Latin American States Research Articles

Climate agenda on the eve of COP-26: experience of Latin America

The newest world history has been marked by economic crises, environmental disasters an increase in intrastate and interstate armed conflicts, as well as an escalating confrontation in the field of energy resources. Among these risks, environmental problems such as global warming, sea level rise, soil erosion and shortages of food and fossil fuels have become unprecedentedly visible. This article focuses on a new climate agenda in the light of COP-26, taking place in Glasgow, and the regional experience of Latin America in confronting climate threats and adapting to climate changes since the ratification of the 2015 Paris Agreement. The authors consider the main international climate instruments, as well as those achievements on the way to greening national economies, which were undertaken by the LAC states within the mechanisms of the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change. Since the ratification of the Paris Agreement, every Latin American state has made progress in implementing the environmental agenda and developing legislation aimed at reducing greenhouse gas emissions and adapting to climate change. The conclusion highlights the need for broad state participation on the base of proven instruments for solving major environmental problems, further developing early warning systems and consistent implementation of the planned action plans to reduce the risk of disasters and their consequences. Primary importance is attached to interstate dialogue to tackle the environmental challenges, commitment to the responsible fulfillment of international climate agreements and further development of international framework in the field of environmental law. Joint initiatives among the states of the region are expected to have significant effect on reducing emissions of these gases. Moreover, the market-based instruments proposed by the Paris Agreement are known to be an important complement to the ongoing efforts to comply with the overall UNFCCC climate agenda.

Cold War Relations between Hungary and Brazil from a Semi-Peripheral Perspective (1960–1980)

Abstract During the Cold War, searching for trade benefits and opportunities of diversification motivated the Hungarian government and certain Latin American countries to build economic ties, especially between 1960 and 1980. Economic globalization as an external and state-led industrialization as an internal factor served as motivations to build links between command economy Hungary and “capitalist” Latin American states. The article focuses on relations between Hungary and Brazil, emphasizing their similar, semi-peripheral position in world economy that led to the perception of each other as dependent economies on the superpowers (the Soviet Union and the United States, respectively) attempting to loosen these ties instead of an ‘ideological rival.’

FOREIGN POLICY OF PEDRO SÁNCHEZ: ONE YEAR ON

The article analyzes the foreign policy of Spain, as well as the foreign policy strategy (2021–2024), adopted in early 2021, a year after Pedro Sánchez took office as chairman of the coalition government. The appearance of this document took place against the backdrop of the inauguration of the new US President Joe Biden. P. Sánchez’s government expressed the hope that Spain and the EU will be able to improve relations with the United States in various spheres of activity. The new foreign policy strategy was influenced by the global financial and economic crisis provoked by the development of the coronavirus pandemic. In the summer of 2021, another important event for Spanish foreign policy took place. Jose Manuel Albarez was appointed to the post of Foreign Minister, who replaced Arancha Gonzalez Lai. The author comes to the conclusion that relations with Morocco are traditionally important for the foreign policy of Spain. Latin America will play an important role in the new strategy. The place of Spain in the establishment of a dialogue between the EU and Latin American states was especially marked.

Resistance to territorial and maritime delimitation judgments of the International Court of Justice and clashes with ‘territory clauses’ in the Constitutions of Latin American states

AbstractThis article analyses the growing resistance to judgments of the International Court of Justice arising out of domestic law in Latin America, through a study of challenges to the authority of the Court’s judgments regarding territorial and maritime delimitation in the region. These challenges are based upon the ‘territory clauses’ found in many Latin American constitutions, which were used to set national boundaries following colonial independence. Territory clauses that once developed international law doctrines such as uti possidetis iuris are now being used against prevailing international law rules, in a process described in this article as ‘constitutional resistance’.This article explains the nature of ‘territory clauses’ in Latin America, i.e., clauses that constitutionally define the national territory in reference to international law. It then describes the process of ‘constitutional resistance’, by which local authorities have used these clauses to oppose ICJ judgments, leading to various results, such as non-appearance in further proceedings, constitutionalizing exclusively favourable judgments, deferring the implementation of a judgment to the Constitutional Court or implementing only certain ICJ judgments, while creating legal barriers to the implementation of judgments that, in the State’s view, negatively affect their territory.These challenges based on territory clauses are studied through prominent ICJ cases involving Nicaragua, Honduras, El Salvador, and Colombia. The article also explores how the lack of a strong territory clause eased the implementation of the Peru v. Chile judgment, and how the recent non-appearance of Venezuela in its current ICJ proceedings with Guyana, is partly based on constitutional justifications.

