Labour Government Policy Research Articles

Universal healthcare for all? Māori health inequalities in Aotearoa New Zealand, 1975-2000.

Despite establishing a so-called universal, taxpayer funded health system from 1938, New Zealand's health system has never delivered equitable health outcomes for its indigenous population, the Māori people. This article, using a case study approach focusing on Māori, documents these historic inequalities and discusses policy attempts to address them from the 1970s when the principles of the Treaty of Waitangi were first introduced in legislation. This period is one of increasing self-determination for Māori, but notwithstanding this, Māori continued to have significantly shorter life expectancy than the population as a whole and suffered poor health at much higher rates. Neo-liberal policies were introduced and expanded during the 1980s and 1990s in New Zealand, including in healthcare from the early 1990s. The introduction of the purchaser-provider split in health services and the focus on devolving responsibility to communities provided an opportunity for Māori health providers to be established. However, the neo-liberal economic and social welfare policies implemented during this time also worked against Māori and adversely affected their health. By analysing attempts to reduce inequity in health outcomes for Māori, we explore why these collective attempts, including by Māori themselves, did not result in overall improved health and increased life expectancy for Māori. There was often a significant gap between government rhetoric and action, and we suggest that a predominantly universal healthcare system did not accommodate cultural and ethnic differences, and this is a potential explanation for the failure to reduce inequities. While this is true for all minority ethnic groups it is even more crucial for Māori as New Zealand's tangata whenua (first people) who had been progressively disadvantaged under colonialism. However, the seeds of ideas around Māori-led healthcare were planted in this period and have become part of the current Labour Government's policy on health reform.

General Motor Holden's closure in Playford, South Australia: Analysis of the policy response and its implications for health

AbstractDeindustrialisation and the closure of automotive manufacturing can differentially affect the socioeconomic prospects of workers and their communities, and contribute to social and health inequity. We used Bacchi's problematisation approach to examine the South Australian (SA) Labor government's policy responses to the General Motors Holden (GMH) Elizabeth plant closure announcement. We focused on the way that these policy responses framed the ‘problem’ of this major economic shock, particularly the extent to which potential social and health equity consequences were addressed. We found a narrow focus on economic strategies, neglecting the compounding impact of poverty in Playford, which may exacerbate health inequity. The community effects from the GMH closure remain uncertain and may be delayed for several years. SA requires better integrated social and economic policies to minimise social and health inequalities, as the consequences of the car manufacturing loss are realised.

Catering for the needs of pre-school age children in rural areas: A case study

In 1985 the then Minister for Community Services (Victoria), the Hon. Caroline Hogg, announced a change of policy in relation to preschool services in Victoria; all children were to have a year of "kindergarten type experiences" in the year before school, and existing playgroups for two year olds were to be phased out, while two years of kindergarten for some children was to become the exception. This policy came about for two reasons; firstly, as a way of implementing the Cain Labor Government's policy of social justice and equity, and secondly as an attempt to be more financially accountable. While both these objectives, in hindsight, may have a somewhat hollow ring today, they brought great changes to the preschool programs of Victoria which had been established nearly a century before by voluntary organisations in response to inner city poverty and need. It meant that an effort would be made to ensure that children in isolated and/or rural pockets of Victoria were to be included in the sessional kindergarten program and that the traditional "four sessions of two and a half hours per week at a place called a kindergarten" might not be seen to be appropriate in terms of travelling distance involved for parents or children, or affordable in terms of the best use of a rapidly declining budget.

Ndis Beware: Pink Batts Below!

On 1 July 2013, the National Disability Insurance Scheme ('NDIS') commenced operation. For persons with disabilities and their carers and representatives, the NDIS is the culmination of a long hard-fought campaign. However, from a policy development perspective, it has had a relatively short gestation; only formally coming on to the Commonwealth Labor government's policy agenda in the late 2000s.

Parent partnership and ‘quality’ early years services: practitioners' perspectives

ABSTRACTThis article begins by outlining the historical and political context of ‘parent partnership’ within the UK. It locates the perspectives of early years' practitioners within this context, drawing on data from an Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC)-funded study of eighteen English early years settings, including interviews and focus groups with 165 practitioners in a variety of roles. The findings reveal that, although all practitioners considered parent partnership to be an essential element in quality early years services, the partnerships themselves were understood and enacted in very different ways. Practitioners appear to be influenced by dominant policy discourses as well as their personal and professional histories and their perceptions of the purposes and priorities of their setting. In discussing the nature of ‘parent partnership’, we focus on tensions inherent in English policy discourses, reflecting on the previous Labour government policy as well as changes introduced by the current Coalition government.

