Labour Party Research Articles

Can Gordon Brown and Keir Starmer Save the UK ?

Can Gordon Brown and Keir Starmer Save the <scp>UK</scp> ?

The Labour Party's Ideas of the Working Class

The Labour Party's Ideas of the Working Class

RAYMOND WILLIAMS: LABOUR PARTY, CULTURE AND EDUCATION

Resumo O objetivo deste artigo é comentar e interpretar um texto de Raymond Williams intitulado “Uma democracia educada”, publicado no periódico Socialist Commentary em 1959. Quanto ao método, por meio da explicação do texto do autor, busca-se analisar suas ideias apresentando-as na forma de excertos, à maneira daquilo que Williams nos ensinou como “método interpretativo”, principalmente em Reading and Criticism e The Country and the City. Outros trabalhos de sua autoria também são mobilizados para discutir o que foi selecionado para o debate: “A cultura é algo comum”; “Education and British Society”; “Britain in the 1960s”; “Você é marxista, não é?”; “Os usos da teoria da cultura”; A Política e as Letras, além de outras referências indicadas na bibliografia para debater “grammar schools”, “comprehensive schools”, “eleven-plus”, entre outros elementos constitutivos do sistema educacional britânico, pautado pelos partidos Trabalhista e Conservador nas eleições de 1959.

Responding to Identity Politics: Thinking beyond the cultural divide

It is commonly argued that divides based on value-based identity politics are now the defining characteristic of the contemporary era, capable of explaining everything from the rise of Donald Trump to Brexit. Both the Conservative and Labour parties have sought to appeal to values over policy in an attempt to appeal to ‘identity conservative’ voters in marginal seats. Yet they have also recognised the need to address the grievances underpinning these attitudes, notably regional economic inequality and over-centralisation. This article seeks to critically assess whether the Conservatives’ ‘levelling up’ agenda1 and Labour’s plans to address economic inequality and devolve power downwards, as outlined in the recent Labour report by former Prime Minister Gordon Brown2, are capable of providing the recognition to voters from ‘left behind’ areas that is thought to be the principal driver of regressive identity politics. It then discusses the capacity of alternative locally-based projects that seek to address economic decline – such as community wealth building – to restore that sense of recognition and to foster a positive form of identity politics that might overcome division.

Sacred Socialism

Sacred Socialism

Brief Analysis of the Non-Ruling Parties’ Diplomatic Status and Their Solutions

"Political parties" has become a well-versed term in the political field. Except for a few countries such as Vatican and Saudi Arabia, most countries in the world implement party politics, where state power is held by political parties, whose significance is highlighted in international and domestic societies as a result. The emergence of political parties is a natural result of social development and human activities, and their registration and cancellation are highly uncertain and difficult to count. According to data from the United Nations, there are more than 230 countries and regions in the world, but there are more than 10,000 existing political parties, and the number of governing parties in each country or region is very limited. In addition to political parties such as the Democratic and Republican Parties in the United States, the Labour and Conservative Parties in the United Kingdom, and the Communist Party of China, which hold power and have international implications, this indicates that there are still many non-ruling parties in the international community, whose diplomatic behavior will also affect the direction of the international situation and global development. So the development of diplomacy of these political parties should be sufficiently addressed.

Humza Yousaf – the New Leader of SNP

The resignation of N. Sturgeon, SNP leader and First Minister of Scotland, was caused by political scandals and failures of her rule. Following the results of party elections, for the first time an ethnic Pakistani, a descendant of migrants H. Yousaf became leader of SNP and Scotland. An adherent of "woke" ideology, he had defeated the supporter of traditional values K. Forbes by a slight margin. Yousaf is unlikely to overcome the split in SNP, as well as create a sustained majority in public opinion for Scottish independence. The confrontation between Edinburgh and London will continue. The SNP's electoral chances are declining in favor of the Labour Party.

