American Police Research Articles

Do Community Views of Local Police Agencies Change During “Crises of Legitimacy”? Results of a Multi-wave Random Sample Community Survey in a Large Suburban Jurisdiction

AbstractGeorge Floyd’s murder by a Minneapolis Police Department officer on May 25, 2020, was arguably one of the most impactful events in modern policing in the United States. However, several controversial and highly publicized use-of-force events preceded it during the 2010s, leading to this entire period being labeled a “crisis of legitimacy” or “reckoning” for the police. Nationally, perceptions of the police declined during this period, especially after Floyd’s death, prompting a great deal of debate, protest, and discussion about police reform (including arguments about defunding the police). However, a great deal of variation exists in these perceptions at the local level. This study presents a rare insight into this issue, pooling two random-sample household mail surveys that researchers collected in 2015 and 2021 in a large urban-suburban county. It seeks to determine whether changes in specific measures of perceived police legitimacy and effectiveness found in national-level polls were also found in this jurisdiction, and more specifically, across different racial groups. Although this racially and ethnically diverse county is also a progressive Democratic stronghold, the results suggest that local views about police—even when disaggregated by race—may not align with national perspectives or events as expected, which, in turn, may impact support for police reforms at the local and national levels.

Race, Political Ideology, and Support for Defunding the Police in the United States

ABSTRACT This study investigates public attitudes toward “Defund the Police” proposals amid U.S. protests against racism and police brutality. Analysis of 2021 General Social Survey data reveals that racial identity and political ideology significantly shape these attitudes. Black Americans demonstrate the highest support for defunding, followed by Hispanic Americans and other racial and ethnic minorities, reflecting diverse historical and cultural experiences with the government. Political ideology further polarizes opinions, with liberals more supportive and conservatives more opposed. These findings highlight the complexities of addressing systemic issues in criminal justice and the importance of social identities in shaping attitudes toward police reform.

Conceptualizing Mano Dura in Latin America

Abstract Latin American governments are increasingly adopting mano dura initiatives to combat gangs, organized crime, and insecurity. While mano dura has been a concept of increasing empirical interest, there seems to be limited conceptual clarity about the wide spectrum of strategies developed to combat crime and associated fear. This article proposes a definition of mano dura that has three different dimensions, each of them containing specific elements. The form of mano dura depends on formal, informal, and rhetorical practices. Drawing on 46 scholarly works in the social sciences, we develop our definition anchored in the knowledge of Latin American policing strategies, contributions on responses to crime in the region, and the conceptual development literature. With the purpose of supplementing our effort to standardize the usage of the term with the need to retain a degree of conceptual differentiation, we also offer a stylized model to better classify policing strategies in Latin America. In our stylized model, the numerous ways policies and narratives as well as their implementation (or not) interact can be grouped into four broad categories: full mano dura, institutional mano dura, performative mano dura, and covert mano dura.

Women police leaders: attitudes about policing and experiences in the occupation

PurposeThis study explored women police leaders’ (n = 503) attitudes and experiences relative to men police leaders (n = 3,359) and women police officers (n = 1,153) with no supervisory responsibilities.Design/methodology/approachSelf-reported survey data were collected from 5,015 officers in 85 United States law enforcement agencies.FindingsCompared with men police leaders, women police leaders were more likely to identify inequalities in the workplace, empower community members’ voices in defining legitimate forms of policing, elevate the importance of police misconduct and reject a tough physical approach. Women police leaders were also more likely than male police leaders to think that effective leadership influences the behavior of subordinates and more likely to feel that the rules leave room for interpretation. Black women police leaders reported different attitudes and experiences than White women police leaders, including recognizing greater inequalities, prioritizing increased law enforcement activities and experiencing less occupational burnout. Except for the seriousness of misconduct, there were no differences between women police leaders and women police officers without supervisory responsibilities.Originality/valueThis study contributes to the ongoing conversation about women in policing and how increasing the number of women in leadership roles affects law enforcement agencies and the public’s experiences with policing. As policing continues to face calls for reform and employment challenges, increasing the number of women in leadership plays a vital role in producing law enforcement agencies that are equitable and efficacious.

