Latin Literature Research Articles

Carpento certe: Conveying Gender in Roman Transportation

This article analyzes the prominent role played by a particular vehicle, the matronly carriage (carpentum), in the construction of Roman gender. Its focus is on the conveyance’s two most significant appearances in literary representation. First, I examine the various accounts of the vehicle’s best-known and most dramatic tableau, Tullia’s use of a carpentum to drive over her dead father king Servius Tullius’ body, arguing that the conveyance functions to articulate the cultural anxiety surrounding the passage from daughter to wife. I suggest that the story of Tullia’s carpentum, as a quasi-mythic exemplum of “feminine transportation,” looms as a dangerous threat in need of accommodation. Next, I examine the story of the Roman matrons’ demonstration in favor of the repeal of the lex Oppia, which had prohibited, among other things, their right to ride in carpenta. I argue that the accounts of Livy and others seek to offer a solution to the challenge posed by the physically protesting women by redefining their vehicular mobility as state-authorized, and as directly tied to their reproductive function. Thus, while Latin literature often articulates urban traffic as a familiarly frustrating system of obstacles, my analysis uncovers a contrasting Roman discourse, one that identifies traffic with the fertility of the city and its ability to reproduce Roman citizens.

Latin Literature

Latin Literature

Beyond Greek: the beginnings of Latin literature

Beyond Greek: the beginnings of Latin literature

La dedica nel mondo latino arcaico: il caso dell’Ad Marcum filium di Catone

The aim of this paper is to analyze the dedication in the incipit of Cato’s Ad Marcum filium. It emphasizes the originality of the work and its role as a model for subsequent Latin literature, and its significance, in particular, for the Roman élite. The work is placed within the historical, social, and cultural context in which Cato worked and which made him write his tracts and address them to his own son.

Literatura latinoamericana: abordaje del tiempo en dos momentos literarios

Literature as part of cultural phenomenon refracts historical, political, social and economic conjunctures that point out a difference in the technical resources of writing a text, regarding to the process of time in the narrated world in two moments of literary Latin American production: in the so called new Latin American novel or Latin American Boom, in the sixties, and in contemporary postmodern novel, in the eighties and until now a days. In both moments, time is marked difference due to the historic and political contexts and to the cultural paradigms of each one of moments the novels were written.

« Une réalité ponctuelle et marginale » ? La piraterie sarrasine sur les côtes du golfe du Lion du xi e au xiii e siècle

Between the 9th–10th and the 14th–15th centuries, the two high points of incursions originating from the Dār al-islām, the Gulf of Lion coast seems to have been spared the threat of Saracen raids. Of course, historiography did record some attacks in the 11th and 12th centuries, but saw them as insignificant. A diverse Latin literature – more so than Arab sources – attests to the fact that the threat always remained significant. The summary of expeditions from the power centers arising out of the fragmentation of the Caliphate of Cordoba (mainly the Emirates of Denia and Majorca) shows that they were able to mobilize significant resources and inflict severe damage. Beyond the traditional rhetoric of pagan depredation, the more generic allusions to raids against churches and defenses confirm how much the fear of the Saracens had taken root in people’s minds. Captivity was also a constant worry since expeditions essentially aimed to supply the slave trade. Finally, a chronology of these incursions must be linked both to the power struggles of the aristocracy in the South and to diplomatic and commercial relations in the Western Mediterranean.

A Latin Renaissance in Reformation Scotland? Print Trends in Scottish Latin Literature, c. 1480–1700

The full extent of the large body of Latin literature produced by Scots in the early modern period has long eluded scholars. However, thanks to a growing range of research in this field, and particularly to the appearance of several major new bibliographic and electronic resources, it is possible for the first time to map out one aspect of its broad contours. This article uses a database comprising all currently known published first editions of Latin texts by Scots between 1480 and 1700 to examine the extent of Scottish Latin culture in print in the early modern period; how this related to the rise of printed texts in Scots and English; and the major genre types in which Scottish Latin authors published. The database reveals several major trends: firstly, that the publication of Scottish Latin texts reached its zenith in the reign of James VI and I, bolstered by the arrival of a domestic print market but also in part by an increased focus on literacy and education after the reformation; secondly, that by far the largest genres of printed Scottish Latin were poetry and academic theses, and not religious or political texts as might perhaps be expected; and thirdly, that the use of Latin as a literary and academic language in Scotland declined rapidly and irrevocably in the second quarter of the seventeenth century. The article concludes that the production of Latin literature by Scots was unique as an aspect of renaissance culture in Scotland because it had no strongly-defined presence before the reformation of 1560 and only became fully manifest in King James's later reign. It offers potential reasons as to why this may have been the case, and examines some implications the data has for understanding Scotland's developing intellectual and linguistic relationship with England after the union of the crowns. However, the article acknowledges the limited picture provided by print evidence alone and ends by calling for further research to assess how far this trend applies to all Latin literature produced by Scots, particularly the surviving corpus of Latin manuscripts.

