Liberal Language Research Articles

중국인 강사를 활용한 교양중국어 팀티칭 수업 방안

중국인 강사를 활용한 교양중국어 팀티칭 수업 방안

Liberdade de imprensa na obra de Benjamin Constant: direito individual liberal ou garantia política republicana?

O artigo indaga o estatuto teórico da liberdade de imprensa na obra de Benjamin Constant, tendo como referência sua distinção entre princípios de liberdade e garantias. A hipótese é que a liberdade de imprensa é um componente da liberdade dos modernos no qual ocorre a articulação entre a esfera dos princípios de liberdade e a das garantias. Essa articulação é remetida ao esforço do autor para integrar duas linguagens políticas fundamentais para a elaboração de sua teoria política: a republicana e a liberal. O artigo reconstrói uma teoria da liberdade de imprensa desenvolvida pelo autor em linguagem liberal, a qual delimita o campo do pensamento e de sua expressão como pertencendo de direito ao domínio individual e define essa liberdade pela fórmula da não intervenção. Em seguida, sustenta que argumentos oriundos de uma linguagem republicana são construídos paralelamente à justificativa puramente liberal. Esses argumentos republicanos compreendem a liberdade de imprensa como um traço fundamental de uma constituição livre, na qual o arcabouço institucional e o espírito público se opõem à emergência de um poder arbitrário. Esse aspecto da obra de Constant é mobilizado para reavaliar os fundamentos normativos da liberdade de imprensa e seus desafios na sociedade moderna.

Performing Piety in Pakistan's Transgender Rights Movement

Abstract Pakistani hijra/khwaja siras make up structured communities of feminine-identified gender-variant persons who have long but marginalized traditions of performing religious-cultural roles. Supreme Court rulings in 2009, promising rights to marginalized khwaja siras, have led to increased backlash against these performances and the community structures on which they rest. This article explores these traditional performance practices, within the Sufi shrine and in homes, as well as in explicit activism as khwaja siras contested their place in the national 2013 elections. These assertions of piety, drawn creatively from Sufi and Shi'a modes and often performed on the fringes or lower rungs of developmental activism, offer an embodied outlet for negotiating multiple axes of exclusion. While recent scholarship has claimed that in the context of reformist Islamic movements khwaja siras are turning away from the spaces of legitimacy that Sufism once offered and toward the liberal language of human rights to make claims for recognition, the author argues that these pious performances continue to provide a potent force for transgender activism in Pakistan.

Nas margens do liberalismo: voto, cidadania e constituição no Brasil (1821-1824)

Este artigo analisa alguns matizes da linguagem do liberalismo presentes nos discursos políticos na época da criação do Império do Brasil, entre 1821-1824. Para tal, escolheram-se três atos fundamentais do cotidiano político: o voto, a definição da cidadania e a Constituição. Como fontes, utilizaram-se principalmente periódicos e panfletos. Os objetivos foram identificar os distintos argumentos e percepções que indivíduos da época possuíam sobre a política naquele momento e avaliar até que ponto o novo Império ingressara naquilo que em geral se denomina de política moderna.

A Tale of Two Liberalisms? Attitudes toward Minority Religious Symbols in Quebec and Canada

AbstractProponents of restrictions on the wearing of religious symbols in public institutions in Quebec have often framed their support in the language of liberalism, with references to “gender equality”, “state neutrality” and “freedom of conscience”. However, efforts to account for support for restrictions on minority religious symbols rarely mention liberalism. In this article, we test the hypothesis that holding liberal values might have different attitudinal consequences in Quebec and the rest of Canada. Our findings demonstrate that holding liberal values is associated with support for restrictions on the wearing of minority religious symbols in Quebec, but it is associated with opposition to such restrictions in the rest of Canada. Moreover, this difference between Quebec and the rest of Canada in the relationship between liberal values and support for restrictions on minority religious symbols can explain Quebecers' greater support for restrictions.