Law enforcement recruit fitness: Changes across the fitness spectrum.

Law enforcement is a profession of sedentary physical activity interspersed with physically demanding activity that requires high levels of fitness. It is imperative that agencies training law enforcement recruits maximise their fitness during their time at the academy. The aim of this study was to investigate changes in physical fitness during academy training. Retrospective data for 10 academy recruit classes, totalling 715 participants, were collected from a US law enforcement agency. The change in performance on two standardised tests were used as outcome measures. Comparisons were made between percentiles utilising one-way ANOVA and a linear mixed model (LMM). Overall, higher percentiles were found to have smaller improvements in physical fitness than lower percentiles. The results of the LMM support this supposition, showing that lower physical fitness scores resulted in greater improvements in a generalised fitness assessment (value = -0.45, standard error 0.02, p < 0.001) and an occupational assessment (value = -0.49, standard error = 0.02, p < 0.001). The results of this study suggest that recruits with lower physical fitness will see greater improvements during academy training. This could be due to a ceiling effect for the more fit but may also be due to recruits of higher physical fitness being under trained during academy. Utilising ability-based training and prescribing an appropriate workload to recruits of higher fitness may improve overall recruit fitness upon graduation.

Algorithmic policing: Part 1. Tech startups, venture capital and law enforcement in America

This article examines the rise of algorithmic policing in the United States, focusing on predictive policing platforms and facial recognition technologies. Part 1 explores how companies like PredPol, Palantir and Clearview AI have developed data‐driven tools to predict and prevent crime and identify suspects. The article analyses the historical context, technological development and implementation of these systems by law enforcement agencies. It also discusses the concerns raised by critics, including issues of privacy, racial bias and the potential for reinforcing discriminatory policing practices. Through case studies and examples, the article illustrates how these technologies have impacted communities, particularly communities of colour. It examines the complex interplay between Silicon Valley startups, venture capital and law enforcement in shaping modern policing practices.

Police interviewing in Taiwan: A self-report survey of practices and beliefs

ABSTRACT Following upon a prior survey of 631 North American law enforcement officers, and in light of heightened concerns about false confessions, we assessed the interrogation practices and beliefs of 551 police investigators in Taiwan. Overall, participants estimated that they were 66% accurate at truth and lie detection, that 48% of suspects waived their rights, that they elicited self-incriminating statements from 75% of all suspects, and that 27% of suspects confessed in the presence of their attorney. Of particular note is the self-report by participants that 72% of their interrogation sessions were fully recorded. With regard to the use of various interrogation techniques, participants estimated that they often identified contradictions in the suspect’s story, confronted the suspect with actual evidence, appealed to the suspect’s self-interests, and isolated the suspect from family and friends. We discussed the consistency of our findings with prior research, addressed potential shortcomings, and made recommendations to future directions.

Testing the invariance of warrior and guardian orientations on the prioritization of procedural justice: Do officer demographics matter?

PurposeThe current study sought to better understand the factors that contribute to whether officers value procedurally just interaction techniques and contribute to the limited research examining how the effects of warrior and guardian mentalities may vary based on individual officer characteristics.Design/methodology/approachSurvey data collected from patrol officers in two geographically different and ethnically diverse United States police departments allowed for an examination of the generality of warrior and guardian orientations on perceptions of procedural justice across gender, race and/or ethnicity, military service, education, and experience.FindingsThere was a largely invariant effect of the mentalities on officer attitudes toward procedural justice, except for officers of color. In this sample, the guardian effect on prioritizing procedural justice was stronger for officers of color than for White officers.Originality/valueThis study sheds light on our theoretical understanding of the warrior/guardian framework and offers practical implications for police leaders and policymakers in their effort to improve police-community relations.