At the Threshold of Representation: Cremation and Cremated Remains in Classical Latin Literature

This paper considers a set of passages from classical Latin literature of the first century BC and first century AD that indicate awareness of the particular transformations undergone by a human body during the process of open-air cremation. Evidence for the extent of cremation throughout the Roman West is reviewed, as are indications that mourners frequently remained near the pyre throughout the lengthy transformation of the corpse into bone-remnants and ash. In addition, archaeological, ethnographic, and forensic evidence documenting the step-by-step changes undergone by the burning body is introduced. Against this backdrop, numerous passages from authors such as Horace, Vergil, Propertius, Tibullus, Ovid, Seneca, Lucan, Statius, and Suetonius take on new significance. Although authors occasionally cite crematory details as such, they more frequently make use of such details in non-crematory contexts in order to achieve a variety of literary and aesthetic goals, including economy of description, reflection on the circulation of substance, and clarification of the process of ekpyrosis, or cosmic conflagration. For these writers considered as a group cremation serves as an indicator of both the abject nature of the human condition and of its potential sublimity. The calculated displacement of key aspects of the crematory process onto non-crematory events and practices mirrors and extends the liminality associated with crematory rites.

Latin Literature

Among a wealth of excellent studies and translations of individual Latin authors (Plautus, Catullus, Lucretius, Cicero, Ovid, Pliny the Elder, Pliny the Younger, Martial, Juvenal, and Statius), I was delighted also to find packed into my crate of review books the latest work by Anthony Corbeill, Sexing the World. With the innovative sociological-cum-philological approach familiar from his previous works, which belongs to cultural history as much as to literary and linguistic studies, Corbeill here tackles the question of how grammatical gender in ancient Latin language maps on to, and influences, a Roman cultural worldview that is binary and ‘heterosexual’, where grammatical gender is identified with biological gender. His study argues for the material implications of apparently ‘innocent’ grammatical categories. As a case study focusing on the Latin language and its relation to Roman culture and thought, it also makes a contribution to wider debates about how language shapes human perception of the world. Corbeill's main focus is on the Romans’ own narratives about the origins of their binary gender categories in a time of primordial fluidity, a ‘mystical lost time’ (134), that is reflected in the story told in each chapter, where transgressing gender boundaries is a source of power for gods and poets alike. In Chapter 1 the narrative in question is formed by the etymologizing accounts of the very grammatical term genus as fundamentally associated with procreation, and in Chapter 2 by Latin explanations for non-standard gender of nouns, with Chapter 3 being a demonstration of how Latin poets tap into the supposedly fluid origins of grammatical gender, to access their mystical power. In Chapter 4 the story is of how the androgynous gods of old became more rigidly assigned to one gender or another over time, while in Chapter 5 the shift is from the numinous duality of intersex people to the more mundane concern that they should be categorized in legal terms as either male or female. Each chapter, as Corbeill says, represents a self-contained treatment of a particular aspect of Latin gender categories; in sequence each can also be seen to trace a similar trajectory, from flux to binary certainty. In every case, it seems, early gender fluidity is represented by the Romans as gradually hardening into a clear binary differentiation between male and female. Corbeill is less interested in the reality of these narratives than in what they themselves tells us about Roman attitudes towards sex and gender, with their essentializing message about a heterosexual gender framework. With its wide-ranging erudition, clear and compelling prose, and fascinating insights of broad relevance, this is a thought-provoking study, even though it leaves many questions unanswered, especially in relation to the role of the neuter (‘neither’) gender and its interplay with the compound ‘both-ness’ of hermaphrodites.