The Transformation of the Christian Right’s Moral Politics

AbstractFor at least the past four decades, the Christian Right’s political advocacy has epitomized morality politics in the US. In recent years, however, the Christian Right has transformed how it approaches various moral and cultural issues, appealing to the language and process of political rights. This reframing of cultural concerns has coincided with the declining cultural status of conservative Christianity. This article analyzes three issue areas—abortion, free speech, and religious freedom—documenting how conservative Christianity has altered its approach to public politics, coming to embrace individual rights language and arguments over and above common morality. The article also analyzes the whether this growing rights talk has contributed to extending support to the rights of others, finding mixed results. As conservative Christians have embraced the rights commitment for themselves, there has been a corresponding growth of political tolerance for others. At the same time, there remain prominent challenges to supporting pluralistic politics. While questions about the commitment to pluralism remain, the evolution of the Christian Right’s cultural style of politics has important implications, as the last vestige of communitarian politics routinely engages politics using the language of liberalism. Moral politics are now routinely rights politics.

Diversity’s discontents: in search of an archive of the oppressed

ABSTRACTAustralian and US-based archivists have recently begun to confront their complicity in a documentary landscape that excludes and erases the voices and views of minority, oppressed and poor communities. Archival professional organisations in both countries attempt to confront this issue by focusing on the homogeneity of the profession, specifically through using the discourse of diversity. Thus, this keynote address, delivered at the 2017 conference of the Australian Society of Archivists in Melbourne, explores the following question: how, if at all, does diversity form part of the solution for dismantling the white supremacy of archives? It begins this inquiry by recounting the author’s participation and experience with diversity projects of the Society of American Archivists, before speculating how archivists might transition away from the language of diversity and towards the language of liberation through the concept of an archive of the oppressed. The central argument of the address is that dismantling white supremacy in archives requires archivists abandon the neoliberal discourse of diversity and adopt an archive of the oppressed, or a cooperative approach in which oppressed peoples are positioned as subjects in our own liberation.

Language of Imperialism, Language of Liberation: Louise Michel and the Kanak-French Colonial Encounter

Language of Imperialism, Language of Liberation: Louise Michel and the Kanak-French Colonial Encounter

Language of Imperialism, Language of Liberation: Louise Michel and the Kanak-French Colonial Encounter

Language of Imperialism, Language of Liberation: Louise Michel and the Kanak-French Colonial Encounter

Review Essay: The Lost Historiography of Liberalism

Near the start of her fascinating new bookThe Lost History of Liberalism, Helena Rosenblatt dryly observes that “available histories of liberalism are seldom helpful” (2). The point is well taken: the historiography of liberalism—largely written as intellectual history—is not particularly coherent, and has only sporadically adopted sound historical methodology. The genre emerged relatively late. The proliferation of the language of liberalism in the nineteenth century, not least in party politics, did not produce theoretically informed historical accounts of particular note. A historiography of liberalism really only developed in response to the perceived “crisis of liberalism” of the early twentieth century. Guido de Ruggiero's 1925The History of European Liberalismwas written in a Hegelian idealist tradition, according to which liberalism was an “organic development of freedom coinciding with the organization of human society and its progressively higher and more spiritual forms.” Coming from a different direction was Harold Laski'sThe Rise of European Liberalism: An Essay in Interpretation,published in 1936. Laski's liberalism was as much a “habit of mind” as a set of doctrines, with a complex history making both “clarity difficult” and “precision unattainable.” An essentialized understanding of liberalism was nevertheless still at work. Laski's liberalism was that the individualist, utilitarian mode of thought necessary to an emerging capitalist society. “The liberal creed, in a word,” he wrote, “is a doctrine woven from the texture of bourgeois need.”

Język wypowiedzi publicznych Donalda Tuska w latach 2005-2007

There is a special model of liberal language in political science which has certain features: a tendency to use special lingual terms, tolerance, political correctness, faith in its beliefs, sense of responsibility for the country and an exposure of liberal values such as freedom and latitude, etc. The other thing is that Donald Tusk has also certain lingual features which partly fit to the liberal language model and remain a constant feature of Tusk’s language. The main features of his language are: exposure of freedom as a value constantly in danger, extraordinary underlining the role of intellect, search for confirmation of what he says to the audience, sense of responsibility for the country, comparing politics to the world of football.