Policy Windows and Protests: Black Lives Matter Protests and Calls to Defund the Police in the United States

The murder of George Floyd fueled local level protests calling to defund the police. The study examines if a policy window was opened for decreased allocations to police department funding after the murder of George Floyd and the protests. The study focuses on 26 politically left-leaning cities with a population of 100,000 or more that had protests with at least 500 people in the United States. Budget allocation to each city’s police department were examined using descriptive statistics to determine if the budget allocation to police departments changed following the protests. The results show that 19% of cities in the study decreased funding to police departments in 2021, and 50% cities decreased funding to police departments in 2022. The results support the argument that a national focusing event can open a policy window for changes to local level budget allocation by connecting the concept of policy windows to the open systems theory of budgeting. However, cities remain constrained by circumstances in their external environment, meaning some cities were not able to reduce resource allocations to police departments. These constraints include counter actions by state governments to prevent reducing the allocation of funds to police departments and increasing crime rates. This research presents insights into local government budgetary decision-making in response to a national focusing event.

The Social Production of Hate Crime Statistics: The Differential Construction of Islamophobic Hate Crime by the Media and Law Enforcement

The decentralized nature of American policing largely allows agencies to define crime, and the requisite severity of that crime, at the institutional level. As a result, local hate crime statistics are differentially constructed across space. The current research posits that official hate crime statistics most accurately reflect a rate-producing, rather than a behavior-producing, process. Focusing on anti-Muslim hate crime, a particularly understudied form of hate crime, we examine reporting differences across community factors, using the media reports as a comparison point. We analyze official FBI hate crime reports, and news reports collected by Mapping Islamophobia, employing a logistic regression to predict anti-Muslim hate crime reporting. Our findings suggest significant variation in the social construction of anti-Muslim hate crime, both across institutions and across space.

Navigating Entry: The Role of Exposure and Career Fit Negotiation in Women’s Pathways to Policing in the United States

Women’s engagement in policing in the United States and other countries has not reached its potential. We interviewed 47 women in law enforcement to learn about their pathways into policing. Two primary themes emerged: career discovery through exposure and negotiating career fit. Exposure through interactions with role models, hands-on experiences, and media portrayals, provided a peek into policing. The assessment and negotiation of career “fit” in our study was an ongoing, dynamic process. As participants faced questions about their own characteristics, values, and belonging, exposure in the form of role models and experiences helped them navigate career fit concerns. Implications for practice highlight the need for policing organizations to create meaningful connections with potential candidates and help them align policing careers with diverse aspirations, values, and personal circumstances. Finally, a continued focus on cultural and structural changes is needed to accept and support diverse integration.

Police Involvement in Out-of-Hospital Cardiac Arrest: A Qualitative Exploration of Law Enforcement Roles and Contributing Organizational Factors

Objectives Many American police organizations respond to out-of-hospital cardiac arrest (OHCA). This study sought to: 1) explore variation in the role of police in OHCA across emergency medical systems and 2) identify factors influencing this variation. Methods We conducted a qualitative multisite case study analysis using data collected through semi-structured key informant interviews and multidisciplinary focus groups with telecommunicators, fire, police, emergency medical services, and hospital personnel across nine Michigan emergency systems of care. Sites were sampled based on return of spontaneous circulation rates, trauma region, geography, rurality, and population density. Data were analyzed to examine police role in OHCA and the organizational factors that contribute to these roles. Transcripts and coded data were explored using iterative thematic analysis and matrices. Results Interviews included approximately 160 public safety informants of varying administrative levels (i.e., field staff, mid-level managers, and leadership). Across systems, police played four on-scene roles in OHCA response: 1) early responder, 2) resuscitation team member, 3) security, and 4) information gathering. Less consistently, police performed supplementary roles as telecommunicators and cardiac arrest educators. We found that factors including administrative structure of the police agency, resources (e.g., human and material), organizational culture, medical training, deployment and response policies, nature of response environment, and relationships with other prehospital stakeholders contributed to the degree certain roles were present. Conclusions Police serve numerous on-scene and supplementary roles in OHCA response across jurisdictions. Their roles were influenced by multiple factors at each site. Future studies may help to better understand the value of and how to optimize police engagement in OHCA response.