The Struggle of Indigenous Peoples to Maintain Their Spirituality in Latin America: Freedom of and from Religion(s), and Other Threats

This article argues that the (Western-oriented) right to religion has been proven inadequate in protecting Indigenous Peoples’ rights. It recognizes that this is partly because of the distinctive characteristics of Indigenous religions, which differ from other dominant religions, but also because of the way in which religion has been used by colonialism with dramatic effects on Indigenous Peoples and their beliefs, spiritualities, and worldviews. The article focuses on Latin America to argue further that in addition to colonialism, the early Constitutions also attacked Indigenous religions. As Indigenous rights are more acknowledged in Latin America, we take this region as an excellent, albeit painful, example of how Indigenous religions have been pushed aside even in the most positive contexts. The article uses the constitutional and legal arrangements in Latin American states, mainly Ecuador and Bolivia, to critically assess the protection that these favorable to Indigenous Peoples legal systems’ guarantee to Indigenous rights despite a persistent implementation gap. Also, this article highlights the weaknesses of the international system in mitigating the manifold threats that Indigenous Peoples have to face on a daily basis in their struggle to maintain and transmit their religions and spirituality, including the assault of other religions and sects into their communities and the so-called neo-extractivism. The article finally draws some concluding remarks and recommendations on how to improve the freedom of and violations from religion(s) of Indigenous Peoples in the context of Latin America as well as international law more broadly.

The Nicaraguan Question: Contadora and the Latin American Response to US Intervention Against the Sandinistas, 1982–86

AbstractWhile much has been written about the United States’ efforts to undermine Nicaragua's Sandinista government (1979–90), historians have paid little attention to Latin American state perspectives on the only successful armed revolution in the region since Cuba. In fact, the war that subsequently emerged between Sandinista armed forces and US-backed contras was a thoroughly regionalized affair: at least 12 Latin American countries—including the five largest—became directly involved in efforts to broker peace by the mid 1980s. How and why did they become involved? What can Latin American diplomacy vis-à-vis the Sandinista Revolution tell us about the shape of inter-American relations in the twilight years of the Cold War?To answer these questions, this article uses diplomatic archival sources and oral history interviews from Nicaragua, the United States, Mexico, Cuba, Costa Rica, and Panama to trace Latin American state responses to US intervention against the Sandinista government between 1982 and 1986. While the Reagan administration viewed Nicaragua as the place where it would begin to roll back Soviet-sponsored communism in the Third World, a bloc of Latin American governments—especially those associated with the Contadora peace process—saw Central America as the site where they would push back against US unilateralism and the threat it posed to their real interests and shared hopes for regional sovereignty. In stark contrast with the earlier reaction to the Cuban Revolution, most Latin American states rejected US intervention and sought to legitimize Managua's left-wing government. The regional dimensions of Nicaragua's civil war therefore show how the political fault lines of Latin America's Cold War shifted over time.

Tenure through Tyranny? Repression, Dissent, and Leader Removal in Africa and Latin America, 1990–2006

AbstractWith few exceptions, prior research on leadership survival focuses largely on state institutional characteristics or economic context. We shift this orientation by explicitly considering the important role contentious interactions between the incumbent regime and dissident actors play in determining the duration of leader tenure as well as the manner in which a leader is removed. Specifically, we focus on the severity of the incumbent leader's response to dissident challenges. We contend that the severity of this response represents a critical signal which informs the decisions of specific audiences that ultimately determine the incumbent's survival. To evaluate our argument, we employ detailed information on dissent–repression dynamics and leader survival for a leader-month sample of 69 African and Latin American states between 1990 and 2006. Our results suggest that incumbents are vulnerable to coup d’ état when government repression is perceived as weaker than would normally be expected for a given challenge. By contrast, removal via revolution becomes increasingly likely when repression dramatically exceeds the levels that would normally be warranted given the extant challenge.