The Classical Aesthetics of Schlegel’s Lucinde

DESPITE HIS REPUTATION as a classical scholar, Friedrich Schlegel's novel, Lucinde (1799), has been interpreted from the time of its publication as advocating and displaying an anticlassical aesthetic. While some of its detractors focused on the scandal of the novel's autobiographical connections and its flouting of bourgeois sexual morality,1 Friedrich Schiller's reaction, expressed in a letter to Goethe, is typical in basing its condemnation of Lucinde on the novel's failure to adhere to certain aesthetic principles that were frequently associated with classical antiquity during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries:2Nach den Rodomontaden von Griechheit, und nach der Zeit, die Schlegel auf Studium derselben gewendet, hatte ich gehofft, doch ein klein wenig an die und Naivetat der Alten erinnert zu werden; aber diese Schrift ist der Gipfel moderner Unform und Unnatur, man glaubt ein Gemengsel aus Woldemar, aus Sternbald, und aus einem frechen franzosischen Roman zu lesen. (letter of July 19, 1799)[After all of Schlegel's boasting about his study of Greek and after all the time he spent on it, I would have hoped to find some trace of the simplicity and naivety of the ancients; but this writing is the pinnacle of modern formlessness and unnaturalness; it seems to be a mixture of Woldemar, Sternbald, and a provocative French novel.3]Schiller associates a classically influenced aesthetic with Simplicitat und Naivitat (simplicity and naivety), in accord with the view of antiquity expressed in his essay Uber naive und sentimentalische Dichtung (On Naive and Sentimental Poetry).4 His letter also echoes Winckelmann's attribution of edle Einfalt, und eine stille Grose (noble simplicity and quiet grandeur) to Greek art.5 For Schiller, a work such as Lucinde that embraces chaos, fragmentation, and change cannot be classical; rather, he associates the mixing of genres advocated and practiced by Schlegel with a modernity that he considers to be grotesque.Later critics have tended to adhere to Schiller's descriptive categorization of antiquity and modernity, even if they do not accept his aesthetic judgment of Lucinde, and they tend to emphasize the novel's modern aesthetic orientation-for example,its affinity with experimental novels of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, such as Cervantes's Don Quixote and Sterne's Tristram Shandy, which play with temporal structure and defy readers' expectations of coherent plot and character.6 Certainly, Lucinde situates itself in this modern, experimental tradition. I will argue, however, that Schlegel perceives aesthetic innovation and experimentation not as a rupture with the past but as extending back to classical antiquity; indeed, Lucinde derives many of its structuring aesthetic principles from classical sources. Some of these sources, such as Plato7 and the classical idyll,8 have been examined by previous critics. One of Schlegel's most important influences, however, remains unexplored by past and present criticism. Rather than Greek art, philosophy, and literature, Schlegel's aesthetic foundation for Lucinde is to be found in Latin literature, in particular Ovid's Amores and Metamorphoses.In his Gesprach uber die (Dialogue on Poetry, 1800), in the section Epochen der Dichtkunst (Eras of Poetic Art), Schlegel appears to share the assessment of Winckelmann and his followers that Latin literature (Virgil) is inferior to ancient Greek literature (Homer).9 Any literature following that of ancient Greece is a pale imitation of jenem hochsten Olymp der Poesie (Winckelmann 143; that highest Olympus of poetry) according to Schlegel's fictional speaker Andrea (Schlegel KA 2:5). Intriguingly, though, this section offers an assessment of Latin poetry that connects it to Schlegel's own work. In Latin literature, das Erotische und Gelehrte (144; the erotic and the erudite) dominate. This sounds very much like Schlegel's Lucinde, which attempts to combine eroticism with intellect to create a new philosophy of love and a new aesthetic. …

Optima tu proprii nominis auctor: The semantics of female authorship in ancient Rome, from Sulpicia to Proba

This paper explores evidence for female authorship terminology in extant poetic texts written in Latin by women. It begins by first considering male authorship in Latin literature, before moving on to three case studies of women’s writing: an elegy by Sulpicia, an anonymous graffito from Pompeii, and the Virgilian cento of Proba. By foregrounding the ‘subversive mask’ of female poetic speech in Rome, the paper uncovers a subtextual rhetoric of authorship where female poets both respond to and subvert male authorship paradigms. It thus argues for the importance of analyzing authorship terminology in Latin literature through the lens of gender.