Hiding the Hate—Contextual Effects on Hate Crime Reports

This study examines the influence of local norm shifts driven by white supremacist ideology on hate crime reporting by US law enforcement agencies. Results show a substantial association, indicating a threefold increase in expected hate crimes reports in counties experiencing a spike in local hate group activity. Specifically, Republican vote share acts as a moderator, reducing reported hate crimes by 23% in counties with strong Republican support and right-wing hate group presence. Adjacent Republican counties also show a 13% reduction in expected reports, suggesting a spillover effect. Beyond local politics, a regional impact is evident; Northeastern counties with higher right-wing hate group presence show a 23% lower incidence rate. Using longitudinal data from the FBI UCR, SPLC, MIT Election Lab, and the US Census (2010–2020), through negative binomial regressions, this study highlights how right-wing hate groups can affect law enforcement’s enforcement of general civil rights depending on the local context.

Traidores a la patria: Reconfiguring the nation through (un)patriotic discourse in the Dominican Republic

AbstractIn June 2020 anti‐racist activists in the Dominican Republic holding a vigil for George Floyd, who was brutally murdered by the police in the United States, were assaulted by right‐wing ultranationalists and detained by the national police. An event that was meant to express transnational solidarity was seen as a threat by ultranationalists who over the past decades supported anti‐Haitian and anti‐Black state policies that have contested the rights of Dominicans of Haitian descent to Dominican nationality and citizenship. This article explores how through the Dominican state's refashioning of the legal and juridical apparatus, as well as the support of self‐proclaimed Dominican nationalists, interpretations of Dominican national belonging are being contested and reimagined through the use of words such as traidor (traitor) and haitiano (Haitian). These terms code proper nationalism and Dominicanness as mixed‐race, Hispanic, and anti‐Haitian, as well as pro‐Dominican sovereignty, therefore against international human rights organizations.

Teaching to Fear: How Islamophobia is Perpetuated in Criminology and Adjacent Disciplines

Throughout American law enforcement history, a persistent pattern has emerged, emphasizing marginalized groups. This emphasis extends to higher education, notably seen in the proliferation of Terrorism and Homeland Security courses post-9/11 in criminology and related fields. These courses predominantly focus on the ‘Islamic threat’ to America, reflecting broader biases in counter-terrorism policies. Such biases overlook other forms of terrorism, especially right-wing extremism. We analyzed 382 syllabi from American higher education institutions to assess this bias. Our analysis reveals a concerning prevalence of misinformation in these courses. Educators hold a pivotal role in rectifying this imbalance, shaping the perceptions of future criminologists. Addressing this bias is crucial to providing a comprehensive understanding of terrorism threats and acknowledging all forms of extremism equally. It underscores the urgency for educators to present accurate and inclusive portrayals of terrorism in their curriculum.

Understaffed and beleaguered: a national survey of chiefs of police about the post-George Floyd era

PurposeThe 2020 murder of George Floyd resulted in challenges to policing in the United States of America, but little is known about how police chiefs perceive them. At the same time, chiefs of police wield great influence over public perceptions of crime and disorder, the state of their profession, the laws and policies that govern the conduct of police officers and municipal public safety budgets. It is therefore critical to understand how police perceive the changes to their profession post-Floyd.Design/methodology/approachThis study surveyed a randomly selected national sample of 276 municipal chiefs of police. Items probed resignations, recruitment, efforts to defund departments, community support, officer morale, suspects’ likelihood of obeying lawful orders and career risks that could inhibit proactive police work. It examined associations between perceptions and Census Bureau region, length of tenure as chief, size of police department, population served and the urban or rural designation of the jurisdiction.FindingsChiefs overwhelmingly reported recruiting qualified candidates had become much harder, and the present risks of proactive police work encourage inaction. Chiefs of agencies in the Northeast perceived more challenges than those in the South. Respondents with more years of experience were less likely to perceive the current situation as dire. Approximately 13.5% reported an attempt to defund their department, 56.8% of which yielded some success. Our study suggests an increase in the number and scope of challenges perceived by chiefs of police. Results vary by region and police chief years of experience.Originality/valueThis study provides researchers and practitioners with the perspectives of chiefs about the post-Floyd era that influence their decisions, policies and initiatives.