Regional patterns of multilateral treaty cooperation: Is there a Latin American ‘commitment gap’?

Latin American states have long been active participants in multilateral treaty making. However, the rich history of Latin American legal activism contrasts with debates about the degree to which these states commit to international agreements. We probe the existence of this purported ‘commitment gap’ by analyzing the signing and ratification of multilateral treaties. Are Latin American states less likely to ratify agreements they have signed than states from other world regions? Using survival analysis of an original dataset on multilateral treaties deposited with the UN Secretary-General, we find no difference between Latin America and North America/Europe in terms of ratification. If a commitment gap exists, it appears to be more evident in other regions, particularly East Asia, Africa, and the Anglo-Caribbean. To the extent that there is a ‘commitment gap’ at the regional level in Latin America, it is unlikely to be due to country-level factors such as domestic institutions.

The results of Donald Trump’s anti-Cuban policy and the prospects for US–Cuban relations under Joseph Biden

After Donald Trump becoming US president, the process of normalizing US-Cuban relations was interrupted for four years. After his inauguration, as he had promised during the election campaign, he canceled almost all of the achievements of his predecessor in the area of improving bilateral ties and subsequently consistently tightened sanctions against Havana. This could have been due to the desire of Trump to provide a reciprocal ‘service’ to the ultra-conservative interest groups in Washington, D.C. whose substantial support was used during the elections. At the same time, the Republican, usually not inclined to caution in decision-making, gradually introduced new restrictions on interaction with the Latin American country and was in no hurry to use all instruments available at once. Probably, in this way Trump tried to keep for himself as long as possible the main ‘bargaining chip’, which the Island of Freedom became in his internal political game quid pro quo the new partners from among the ‘hawks’. Therefore, the White House began to take the most aggressive measures just on the eve of the 2020 elections and immediately after them. The victory of the Democrat Joseph Biden, who served as a vice-president in Barack Obama administration, did not allow the calculations of the ultra-conservatives to come true in full: Cuba withstood the pressure from the United States and there was hope that Washington and Havana would again meet at the negotiating table. But under what conditions the parties can return to the topic of normalizing relations is still unknown. In this sense, a lot will depend on the team of the elected president, senior officials who will be included in his team. In addition, the changes in regional international relations that have taken place in recent years will also play a role. The situation some six years ago, which prompted the White House to move closer to the Island of Freedom, has partially lost its relevance today. In this regard, the position of the Latin American states, the American-Cuban community in the United States, as well as the current balance of power in the Congress deserve special attention. The article uses a problematic approach, the main task of which was to analyze the main results of Trump’s anti-Cuban policy and to identify opportunities for improving US-Cuban relations during the Biden administration.

Roundtable: the Latin American state, Pink Tide, and future challenges

ABSTRACT In May 2020, the guest editors of this special number organized a roundtable discussion centred on six themes and covered a broad range of topics pertaining to Latin American development, politics and economics. The context of ‘pink tides’ and ‘right turns’ are a backdrop that represent both the consequences and the lead up to what comes next. At the centre of the analysis are the core dynamics of the political systems we intend to explore. The perspectives of the roundtable represent a theoretical and methodological spectrum ranging from neoWeberianinstitutionalism closely associated with the work of O'Donnell, and comparative studies of democratization, to critical-world systems analysis, associated with Marxian historical materialism, typically found within the development studies and political economy disciplines. Although the authors may draw more from one end of the spectrum than from the other, throughout their research careers, they have considered all of them in their intellectual reflections.

Policing heritage crime in Latin America

Artefacts from Latin America are popular on international art markets, however their supply is closely linked to heritage crimes such as looting, illegal excavations, and theft. This results in a wide and ongoing circulation of artefacts with illicit origins, despite Latin American states claiming ownership. Regulation and policy responses are continuously developed to address the opaque market structures and criminal networks facilitating this illicit trade in Latin America, with policing as the first line of defence against heritage crimes. Despite increasing research into the illicit trafficking of cultural artefacts in the region, specific strategies and interregional cooperation within heritage crime policing in Latin America has rarely been discussed. Therefore, we examine the policing, prevention, and legislation tactics in twelve Latin American countries as a state-by-state survey, and provide an overview of the current regional and international collaborations concerning the policing of heritage crime. We conclude that there is significant collaboration between Latin American countries, but that improvements could be made regarding the number of dedicated specialists within police and government agencies. This lack of economic resources and specialists within relevant agencies has been recorded in locations beyond Latin America, and we assert that this is the primary weakness in regional and global efforts to police heritage crimes.