The Longman Anthology of Old English, Old Icelandic, and Anglo-Norman Literatures ed. by Richard North, Joe Allard, and Patricia Gillies

Reviewed by: The Longman Anthology of Old English, Old Icelandic, and Anglo-Norman Literatures ed. by Richard North, Joe Allard, and Patricia Gillies Larry Swain richard north, joe allard, and patricia gillies, eds., The Longman Anthology of Old English, Old Icelandic, and Anglo-Norman Literatures. Harlow, England: Longman, 2011. Pp. xvi, 869. isbn: 9781408247709. $58.99. North and company have provided a real service to medievalists. This anthology is a companion to their earlier Beowulf and Other Stories: A New Introduction to Old English, Old Icelandic, and Anglo-Norman Literatures. While the typical anthologies focus on English literature with minimal examples from other literatures—if any literature from Celtic, Anglo-Norman, or Old Norse at all—this volume then, fills a void in the field. Selections are organized according to headings such as ‘Heroic Poetry,’ ‘Poems on the Meaning of Life,’ ‘Early Chivalry,’ and so on. Under each heading is a selection of texts, some familiar to most readers, others less so. Each selection is preceded [End Page 146] by a brief, succinct, and informative introduction. Many of these are followed by a brief and very useful bibliography. Many, and I believe if not quite all, at least the vast majority, of the selections are examined in the companion volume Beowulf and Other Stories. What also makes this unusual as an anthology is that it includes original language texts as well as modern translations. The page is split horizontally so that the original text is on the top and the translation below it. The translations favor literal representation over elegance; when possible the editors have attempted to replicate the feel of the original, including word order. All in all, this is an unusual and much needed anthology. That said, there are some oddities. First, the title is something of a misnomer. In addition to the three languages mentioned, there are texts from Welsh, Irish, Castilian, Old Saxon, and Occitan. These are welcome texts in such a volume, since as the preface points out, the cultures are all cognate with one another. Yet, there are some odd choices of inclusion and exclusion. In the inclusion category is the Letter to Aristotle under the heading of ‘Writers of the Benedictine Reform,’ for example. This work was preserved in Cotton Vitellius A.xv, the Beowulf manuscript, and was translated anytime between the late ninth and late tenth centuries from Latin. The provenance of the texts in this manuscript are unknown. There is, in fact, no reason to assume that they are Benedictine texts or produced at a Benedictine monastery when the texts in this manuscript were copied. There are many other texts that would reflect the Benedictine Reform, some of which are included here, but many that are not. Some of the organization is also questionable. Judith, for example, is included in a section titled ‘Poems of Devotion’ but it is difficult to see how this poem is devotional. More than half of the poem is a battle scene, and the other half is a beheading. Again this is difficult to see as a devotional poem, whereas there is a significant amount of devotional poetry in the Irish Christian tradition. Another surprising choice in exclusion is that there is not a single text from Latin. This is all the more shocking in that the editors point to the ‘cognate’ cultures of the various vernaculars they do include, yet each of those cultures also produced a significant literature in Latin. A few texts that would illustrate some of their choices would be Dudo of St Quentin on the Viking Wars or The Ruodlieb for the collection’s ‘Early Chivalry’ section. In the case of the latter text, that might be a better choice than the Old English translation of a Latin translation of a Hellenistic Greek original (Apollonius of Tyre) to illustrate early medieval chivalry. In an anthology such as this, the absence of any literature from Latin is a significant weakness. In a similar vein, there are texts from early Anglo-Norman, but no accompanying texts from Middle English. These weaknesses are, however, overshadowed by the clear and evident strengths of the collection. First, the anthology is designed to be used in conjunction...