"The Power of Words: Some Notes on the Language of Political Discourse in an Exchange from a Prime Minister’s Questions (PMQs) Session"

The paper dwells on the language of a political dialogue between two members of the UK Parliament in the House of Commons during the weekly event called Prime Minister’s Questions, which took place on the 29th March 2023. At the time, standing in for the Prime Minister was the Conservative Deputy Prime Minster, Lord Chancellor and Secretary of State for Justice, Dominic Raab; the other MP is Shadow Minister for the Cabinet Office, Deputy Leader of the Opposition and Deputy Leader of the Labour Party, Angela Rayner. The present analysis highlights textual and linguistic features of the discourse from several points of view: that of register, pragmatic and semantic, lexico-grammatical, rhetorical and stylistic. The verbal exchange is heated, with an intensely dramatic effect, with all the elements converging towards the conative function of communication, as the public is meant to be drawn to one side or the other of the political agenda.

Как железнодорожное сообщение во второй половине XIX – начале XX века помогало распространять революционерам антиправительственную литературу (на примере Курской губернии)

Importance. In the second half of the 19th – early 20th centuries, an unstable internal political situation was observed in Russia. The activation of the oppositional political forces was facilitated by unresolved topical problems for society (for example, the peasant and workers’ question). The «awakening» of the population was facilitated by agitation and propaganda activities organized by left-wing political parties, such as the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party and the Socialist Revolutionaries. At the same time, the spread of anti-government literature across the country was, as a rule, by rail. The study of the experience of agitation and propaganda work (on the example of a typical Russian province) will not only enrich the historical sphere of scientific knowledge, but also assess the effectiveness of the implemented mechanisms for the dissemination of revolutionary literature in the historical conditions. This is the purpose of this study. Materials and methods. In the process of working on the topic, the following methods of scientific cognition were used: analysis, synthesis, generalization, chronological and comparative-historical methods. Results and Discussion. It is determined that oppositional political parties used railway lines as an effective «means» of delivering revolutionary literature to provincial regions. Conclusion. However, such propaganda and agitation activities did not always lead to the desired result, and the local population was wary of the discovered «finds» in the form of revolutionary leaflets, appeals, proclamations, pamphlets, etc.

Фигура С. Родса в контексте "войн памяти" Соединённого Королевства 2020-2021 гг.

He political movement “Black Lives Matter” has activated a new stage of development of the “memory wars” in Europe. A new life stage of “memorial wars” is connected with the development of discussions about the role of imperial heritage and memorials of politicians and colonists in the past. The article analyses one of the most resonant episodes of these events - the debate about the toppling of statues of British politician C. Rhodes. The goal of this research is to identify the role of the personality of C. Rhodes in the “memory wars” of Great Britain. The sources of the article consist of materials from the periodical press, social networks and speeches by representatives of the Conservative and Labour Parties of the United Kingdom. The research was created in the functional paradigm, which provides to explore relationships between activists of the “Black Lives Matter”, “Rhodes Mast Fall” and the largest political parties in Great Britain. The article identifies the key arguments of each side in the conflict. It provides that the most of the supporters who side with the toppling of the monument to C. Rhodes are descendants of migrants of different generations. Therefore, this discussion represented for them a painful narrative of the exploitation of colonies by the metropolises. Based on the application of critical discourse analysis, there is a note that the position of supporters of the preservation of the monument is based on the special significance of the imperial heritage of Great Britain as an integral part of national identity. Finally, the research concludes that the analysis of the case of C. Rhodes demonstrates the incompleteness of the decolonization process.

Основные тенденции в развитии партийно-политической системы Великобритании после всеобщих парламентских выборов 2019 г.

The 2019 general parliamentary elections in the UK took place in the context of a prolonged socio-political crisis: it was the second early election in three years, which is extremely atypical for Britain. Elections were held after resignation of T. May, who after several attempts failed to get support for her draft Agreement on Britain's withdrawal from the EU in the House of Commons and decided to leave the post of prime minister and leader of the Conservatives. Shortly after the victory of the Tories, the exit of the country from the EU, which was the main stumbling block in political discourse for three whole years, was finally completed by the new Tory leader B. Johnson. Then it seemed that the main contradictions had been overcome, but the coronavirus pandemic became another test of strength for the country's political system, and B. Johnson himself fell into a series of scandals that led not only to a declining trust in the prime minister, but to his resignation. Against the backdrop of instability in the political life of the country, the role of regional parties has also changed, which, as forces of opposition pressure, have a significant impact on the domestic political agenda. This article examines features of the development of the UK party-political system on the eve and after the 2019 general parliamentary elections. First of all, attention is paid to analyzing the election results, to the study of B. Johnson's policy in a period of crisis, the assessment of the approaches of the Labour Party under K. Starmer, and the analysis of the transforming role of regional parties in the country. The article also highlights the factors in the development of the modern party-political system in Great Britain. The main conclusion of the article is that despite the deep and prolonged political crisis in the country, the system remains stable and, moreover, the Conservative Party manages to maintain its dominance in these circumstances.