Judicial Interactions and Human Rights Contestations in Latin America

Abstract The Inter-American Court of Human Rights is one of the world's most active human rights tribunals. Through an impressive history of case law, the Court has exerted significant influence upon Latin American states. In recent years, however, states and domestic national courts have challenged the Inter-American Court's authority in more complex and potentially more damaging ways than in the past. By exploring how the Inter-American Court of Human Rights has expanded its reach upon states, and how states engage in turn, the Article examines ways of interaction that can enhance or debilitate the Court's authority and influence on states. The Article explores recent dissents as a potential mode of resistance, especially when coupled with states' unease towards international adjudication and suggests ways in which the Court may respond to such challenges in order to protect and enhance its authority.

A critical look at the failure of mainstream economics

Book Review Foundations of real-world economics: What every economics student needs to know (2nd ed.), by John Komlos, New York, Routledge, 2019, 306 pp., $42.95 (Paperback), ISBN 9781138296541. Many people in the United States of America are dissatisfied with the outcomes of the economy and some are suggesting measures that seem socialistic. The time has come to recognize that mainstream economics as taught in our schools is not serving students at all.The research sharing platform of the Latin American and Caribbean Economic Association (LACEA) states that John Komlos’s textbook Foundations of Real-World Economics: What Every Economics Student Needs to Know demonstrates how misleading it can be to oversimplify models of perfect competition relative to the real world (Vox LACEA, 2019). The math works well on college blackboards, but not so well on the main streets of America. This edition of Komlos’s text explores the realities of oligopolies, the real impact of minimum wage, the double-edged sword of free trade, and other ways that powerful institutions cause distortions in main stream models. Norbert Haring wrote “there is no doubt that a student who would otherwise be left with just the textbook wisdom will benefit greatly from reading this book and seeing that” (Haring, 2014, p. 4).

European Union-Latin America/Caribbean air transport connectivity and competitiveness in different air policy contexts

This paper discusses the factors that affect network connectivity and competitiveness in the European Union and Latin America/Caribbean air transport market. The methodology is based on detailed real origin and destination data that allow the calculation of levels of market concentration and segmentation, airport connectivity and network efficiency. The bilateral markets analyzed compare unfavourably with other inter-continental markets, even though the economic growth of the countries involved would suggest otherwise. The market is dominated by a small number of airports and airlines, and connectivity in several Latin American and Caribbean states is over-dependent on tourism. Geographic factors can partially explain the situation identified, while the impact of policy, especially as regards the fragmented moves towards liberalisation, is also discussed.

ESTADO LATINO-AMERICANO:CONTRADIÇÕES NOS SISTEMAS DE PROTEÇÃO SOCIAL: ESTADO LATINOAMERICANO: CONTRADICCIONES EN LOS SISTEMAS DE PROTECCIÓN SOCIAL

Understanding the state, neoliberalism and the impacts of this union in Latin America is an instigating challenge. Under this scenario, the present study aims to translate the contradictions of the peripheral Latin American capitalist state in the dismantling of social protection systems based on counter-reform processes. The methodological path will be provided by bibliographic research of an exploratory-descriptive nature and of a quanti-quali character, together with materialism-dialectic as a method of analysis. The study starts from the following problem: what are the possibilities, perspectives and challenges of translating the contradictions of the Latin American peripheral capitalist state in the dismantling of social protection systems based on counter-reform processes? In order to meet the wishes of foreign capital, Latin America needs, in view of the exhaustion of the public financing pattern of the capitalist economy, to concentrate its efforts on privatization policies of both public companies and public services, and in this point, the focus is on in social protection systems.