Supergirl and the Corporate Articulation of Neoliberal Feminism

In this article, we argue an account of corporate intervention in the sociocultural narrative about feminism that links the logic of Sheryl Sandberg’s Lean In (2013) to the mainstream pop cultural re-emergence of Supergirl in the form of the primetime television series, Supergirl (2015). Crucially, we draw out neoliberalism as the overarching ideology linking the feminisms articulated in both. While the history of Supergirl very clearly demonstrates DC Comics’ corporate control of feminism, Supergirl posits corporate control as feminism. By charting and analyzing the character’s history, and critiquing the ostensibly feminist discourse of Supergirl, we show how neoliberal feminism lacks the fundamental resources to challenge an overarching patriarchal social order. Indeed, Supergirl is prescriptive and disciplinary, affirming a narrowly construed ideal of corporate women’s empowerment, while cloaking its retrograde gender-normative script in the language of feminist liberation.

Attempting to Consolidate Power: Analyzing Muhammad Bin Salman's Policies in Saudi Arabia

Recently the world was awoken to a show of force by Muhammad bin Salman (MbS), the Crown Prince of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. In a relatively short period of time, the prince has managed to remove any real or imagined rivals from the centers of political and economic power and authority in Saudi Arabia, by charging them with corruption. It is presented to a foreign, especially western, audience1 as an anti-corruption drive by an energetic young reformer against old vested interests. It is cleverly couched in the liberal language of technocratic reform in the style of Emmanuel Macron, and liberal pundits emphasize its “revolutionary” potential. Hence, MbS’ allegedly necessary and urgent actions appeal to both domestic and international audiences.

THE LIBERAL ARTS IN ISLAMIC HIGHER EDUCATION: PROBLEM AND PROSPECT IN INDONESIA

The growing number of Muslim elite in Indonesia who advocates violence and religious intolerance practices has left Indonesian policy on religious education in question. Islamic universities play a decisive role in educating Indonesian Muslim elites with many graduates who are Muslim thinkers of national and international standing. This paper aims to present an elaborative discussion on Islamic education practitioner’s viewpoint towards the Indonesian Liberal Studies Initiative task force’s proposal to further Indonesian Higher Education through the Liberal Arts. It will limit its focus on problem and prospects the liberal arts might bring to address the issue of religious illiteracy currently faced by Islamic universities in Indonesia. Through qualitative interview and observation at Syarif Hidayatullah State Islamic University, it is revealed that integration of knowledge and revitalizing the content of civics education subjects are key strategies to address the issue. An analysis of both the history of Liberal Arts education and interviews shows problem faced by Islamic higher education in responding to the task force’s proposal; politicization of language of liberalism and partial implementation of the integration of knowledge concept in the body of Islamic university in Indonesia. Keywords Religious Illiteracy, State Islamic University, Indonesian Higher Education, Liberal Arts

Women in Cinematic Era: Language of Oppression and Liberation

Women in Cinematic Era: Language of Oppression and Liberation

Teaching Celia in the Age of Black Lives Matter

The emergence of Black Lives Matter has introduced a language of black liberation to a new generation of students. In doing so, it has provided an opportunity for historical study. Teacher-scholars can and should take advantage of the renewed interest in systemic threats to black life in the United States when teaching about past victims of state-sanctioned violence including Celia, an enslaved teenager executed for killing her master after years of sexual abuse. In doing so, they can not only draw useful connections between the past and present but also lay the foundations for a more meaningful study of black radicalism and black resistance in the United States.