Activism in Isolation: The Tudeh party of Iran in British Left Discourse during the Long 1980s

In 1983, the arrest of Noureddin Kianouri, the first secretary of the Tudeh Party of Iran came as a shock to the international community. In a letter of condemnation, communist parties from Indonesia to Jamaica pledged solidarity with their Iranian comrades. The optimism initially brought by the 1979 revolution was severely reversed and the suppression of the Iranian Left by the Islamic government was regarded as an attack on the international Left. A significant voice of opposition came from Britain, with the Communist party of Great Britain (CPGB), the British Labor party, the trade unions and solidarity groups coming out in full support of the Tudeh and to take on the cause of Iran as their own. Although interest had existed since the 1940s, it was the 1979 revolution that firmly placed the Tudeh within the discourse of the British Left, energizing the movement and solidifying its internationalist credentials. Similarly, for the Tudeh, which had become side-lined in Iranian politics and had lost members to more radical strands of the Iranian Left, the attention it received helped renew its activism and sense of purpose.

„Gabinet cieni” w westminsterskim systemie rządów

The „shadow cabinet” appointed by the largest opposition party in the House of Commons is an integral part of the Westminster system of government. The practice of its creation originated in the UK in the second half of the 19th century, where it underwent a significant evolution linked to the coordination of the opposition’s strategy enabling it to become a government cabinet, as well as to the official recognition of the position of opposition party leader, who since 1937 has received a fixed salary. The modern and at the same time permanent appointment of shadow ministers who are at the same time spokespersons of the opposition on specific ministerial issues dates back to the long Conservative Party governments (1951–1964) against which the Labour Party formulated an official „shadow cabinet”. The aim of this article was to show the genesis of the „shadow cabinet”, to define its tasks and functions in the Westminster model of parliamentary-cabinet government.

Social Media Usage as a Tool and Public Relation Strategy for Public Acceptance of Political Party: A Study of Labour Party Presidential Campaign Through Twitter)

Social Media Usage as a Tool and Public Relation Strategy for Public Acceptance of Political Party: A Study of Labour Party Presidential Campaign Through Twitter)

Partai Buruh dan Kelas Pekerja di Indonesia

This article discusses the Labor Party’s initiatives to create a political party that represents Indonesia’s working class. Unlike other parties that were formed because of factionalization, internal conflict, or top-down by certain business elites, The Labor Party demonstrates the existence of political parties in Indonesia that were founded as an expression of dissatisfaction with a particular state policy, like Cipta Kerja Bill. Using the method and discourse theory by Ernesto Laclau, this article argues that the Labor Party's founding was initiated by enacting regulation that was seen as the “common enemy” of social organizations. The existence of a common enemy revives the shared awareness and forms the logic of equivalence of having a political party as its own. As a party based on the working class, it creates political frontiers against the government, existing political parties, and oligarchs, which are considered responsible for not fulfilling the demands of the working class in Indonesia.