Comparative Milton and Poetics

Comparative Milton and Poetics Jonathan Locke Hart T eskey, G ordon. Delirious Milton: The Fate of the Poet in Modernity. Cambridge, MA: Harvard UP, 2006. T eskey, G ordon. “ Introduction.” Milton’s Latin Poems. Trans. David R. Slavitt. Baltimore, MD: The Johns Hopkins UP, 2011. vii-xxx. T eskey, G ordon. The Poetry of John Milton. Cambridge, MA: Harvard UP, 2015. John Milton (1608-74) was a comparatist and a classical scholar and poet, so to limit him to being an English poet would be to typecast him into just one of his important roles. He was also an essayist of the highest order on many topics from politics through education to theology. Milton was deeply biblical and was unconsciously, as William Blake said of him, but what could also be applied to Blake, of the devil’s party: “The reason Milton wrote in fetters when he wrote of Angels & God, and at liberty when of Devils & Hell, is because he was a true Poet and of the Devils party without knowing it” (Blake, “The Marriage of Heaven and Hell” 35). The paradox is that the poet of liberty is also one who works in fetters, but this is one Milton, and not everyone agrees with Blake about his predecessor. Milton is an artist of the highest achievement, a European poet, and now, with the spread of English, a world poet. I Harris Francis Fletcher wanted to study Milton’s education and intellectual development the way T.W. Baldwin had for Shakespeare (Fletcher “Preface” vol. 1; see Baldwin). Fletcher looked at Milton’s petty school, tutoring, and grammar school, [End Page 282]and his time at Christ’s College, Cambridge. For Fletcher, Milton’s two prose epistles and Elegy IV, written in Latin, show how literary he was in this language as well as in English (Fletcher 1: 115-16). Milton, according to Fletcher, followed the scheme for the study of Latin as set out by Erasmus in De ratione studii, that grammar arises from good authors and not the other way round, something Fletcher sees in Milton’s Elegy IV, Grammar, and Of Education(Fletcher 1: 129-30). Fletcher also attributes to one of Milton’s tutors, Thomas Young, a love for Hebrew, Greek, and Latin literatures (Fletcher 1: 137). Milton was at St. Paul’s School, founded by John Colet, a friend to other humanists like Erasmus and William Lily (Fletcher 1: 161; see Clark). In England and Western Europe, grammar schools sought to teach the reading, writing, and speaking of Latin, including a familiarity with prose and verse (Fletcher 1: 199). Greek flourished in Italy in the fourteenth century, when Greek scholars moved there from Constantinople, and the humanists in England came to view Greek as a fine language to learn letters. William Camden was one of the schoolmasters who was successful in teaching Greek, in his case at Westminster (Fletcher 1: 241, 247). Translation and grammar were also important in Milton’s learning of Greek, which he learned as he did other languages: the young Milton “took his grammar to the Gospel of John in Greek, construed it, translated it, retranslated his Latin into English, took the English and translated it back into Latin, the Latin back into Greek, and finally he compared his Greek with the text from which he had started” (Fletcher 1: 254). Here is the multilingual and comparative Milton. With ease, Milton could read Greek literature from Homer onward, and he could write Greek prose and verse, although his letters to Charles Diodati, his fellow student at St. Paul’s, in Greek do not survive (Fletcher 1: 257, see 258-63). Diodati and Milton exchanged letters in Greek, Latin, Italian, and English, and seem to have replied not in the language of the original received, which was the tradition, but whatever they chose was in a spirit of play with language (C. Brown 37; see Tillyard, Milton1949: 101). Milton also wrote letters (some verse elegiacs) to Thomas Young, his one-time tutor, and others (including a Greek rendition of Psalm 114) to Alexander Gill the Younger, a fine neo-Latin poet and whose father was the headmaster at St. Paul’s...

400 years of Latin literature in Ukraine (A review on the book: Trofymuk M. S. Latin Literature of Ukraine in the15-19th centuries: Genres, motifs and ideas. — Lviv: Lviv National University named after I. Franko, 2014. 380 p.)

400 years of Latin literature in Ukraine (A review on the book: Trofymuk M. S. Latin Literature of Ukraine in the15-19th centuries: Genres, motifs and ideas. — Lviv: Lviv National University named after I. Franko, 2014. 380 p.)

Colloquial and Literary Latin. Edited by ELEANOR DICKEY and ANNA CHAHOUD.

Colloquial and Literary Latin. Edited by ELEANOR DICKEY and ANNA CHAHOUD.

Boccaccio and the Early Modern Reception of Tragedy

AbstractFourteenth-century Italian humanists discussed the properties of tragedy while considering the value of Latin versus vernacular literature. Boccaccio was interested in these discussions because humanists were promoting classicizing tragic and epic literatures at the expense of vernacular writing. This article explores Boccaccio’s role in these debates by examining the tragic stories of the Decameron. It suggests that Boccaccio highlighted the virtues of his erotic tales by contrasting them to the tragic stories of day 4, a strategy inspired by Ovid’s elegiac poems. Boccaccio thus underscored the dignity of his low, Ovidian-inspired Decameron, and counterbalanced humanist fascination with high tragic-epic literatures.