Screening for Insider Threats in US Law Enforcement: A National Sample of Department Policies and Practices Plain Language Summary

Screening for Insider Threats in US Law Enforcement: A National Sample of Department Policies and Practices Plain Language Summary

Interviewing and interrogation practices and beliefs, 20 years later: A national self-report survey of American police.

This survey examined current law enforcement beliefs and practices about interviewing and interrogation to gauge whether they have evolved given the research and training developed over the past 20 years. We hypothesized that police beliefs and practices would have evolved along with research findings over the past 20 years. We surveyed 526 law enforcement officers about the practices and beliefs regarding interviewing and interrogation. We asked questions about officers' beliefs about rates of true and false confessions, time spent in the interrogation room, beliefs about their ability to detect deception, training experience, practices of recording interrogations, and their self-reported use of interrogation techniques. Overall, when we compared our survey with Kassin et al.'s (2007) seminal survey, we found both similar results and evolving positive trends. The average interview was reportedly 1.6 hr, virtually no different from that in Kassin and colleagues' study. In addition, our sample reported that 26.2% of innocent suspects at least partially falsely confessed. Further, whereas Kassin and colleagues found that fewer than one in 10 interrogations were video recorded, we found that now more than half of interrogations are recorded in this way. In a geographically diverse sample of U.S. law enforcement officers, we found significant positive trends toward knowledge and practices informed by research generated over the past decades on interviewing and interrogation. Although causality could not be determined, these findings indicate an evolution of the U.S. law enforcement mindset in a more science-based direction. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2024 APA, all rights reserved).

Policing the police: Why it is so hard to reform police departments in the United States?

Why has it been so difficult to reform U.S. policing? We provide a theoretical argument that understanding of the entrenched militarisation and accountability problems of U.S. police departments would benefit from using theory in comparative research on civil–military relations. American police forces undermine local democracy by encroaching upon the decision-making powers of city officials in ways that resemble militaries in fragile democracies. Applying historical and contemporary evidence and existing scholarly research on policing, we explain police militarisation was initiated by civilian leaders of city governments to garner governmental legitimacy, and by-proxy police support, in racialised contexts. Trading off city governments’ institutional strength in order to maintain legitimacy produced opportunities for police insubordination or subversion of city government oversight of police activity. Consequently, cities with low public legitimacy and/or weak municipal institutions, faced with high demands by militarised police departments, may be more likely to experience police subversion of democratic accountability over police activity.

Characteristics of Injurious Shootings by Police Along the Urban–Rural Continuum

INTRODUCTIONMuch research on shootings by police has focused on urban jurisdictions, but most US law enforcement agencies are not located in cities. Prior research suggests rates of fatal shootings by police are comparable in urban and non-urban areas. Yet, shooting characteristics across the urban-rural continuum are unknown. This study describes and compares fatal and nonfatal injurious shootings by officers in US urban, suburban, and rural areas from 2015-2020. METHODSCharacteristics of fatal and nonfatal injurious shootings by police were abstracted from Gun Violence Archive. In 2023-2024, using zip-code and county-based rurality designations, the national distribution, incidence, and characteristics of injurious shootings by police were compared across urban, suburban, and rural areas of the United States. RESULTSRates of injurious shootings in rural areas approached or exceeded urban rates. As rurality increased, proportionately more injurious shootings involved single responders, sheriffs, or multiple agency types. Across the urban-rural continuum, characteristics of precipitating incidents were similar. Injurious shootings were most frequently preceded by domestic violence incidents, traffic stops, or shots-fired reports; co-occurring behavioral health needs were common. After accounting for local demographic differences, Black, Indigenous, and Hispanic residents were injured at higher rates than white residents in all examined areas. CONCLUSIONSShootings by police represent an overlooked and inequitable source of injury in rural areas. Broadly similar incident characteristics suggest potential for wide-reaching reforms. To prevent injuries, crisis prevention, dispatch, and response systems must assure proportionate rural-area coverage. Additionally, legislative prevention and accountability measures should include sheriffs’ offices for optimal rural-area impact.