Criminal Justice in New South Wales under the new State Government

There was a state election in New South Wales (NSW) on 26 March 2011. It was widely predicted that there would be a change of government. It was widely hoped in criminal legal circles that this would not be another 'law and order auction' election in the mode of the previous four elections, so when the Coalition's then shadow Attorney General (and now Attorney General), Greg Smith SC MP, publicly announced in November 2010 that he would not take part in such a campaign, there was widespread relief. That effectively prevented such an electoral contest, with one side refusing to engage; but change was in the air in any event, particularly in light of the increasing general punitiveness of the Labor Government's policies during the previous decade or so.

‘I Feel Absolutely Incompetent’: Professionalism, Policy and Early Childhood Teachers

There is an ongoing debate over the nature and necessity of teacher ‘professionalism’, particularly in early childhood education. In England, this sector was a particular focus of the education policies of Labour governments in the 2000s, and this had a significant impact on early childhood teachers and classrooms. This article examines the impact of a specific policy: the introduction of a statutory assessment system called the Early Years Foundation Stage Profile (EYFSP) for teachers working with children aged four to five years in primary schools in England. Data from year-long ethnographic studies of two classrooms and extensive interviews with the class teachers are used to explore the relationship between this policy and the teachers' ideas about their own professionalism and status. It is argued that the introduction of the EYFSP has had contradictory effects on teachers: it raises their status and demarcates specific early years expertise, but simultaneously requires them to provide evidence of their judgements. Furthermore, the extent of the EYFSP requirements results in teachers feeling incompetent and also engaging in practices of ‘cynical compliance’, where they adhere only to the minimum standards. It is argued that this policy has emotional costs for teachers as it has an impact on their views of themselves as professionals.

Social Integration in Post‐Multiculturalism: An Analysis of Social Integration Policy in Post‐war Britain

AbstractSocial integration is one of the most urgent issues in Western countries, where cultural diversity has been recognized to make social unity danger. In the past, social integration used to be tackled by multiculturalism, which was an effort to recognize cultural diversity as a positive aspect of society. However, multiculturalism is losing the moral support of society because multiculturalism itself could not be a social glue among different people; rather it is thought to make society unstable. Thus, a new philosophy and policy is required to manage the issues of social integration in a globalized social environment. In order to create social integration, on one hand, people with different backgrounds need to share the same concept of society. On the other hand, people have to become accustomed to cultural diversity. However, this is not easily accomplished because both measures for social integration seem to be politically contradictory and incompatible. How, and by what reasons, could these two conditions of social integration be satisfied? To answer this question, this paper scrutinizes the changes in social integration policy in post‐war Britain. I divide social integration policy in Britain into three stages focusing on the relationship between social unity and cultural diversity: from after World War II to 1979; Thatcher's and Major's Conservative Governments; and Blair's new Labour Government. The social integration policy and philosophy of the new Labour Government in particular is important because it represents post‐multiculturalism discourse for social integration. The Labour Government tried to establish social integration by introducing an abstract common identity, which both the majority and minority groups could accept and which is compatible with various cultural or religious conventions and teaching, as it were, citizenship and Britishness, as a set of liberal values. Although the Labour Government's policy itself was controversial, it is giving us a reference point for the debate on social integration in a post‐multicultural era.

Ethnicity, migration and employment disadvantage under New Labour: reviewing the evidence from the United Kingdom

Despite economic growth and extensive labour market interventions, the employment disadvantage faced by ethnic minorities and migrants in the UK changed little under the previous Labour Government. Ethnic minorities and migrants in the UK are still significantly less likely to be in employment and are more likely to be unemployed than the majority white population. The key explanatory factors are often inter-connected and include: geographical deprivation; deindustrialisation; education; limited social capital; large families; inaccessible childcare; ill-health; ethnic penalties and discrimination; and restrictive asylum policies. That such employment disadvantage still exists in the UK suggests that the previous Labour Government's policies were insufficiently effective. This demands a new approach that increases the opportunities available to ethnic minorities and migrants to enable them to achieve labour market success. With this in mind, the UK's new Coalition Government should consider interventions that aim to level up employment opportunities for these groups by recognising that some labour market disadvantages are common across all ethnic groups, while others are more relevant for particular ethnic groups. The article focuses on Pakistanis, Bangladeshis and Black Caribbeans, as well as asylum seekers and refugees, because they are some of the most disadvantaged ethnic and migrant groups in the UK. In doing so, it is important to recognise that the majority white population, the ethnic minority and migrant populations cannot be treated as separate homogeneous entities because the reality is much more nuanced.

