНТУ ГРОМАДСЬКИХ ОРГАНІЗАЦІЙ В КОНТЕКСТІ ДИСЦИПЛІНИ «ІСТОРІЇ ЕКОНОМІКИ ТА ЕКОНОМІЧНОЇ ДУМКИ»

The article considers the issue of ensuring the effectiveness of domestic non-governmental organizations in terms of theoretical and practical components of management and marketing. The evolution of the principles of the "third sector" in space of "History of Economics and Economic Thought" is traced. The stages and main tendencies of civil society development in Ukraine since the 90s of the XX century to up to date are systematized. The factors of ensuring the effective operation of public organizations are analyzed - strategic planning, communication channels, project management, fundraiser, financial sustainability indicators, monitoring and transparency. Peculiarities of marketing in the field of charitable institutes and volunteering are considered. The method of managing changes in non-governmental associations of Ukraine to the conditions of martial law has been implemented. New trends in the management of public organizations are identified: adaptability of strategic planning; mobility in resource management; maximum transparency; effective internal and external feedback; digitalization; creation of networks of non-governmental organizations; introduction of project fundraising. It is generalized that in the conditions of war leaders of non-governmental organizations combine several roles: 1) a marketer who forms the requests of NGOs and makes proposals to potential donors; 2) project manager, who administers the progress of team tasks and deadlines; 3) PR-professional; 4) a strategist who adapts the capabilities of the NGO to the donor's requests; 5) a sales specialist who, as it can be said, sells NGO to the donor; 5) a financial manager who efficiently and transparently uses the resources involved; 6) a leader-manager who harmoniously combines professional and soft-skills.

Gender, sexism, and war

We analyze a model of leader gender and crisis bargaining under asymmetric information. There are no essential differences between the sexes in their willingness to use force, but sexist leaders receive a subjective boost for defeating female leaders in war and pay a subjective cost for defeat. We show that this hostile sexism can lead to war for two reasons, first by offering sufficient private benefits to make peace impossible and second by influencing an uninformed leader’s willingness to risk war. We also show that (a) the effect of leader sex on disputes and war depends on the distribution of power, (b) sexist leaders may initiate disputes at less favorable distributions of power than non-sexist leaders, and (c) sexist leaders adopt bargaining strategies that make it difficult for women to cultivate and benefit from reputations for resolve, even in the absence of sex differences in the willingness to use force.

Mark Twain's Civil War: “The Private History of a Campaign That Failed”

Mark Twain's Civil War: “The Private History of a Campaign That Failed”

British Naval Power and its Influence on Indonesia, 1795–1942: An Historical Analysis

In Indonesian history, Britain has never been considered a prominent player in the politics of the archipelago. From an Indonesian perspective, the British presence only lasted a brief five years (1811–1816) during short-lived interregnum regime led by Thomas Stamford Raffles (1781-1826). This began with the British seizure of Java from the Franco-Dutch administration of Marshal Daendels (1808-11) and his successor, General Janssens (May-September 1811), and ended with the formal return of the colony to the Netherlands on 19 August 1816. However, as this article demonstrates, Britain has had a long-lasting and decisive influence on modern Indonesian history, dating from the time when the archipelago entered the vortex of global conflict between Britain and Republican France in the 1790s. The presence of the British navy in Indonesian waters throughout the century and a half which followed Britain’s involvement in the War of the First Coalition (1792-97) dictated inter alia the foundation of new cities like Bandung which grew up along Daendels’ celebrated postweg (military postroad), the development of modern Javanese cartography, and even the fate of the exiled Java War leader, Prince Diponegoro. in distant Sulawesi (1830-55). This British naval presence had pluses and minuses for the Dutch. On the one hand, it was a guarantor of Dutch security from foreign seaborne invasion. On the other, it opened the possibility for British interference in the domestic politics of Holland’s vast Asian colony. As witnessed in the 20th-century, the existence of the Dutch as colonial masters in the Indonesian Archipelago was critically dependent on the naval defence screen provided by the British. When the British lost their major battleships (Prince of Wales and Repulse) to Japanese attack off the east coast of Malaya on 10 December 1941 and Singapore fell on 15 February 1942, the fate of the Dutch East Indies was sealed. Today, the vital role played by the Royal Navy in guaranteeing the archipelago’s security up to February 1942 has been replaced by that of the Honolulu-based US Seventh Fleet but the paradoxes of such protection have continued.