Soviet Studies of Neocolonialism

The article reviews Soviet and East German studies of neocolonialism that have been translated into Russian. A total of more than 60 monographs on Western neocolonialism have been systematically studied and finally compiled into an electronic archive in preparation for this publication. Based on the materials of Soviet studies, the article presents the main features of Western neocolonialism, related both to political manoeuvres and the economic arsenal of the former metropolitan powers. A detailed analysis of the narratives used by Western countries to emphasize their proximity to the “Third World” is given. Particular attention is paid to neocolonial theories, both “variants of well-known bourgeois and reformist concepts addressed to developing countries” and “concepts and theories specially created to support neocolonialism.” Neocolonial approaches were studied both in the context of individual Western countries and groups of states (Great Britain, France, Germany, the European Economic Community (EEC), USA) and by functional areas (technical assistance, food neocolonialism, international organizations). Regarding the UK, the differences in neocolonial policy between Labor Party and Conservatives are examined. The main instruments of France’s neocolonial policy are described and it is concluded that they have hardly changed in recent decades. The role of the FRG in the strategy of “European neocolonialism” is shown, and major characteristics of the neocolonial policy of the EEC are highlighted. With regard to the, authors speak of a new type of imperialist colonialism associated with American leadership in the institutions of the “collective West.” As for the United States, a new type of imperialist colonialism is being put forward, associated with America’s leadership in the institutions of the “collective West.” The origins and “running-in” of the US neocolonial tools are shown in detail, using the actual American colonial experience in the Philippines as an example. The main directions of critical analysis of the participation of Western countries in technical and food aid systems and in the activities of international organizations are presented. In conclusion, some remarks are formulated on the practical component of Soviet studies of neocolonialism. It is also stressed that in the mid-1980s, after the proclamation of the “New Political Thinking” the critical degree of Soviet studies of neocolonialism declined significantly.

The Labour Party: nation not class

The Labour Party: nation not class

Revolution in Antiquity: The Classicizing Fiction of Naomi Mitchison

The writer and activist Naomi Mitchison (1897–1999) came from a prominent establishment family but was a member of the Labour Party and the wife of a Labour MP. Her work was explicitly marked by the Russian Revolution, even when she wrote about antiquity. In the 1920s and 1930s, she produced a number of works of historical fiction set in ancient Greece and Rome, which were highly regarded at the time. The works use the canvas of antiquity to experiment with many forms of political and social radicalism, with a challenging focus on female sexuality. The article discusses four specific representations of revolution which mobilize female agency in ways that are themselves highly unconventional. However, these representations also invoke the Fraserian figure of the dying king who leads the revolution to disaster, compromising the revolutionary energy. This tension speaks to Mitchison’s own contradictory social positioning as a patrician radical. In 1972, however, the novel Cleopatra’s People revisits the theme and stages a more successful uprising. This novel is centered on the sacrificial queen instead of a king, it enlists a mass of people, and saves the revolution by hiding its key figures in Africa. During her final excursion into antiquity, Mitchison thus found a way to press history into useful service.

“For Your Freedom and Ours”

&#x0D; &#x0D; &#x0D; Across Western Europe the emergence of Poland’s Solidarność, the first independent trade union in a communist state, elicited varied responses. While the assistance pro- vided to Polish workers from continental European has been addressed, the solidar- ity effort in Britain is scarcely understood. Building on Stefan Berger and Norman LaPorte’s previous work, this article investigates the response of the British labour movement across the UK. While the British Left’s response is typically considered lukewarm, this article exposes the discrepancy between the efforts of rank-and-file labour activists and the leadership of key institutions. Drawing upon oral histories with contemporaneous activists, trade union archives, and prominent left-wing publi- cations, it is apparent that this distinction was present in the Trades Union Congress, large trade unions, and the Labour Party. Understanding British solidarity with So- lidarność ultimately elucidates the permeability of the Iron Curtain and contributes to an understanding of the role East-West socio-political interactions played in the demise of the Soviet Union.&#x0D; &#x0D; &#x0D;

Suburban Labour: The Labour Party in Penge to 1919

This article examines the efforts of the early Labour Party to establish a foothold in a Conservative-dominated London suburb. It revisits the notion of a divided working class and ‘labour aristocracy’ in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, and argues for its relevance in understanding the early Labour Party. Within this framework it provides an account of the labour movement in south London and presents a class analysis of Penge. It finds that skilled manual workers provided the party’s initial support, and that they were forced to adapt to a local political culture of working-class Toryism. It argues that their main motivation was to win recognition for the working class as a legitimate ‘interest’ in the local community, with the Labour Party as a vehicle of class dignity. But by the time the party achieved some modest success in 1919, it was already moving on to a broader conception of its working-class identity.