Переворот в Боливии: внутренние и внешние факторы

The aim of the article is to reveal the mechanism of the coup d'etat in Bolivia in November 2019. Based on the research of Russian and foreign experts, as well as official documents of international organizations, a research center, speeches by world leaders, and the media, the authors analyze the internal causes and external factors that contributed to the overthrow of Evo Morales and the coming to power of the right opposition, oriented to the United States and supranational structures. The methods for the research were selected based on the requirements of a multilateral and systematic analysis of the domestic political situation in Bolivia, its cultural, historical, territorial, and economic characteristics, as well as foreign policy factors that influenced the situation in the country. A comparative analysis of the coup d'etat in Bolivia with the situation in some other Latin American states was done. The first section analyzes the domestic political situation in Bolivia, economic factors, and a number of actions by Evo Morales which led to the weakening of his position on the eve of the presidential election. The second section discusses the mechanism of influence of the Organization of American States on the election process in Bolivia. The influence of neo-fascist organizations, which receive external support and financing and became the main shock force of the coup d'etat, is investigated. The channels of influence of international players and organizations on the internal political processes of Bolivia are studied. The authors infer that the ousted president did not solve the task of creating and implementing a development project for all social and ethnic groups of Bolivia while maintaining their own support and state sovereignty. In addition, the authors give a critical assessment to the decision of the Bolivian leadership led by Evo Morales to entrust election monitoring exclusively to the Organization of American States where the US position dominates. The authors suggest that, for political support, in the monitoring of the election, Evo Morales should have involved representatives of states and organizations not controlled by Washington, for example, from the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. For the first time, the authors reveal and thoroughly study the trigger mechanism for activating a coup d'etat using technologies for dismantling political regimes adapted to Bolivian conditions. They conclude that, in fact, counteraction to left-wing political regimes by the United States in Latin America is de facto a continuation of the formally completed Operation Condor, but using modern technologies to eliminate the unwanted regime in a particular country in new geopolitical conditions.

Экономические шансы Латинской Америки в постковидном мире

Received 01.12.2020. The effects of the COVID-19 pandemic have hit Latin America’s economy and social sphere more than any other crisis in the last hundred years. Coexistence with the virus caused a wave of restrictive measures, destroyed normal mechanisms of supply and demand, collapsed production and foreign trade, dramatically worsened the financial situation of the majority of Latin Americans, exacerbated domestic political problems. The article shows that the extreme severity of the corona crisis was caused not only by its specific features but also by the pairing with other social ills inherent in Latin America: fatal miscalculations of ruling populist regimes, deep-rooted corruption, a huge informal sector of the economy. At the same time, the author attempts to understand the reality of the countries of the region in the post-COVID‑19 period, what can be done to mitigate the negative effects of the epidemic. And the main thing is whether Latin American states have the resources and opportunities to get out of the crisis with a more advanced technological structure of the regional economy. As a matter of fact, in international business and expert circles it is recognized that in recent years new and extremely important economic and social phenomena of the positive order have been born in the leading Latin American states: the modernization of the business community and the strengthening of the role of tecnolatinas, the improvement of the educational level of young people and, on this basis, the qualitative improvement of human capital, the deployment of modernization processes and technological renewal of the production apparatus. The consolidation and development of these trends create unique chances to overcome the extremely unfavourable situation in which the region found itself as a result of the epidemic of coronavirus.

Strategic Planning as a Conflict-Mediating Routine

This paper shows how strategic planning may function as a conflict-mediating routine. We conducted a five-year case study in a large financial services joint venture firm co-owned by a Latin American state bank and a European multinational financial company. The controlling companies have different business objectives for the JV: the former prioritizes short-term financial results, while the latter prioritizes long-term consolidation of the business. We present the case in the form of a narrative of findings, which shows how we pursue and uncover different levels of organizational reality and, more specifically, the different roles played by strategic planning. The paper makes two contributions: first, to studies of routines as praxis capable of supporting the solution of conflicts that arise from the presence of different business logics; and second, to business practice, as it provides guidance on considering additional roles taken by strategic planning.

Legal Codification without Justice: Causes and Manifestations of Impunity in Latin American Cases of Femicide

In the last decade, Latin American states introduced a new norm into the international legal landscape through the criminalisation of gender-related killings, also known as femicide. However, when dealing with the human rights violation in domestic legal systems, impunity remains a persistent issue preventing victims’ justice. But, where does impunity come from and what shape(s) does it take? Scholarly knowledge of the specific causes and manifestations is still in its early development stages. In this article, we therefore study the nexus between femicide and impunity under the application of socio-ecological systems theory. Our aim is to define, conceptualise and show where impunity for femicide is to be found by reviewing secondary research from a selection of Latin American countries.