Cicero's Use of Judicial Theater by Jon Hall

BOOK REVIEWS/COMPTES RENDUS 207 One cannot help but feel that this book is a missed opportunity. If, on the one hand, Feeney encourages readers to appreciate the exceptionality of Latin literature at every step of the way, on the other he fails to stress the importance of engaging with all the sources available, even when they are fragmentary and elusive. University of Canterbury Enrica Sciarrino Cicero's Use of Judicial Theater. By Jon Hall. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press. 2014. Pp. xii, 190. Jon Hall's Cicero’s Use of Judicial Theater provides a lucidly written, well-argued, and highly interesting study of Cicero’s use of “theatrics” (or, as Hall calls it, “showmanship,” 2) in his forensic speeches. As such, the book focuses on all the non-verbal forms of communication used by Cicero to persuade his audience, and sets Cicero’s practice into its oratorical, rhetorical, historical, and political context as far as the evidence (mainly Ciceronian) allows. Hall’s expertise in the material is evident in his many publications on Cicero, oratorical delivery, and gesture, along with his long-standing interest in performing Cicero’s orations in pedagogical context.1 Hall’s familiarity with the questions around delivery and gestures show in this book, which is full of excellent analysis based on well-chosen examples and provides a strong overview of the topic. The book is cleverly focused on the aspect of Cicero’s oratory for which he was most famous in his own time: his emotional appeal and the techniques by which he elicited passionate responses in the judge or jury. This focus not only ensures rich material , but also allows for connections with several popular strands in current classical scholarship, such as Ciceronian studies, the study of emotions and their expressions in Greek and Roman contexts, and the interplay between rhetoric and drama and performance . In his brief introduction, Hall sets the scene for his study by highlighting the historical and oratorical contexts of forensic speech in the Roman republic, as well as the enduring relevance of studying and understanding the power of non-verbal oratorical devices in public speeches. Hall’s modern example of an American congressman in the US House of Representatives using a child as a prop to support his argument on healthcare reform (3) is not judicial but political, and he rightly emphasises that these devices can be found outside the forensic context too. The first chapter provides the historical, rhetorical, judicial, and dramatic (i.e., related to Roman theatre) contexts for the “showmanship ” in Roman forensic speeches before the introduction of two early examples of Cicero’s use of showmanship (Pro Roscio Amerino and In Verrem 2.1). In the following chapters, Hall focuses on specific types of theatrics in, mainly, the Roman courts to explore the range of such showmanship and the ways in which these theatrics were employed. The second chapter focuses on the use of sordes, black and often filthy clothes donned to indicate a form of mourning (personal, political, or both). Hall must, of course, deal with Cicero’s and his supporters’ ill-advised use of sordes in early 58 b.c. to protest Clodius’ machinations against Cicero. In this analysis, Hall pushes the interpretation much further 1 Notably, Politeness and Politics in Cicero’s Letters (Oxford 2009) and A Companion to Roman Rhetoric (co-edited with W. Dominik, Malden, MA 2007). 208 PHOENIX than current scholarship has hitherto been able to do because of his contextualisation of and close familiarity with the social etiquette in elite republican circles. Moreover, he identifies a distinction between the formal rhetorical theory which focused on verbal communication and Roman cultural and dramatic practices in public: there was only so much the rhetorical handbooks could teach the aspiring orator. Chapter Three considers the ways in which appeals and supplications were used in the courts. As in the other chapters, Hall’s main focus is Ciceronian usage, but he rightly contextualises this usage by discussing non-Ciceronian instances (often ones recorded by Cicero) in the courts and outside of the courts. For example, the theme of appeals and supplications to judge and jurors was socially related to...

Beyond Greek. The Beginnings of Latin Literature by Denis Feeney

Beyond Greek. The Beginnings of Latin Literature by Denis Feeney

Beyond Greek: The Beginnings of Latin Literature by Denis Feeney

Beyond Greek: The Beginnings of Latin Literature by Denis Feeney

Beyond Greek: The Beginnings of Latin Literature by Denis Feeney

Beyond Greek: The Beginnings of Latin Literature by Denis Feeney