Language Production Experiments Research Articles

The Role of Identification in Giving Sense to Unethical Organizational Behavior

This language production experiment investigates communication’s role in defending, and therefore giving sense to, organizational wrongdoing. The study suggests identification may possibly reduce organizations’ moral learning capacity by encouraging highly identified members to engage in ethical sensegiving of their organizations’ wrongdoing in defensive ways. Working adults ( N = 318) responded to an organizational outsider regarding a gender discrimination lawsuit filed against their organization in one of two scenarios, which presented the organization’s guilt as either ambiguous or certain. Highly identified members used more linguistic defense mechanisms and reported more intense feelings. Additionally, participants in the ambiguous condition used more linguistic defense mechanisms than those in the certain condition. Veteran members reported higher levels of organizational identification and used more linguistic defense mechanisms than newcomers.

Hierarchical Mum Effect: A New Investigation of Organizational Ethics

In this language production experiment, working adults (N = 226) were asked to respond to unethical business requests. Our objective was to advance a communicative understanding of unethical organizational behaviors by analyzing the linguistic adjustments workers employ to deny unethical requests. Specifically, we measured responses to unethical requests on a continuous coding scheme, which captured degrees of denial directness. We hypothesized that command structures produce a hierarchical mum effect in which subordinates are more indirect in denying an unethical request than supervisors and coworkers. Results confirmed the presence of a hierarchical mum effect; data also indicated that females, younger workers, and those with the least work experience are most indirect in denying an unethical request.

Workers' Moral Mum Effect: On Facework and Unethical Behavior in the Workplace

Through this language production experiment, we demonstrate workers' tendency to avoid describing behavior in ethical terms—what we label the moral mum effect. Working adults (N = 195) responded to an unethical request from a supervisor, coworker, or subordinate. Content and contingency table analyses revealed that most workers did not label the unethical request as unethical and hierarchical relationship did not mitigate this organizational communication dynamic. Additionally, we explore how another feature of language-use in work settings—operational justifications—may take the place of moral objections, especially in the case of subordinates interacting with their supervisors. We conclude with suggestions for overcoming the moral mum effect through communication skills training.

Learning to look: The acquisition of eye gaze agreement during the production of ASL verbs

In American Sign Language (ASL), native signers use eye gaze to mark agreement (Thompson, Emmorey and Kluender, 2006). Such agreement is unique (it is articulated with the eyes) and complex (it occurs with only two out of three verb types, and marks verbal arguments according to a noun phrase accessibility hierarchy). In a language production experiment using head-mounted eye-tracking, we investigated the extent to which eye gaze agreement can be mastered by late second-language (L2) learners. The data showed that proficient late learners (with an average of 18.8 years signing experience) mastered a cross-linguistically prevalent pattern (NP-accessibility) within the eye gaze agreement system but ignored an idiosyncratic feature (marking agreement on only a subset of verbs). Proficient signers produced a grammar for eye gaze agreement that diverged from that of native signers but was nonetheless consistent with language universals. A second experiment examined the eye gaze patterns of novice signers with less than two years of ASL exposure and of English-speaking non-signers. The results provided further evidence that the pattern of acquisition found for proficient L2 learners is directly related to language learning, and does not stem from more general cognitive processes for eye gaze outside the realm of language.

Context effects of pictures and words in naming objects, reading words, and generating simple phrases

In five language production experiments it was examined which aspects of words are activated in memory by context pictures and words. Context pictures yielded Stroop-like and semantic effects on response times when participants generated gender-marked noun phrases in response to written words (Experiment 1A). However, pictures yielded no such effects when participants simply read aloud the noun phrases (Experiment 2). Moreover, pictures yielded a gender congruency effect in generating gender-marked noun phrases in response to the written words (Experiments 3A and 3B). These findings suggest that context pictures activate lemmas (i.e., representations of syntactic properties), which leads to effects only when lemmas are needed to generate a response (i.e., in Experiments 1A, 3A, and 3B, but not in Experiment 2). Context words yielded Stroop-like and semantic effects in picture naming (Experiment 1B). Moreover, words yielded Stroop-like but no semantic effects in reading nouns (Experiment 4) and in generating noun phrases (Experiment 5). These findings suggest that context words activate the lemmas and forms of their names, which leads to semantic effects when lemmas are required for responding (Experiment 1B) but not when only the forms are required (Experiment 4). WEAVER++ simulations of the results are presented.

The Relationship between Eye Gaze and Verb Agreement in American Sign Language: An Eye-tracking Study

The representation of agreement is a crucial aspect of current syntactic theory, and therefore should apply in both signed and spoken languages. Neidle et al. (2000) claim that all verb types in American Sign Language (agreeing, spatial, and plain) can occur with abstract syntactic agreement for subject and object. On this view, abstract agreement can be marked with either manual agreement morphology (verb directed toward locations associated with the subject/object) or non-manual agreement (eye gaze toward the object/head tilt toward the subject). Non-manual agreement is claimed to function independently as a feature-checking mechanism since it can occur with plain verbs not marked with overt morphological agreement. We conducted a language production experiment using head-mounted eye-tracking to directly measure signers’ eye gaze. The results were inconsistent with Neidle et al.’s claims. While eye gaze accompanying (manually/morphologically) agreeing verbs was most frequently directed toward the location of the syntactic object, eye gaze accompanying plain verbs was rarely directed toward the object. Further, eye gaze accompanying spatial verbs was toward the locative argument, rather than toward the object of transitive verbs or the subject of intransitive verbs as predicted by Neidle et.al. Additionally, we found a consistent difference in the height of directed eye gaze between spatial and agreeing verbs. Gaze was directed lower in signing space for locative marking than for object marking, thus clearly distinguishing these two argument types. Plain verbs occurring with null object pronouns were not marked by gaze toward the location of the object and always occurred with an overt object topic. Thus, Neidle et.al.’s analysis of null objects as licensed by agreement (manual or non-manual) was not supported. Rather, the data substantiated Lillo-Martin’s (1986) claim that null arguments for plain verbs are licensed by topics. To account for the observed patterns of eye gaze, we propose an analysis of eye gaze agreement for agreeing and spatial verbs as marking the ‘lowest’ available argument on a noun phrase accessibility hierarchy.

Disagreement on agreement: person agreement between coordinated subjects and verbs in Dutch and German

Native speakers of Dutch and German reliably know how to combine the person features of a coordination of two singular elements into a new plural person feature. For example, a phrase like jij en de jongen (you [2nd singular] and the boy) becomes jullie (you [2nd plural]). However, anecdotal evidence suggests that despite this knowledge, speakers of Dutch and German have a strong tendency to treat the whole compound subject as 3rd person plural when computing person agreement between such a compound subject and a verb. In two language production experiments, we obtained results confirming this anecdotal evidence. Furthermore, the results show that the use of 3rd person plural verbs does not depend on the order in which the 2nd and 3rd person elements occur in the compound subject (e.g. jij en de jongen vs. de jongen en jij). The results are interpreted in a framework assuming two alternative computational procedures for person agreement, a purely syntactic procedure and a conceptual-semantic procedure.

The electrophysiologic assessment of hemispheric asymmetries during speech.

Evoked potentials were summed and averaged for 14 normal subjects during language production tasks. No significant hemispheric asymmetries were obtained. Results show that there is insufficient evidence at this time to conclude that electroencephalographic hemispheric asymmetries are dependent on lateralized language functions. The contaminating influence of the glossokinetic potential on the scalp electroencephalogram is important during language production experiments.