Risking Immeasurable Harm: Immigration Restriction and U.S.–Mexican Diplomatic Relations, 1924–1932 by Benjamin C. Montoya

Reviewed by: Risking Immeasurable Harm: Immigration Restriction and U.S.–Mexican Diplomatic Relations, 1924–1932 by Benjamin C. Montoya Aaron W. Navarro Risking Immeasurable Harm: Immigration Restriction and U.S.–Mexican Diplomatic Relations, 1924–1932. By Benjamin C. Montoya. (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2020. Pp. 342. Tables, notes, bibliography, index.) The first great change elucidated in this fine new book is the pressure that Mexico and other Latin American countries brought to bear on the United States to begin treating immigration as an international rather than a domestic matter. The second is the way that the importance of U.S.–Mexican relations swayed immigration policy, with the State Department itself demolishing the case for a numerical quota on Mexican immigrants. As Montoya notes, "administrative restriction was the perfect compromise between a Westphalian sense of national sovereignty and a Wilsonian notion of more cooperative diplomatic relations" (250). U.S. immigration policy was traditionally handled as a domestic matter, taking into account economic needs, expanding territorial boundaries, and explicit concerns about supposed racial characteristics. The Immigration Act of 1924 tightened the existing quota-based system that sought to constrict the flow of migrants from large sending nations such as Italy and Poland. Cultural arguments were paramount in limiting these groups, and overt racism abounded. This model of a quota on what were considered undesirable migrants was the goal of restrictionists who "believed Mexicans [End Page 492] were racially inferior and a hazard to U.S. society and its institutions" (126). Montoya ably discusses the variables that made Mexican immigration different: it was seasonal, it was critical to agriculture in the Southwest and Texas, and it was locally common but invisible in Washington, D.C. In addition, Mexico's geographic position, with a long land border, made the bilateral relationship with the United States a special diplomatic and strategic environment. Plus, after the population dislocations of the Mexican Revolution, Mexico was attempting to consolidate its national government, a process that would benefit U.S. interests. The twist in Montoya's story is that restrictionists in Congress were opposed by the State Department, which argued that singling out Mexico for an immigration quota "would bring embarrassment on the Mexican people, poison U.S.–Mexican relations, and threaten U.S. diplomacy with the rest of Latin America" (66–67). The State Department pushed for a non-confrontational way to reduce Mexican immigration: administrative restriction. The strategy was "to enforce strictly existing immigration laws that excluded the entry of immigrants into the United States who were illiterate, diseased, or likely to become public charges" (245). Experts like Manuel Gamio testified before Congress in 1930 with the geopolitical argument that "the quota would undermine the long-term structural solution to the immigration problem—Mexico's political stability" (199). The second front against the quota was full of Latin American diplomats. In one of the most intriguing parts of the book, Montoya dissects U.S.–Mexico negotiations at the Second Conference on Emigration and Immigration in Havana in 1928, writing that it was "the closest both nations would come to brokering a bilateral treaty on immigration before the 1940s" (123). By dragging the issue of immigration into the international arena, Latin American states acted in unison to limit Washington's latitude to go it alone with its own numerical (and racial) goals. Mexican diplomat Francisco Suástegui's notes from congressional hearings in February 1928 offer readers a microscopic view of the restrictionists' 'kitchen sink' strategy of arguing for a quota. The push to enforce a quota on Mexican immigration ended in 1932 for several reasons. The pressure of the State Department was effective, "Administrative restriction slowed legal immigration … [and] the Great Depression curbed illegal immigration" (128). The U.S. would not revisit the issue of Mexican immigration until the Bracero program began in 1942 under wartime pressures. Montoya has written an elegant study of the deep historical roots of immigration policy and the challenges of asymmetric diplomatic engagement. His ability to weave together U.S. and Mexican diplomatic sources is exemplary. This analysis will surely be enlightening for students, scholars, and policymakers alike. [End Page 493] Aaron W. Navarro Texas Christian University Copyright © 2021 The Texas...