Without Touching Upon Suffrage: Gender and Economic Citizenship at the World’s Columbian Exposition

The era between the Supreme Court’s (1875) Minor decision and the (1920) Anthony Amendment was marked by productive uncertainty about women’s citizenship status: they were citizens without the right to vote. This essay suggests that a handful of women seized upon the World’s Columbian Exposition to promote economic citizenship as an alternative for women. They promoted women’s economic participation in the fair’s dominant discourses of science and religion, and they rendered it a practice of citizenship in the language of republicanism and liberalism.

Benjamin Franklin and the Ends of Empire

One might reasonably ask if anything new can be written about Benjamin Franklin. Carla J. Mulford's Benjamin Franklin and the Ends of Empire answers that question with a resounding “plenty.” Mulford begins this stimulating and engaging “literary biography” with her self-proclaimed “preoccupation” with Franklin's 1768 articulation of civil liberty—which he conceived as personal dignity, economic independence, and political freedom inextricably linked to form a “common right” for all British citizens, including most importantly those living in far flung colonies (pp. x, 2). Mulford takes on earlier historians' understandings of Franklin's political thought; she is never dismissive or critical of them but instead uses her skills as a literary critic to clarify and expand on what she understands as his ideology at key moments. She challenges those who believe that Franklin always articulated an ardent defense of American political rights in opposition to an overly powerful British Parliament as well as those who argue that Franklin became a passionate defender of American liberties only after Alexander Wedderburn's embarrassing denunciation of him before the British Privy Council (known as the “cockpit”) in 1774. Drawing upon Franklin's published and unpublished papers, Mulford adamantly and consistently maintains that Franklin's early modern liberal notion of sovereignty was “not a new line of argument” for him but rather was an evolving, even maturing, ideology dating from Franklin family tales of political oppression throughout the English Civil War, becoming more fully developed in his 1750 letters to William Shirley, and reaching maturity in 1771 when he toured Ireland and finally understood the permanent damage an overweening power could do to the concept of individual rights grounded in the freedom of labor. Mulford turns a fresh analytical lens on Franklin's often-complicated critique of “the inconsistencies in a system that yoked imperialism to the language of liberalism while denying that any inherent rights and liberties belonged to those most valuable to the commonwealth, the laboring people” (p. 17). For Mulford, nowhere was this more evident than the British support of its eastern empire to the detriment of its American empire. That and not the “cockpit” debacle may have been the straw that broke the camel's back.

Anti-politics and the scourge of authoritarianism

ABSTRACTThe performance of American politics, in the age of Donald Trump, has been reduced to a carnival of unbridled narcissism, deception, spectacle, and overloaded sensation. What happens to a democracy when it loses all semblance of public memory, and the welfare state and social contract are abandoned in order to fill the coffers of bankers, hedge fund managers, and the corporate elite? What happens when disposable populations are brushed clean from our collective conscience, and are the object of unchecked humiliation and disdain by the financial elite? In trying to grapple with such questions, this paper suggests that when democratic agency amounts to an electoral choice between Donald Trump and Hillary Clinton, we enter into a ‘world order’ of anti-politics – a ‘collective will’ shorn of both the promise of transformation and a future of democracy. What follows reflects on the possibility of a new language of liberation, at a time when language itself has lost its potential for reference in a culture of compulsive forgetting and myth-making. The task ahead of us, this essay maintains, calls for a coming together of broad-based social struggles in the everyday with a relentless questioning of what passes for neoliberal ‘commonsense’.

Clements Kadalie, the ICU, and the Language of Freedom

The language of the Industrial and Commercial Workers Union (ICU) and its leader Clements Kadalie is examined. The article analyses afresh the ICU archive – the articles, manifestoes, speeches, memoirs and letters of Kadalie and his ICU comrades in the 1920s and 1930s. Two questions guide discussion. How did the language of the ICU challenge the religious, literary and political discourses of white South Africa? And, did the ICU leaders generate a distinctive language of freedom? The theoretical insights of inter alia Walter Rodney, James C. Scott and Howard Caygill into the languages of resistance and liberation inform the discussion of the ICU’s language. In conclusion, the resonances of the ICU’s language of freedom is assessed in relation to the public discourses of post-apartheid South Africa.