The fight against illicit finance: A critical review of the Labour government's policy

The aim of this article is to identify and critically consider the effectiveness of the Labour government's policy towards financial crime. The article highlights the general threat posed by financial crime, yet concentrates on the government's policies towards money laundering, fraud and terrorist financing.

Leadership Support through Public—Private ‘Partnerships’: Views of School Leaders

The English education system has been radically transformed over the last two decades. Throughout this period, the New Right and New Labour government policies have embraced the rhetoric of empowering schools to become self-managing institutions. In the course of this transformation, school leadership and management have become exceptionally complex and increasingly demanding with the leadership team being accountable for business management as well as pedagogical leadership. This article explores through loosely structured thematic interviews with headteachers and school business managers whether there is a demand for voluntary business management support from businesses. Schools demonstrate a willingness to receive strategic business management support from businesses, but present a multifaceted picture. Personalized school—business partnerships that are flexible and adaptable to the changing needs and capacities of both partners seem to be the way forward.

What Counts as an Education Revolution?

Australia's education revolution fell short of expectations. The idea of a revolution was the integrating theme of the Labor Government's policy in education over the past three years. However, the term was rarely used in the recent federal election campaign. The new prime minister, Julia Gillard, served as Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Education under former Prime Minister Kevin Rudd and led the effort to create the revolution. Surprisingly, after the election, Gillard did not even use the word education in the titles of the ministers she appointed. The word was inserted into those ministers' titles only a few minutes before they were sworn in and after a public and professional out cry. There are now three, possibly four, ministers who may set policies that might have an effect on education. There is a Minister for School Education, Early Childhood, and Youth (Peter Garrett), a Minister for Tertiary Education, Skills, Jobs, and Workplace Relations (Chris Evans), a Minister for Innovation, Industry, Science, and Research (Kim Carr), and a Minister for Broadband, Communications, and the Digital Economy (Stephen Conroy). It is sobering to ponder the implications of this fragmented lineup. Consider the fields of technology and innovation. Delivery lies with Garrett, preservice teacher education lies with Evans, research in postgraduate programs lies with Carr, and broadband rollout to schools lies with Conroy. The situation is even more complex than it first appears because, according to the Australian constitution, the federal government has no role in education. The situation is similar to that in the United States. Power over education resides with the states; federal influence derives from the federal government's powers to make conditional grants to the states under a series of national partnership agreements. Digital Education Revolution One such agreement concerns the Digital Education Revolution (DER) signed in May 2009. The central purpose of DER was to ensure one computer for each secondary school student in grades 9 to 12, with a total estimated cost of AU $2.207 billion over six years. This cost estimate included fiber-to-the-premises broadband connections, preser-vice teacher education, and professional development for teachers. The federal government contributed about 70% of the costs, and the states contributed about 30% before the start of the agreement. By mid-2010, it became clear that the DER rollout was occurring at about half the pace needed to reach the target by December 2011. …

“Was there a vacuum of policy?”

This article aims to analyse changes in Britain's policy towards the EEC between January 1963, when the first British application for EEC membership was turned down, and March 1966, when Harold Wilson's Labour government won the general election for the second term and began seriously to contemplate the possibility of second application.There have been a number of studies on the failure of the first UK application, and in recent years, several studies have been published on the Labour government's decision for the second application. However, no substantial historical account has been published yet on the attitudes of the Conservative governments of Harold Macmillan and Sir Alec Douglas-Home towards the EEC between January 1963 and October 1964, the period between General de Gaulle's veto and the British general election. It seems as if there were a vacuum of policy towards the EEC within the British government in this period. We do not know precisely how the British government reacted to the failure of the first application, how they reformulated their policy towards the EEC, and how this process of policy re-examination under the Conservative governments affected the Labour government's policy towards the EEC in their first term in the office.In this article, the following points will be shown by examining archival materials in the National Archives, UK; Soon after the breakdown of the negotiation for EEC membership, the Macmillan government came to the conclusion that in the long term there was no alternative other than seeking eventual EEC membership. They also concluded that there was no hope of a second try in the short term as long as General de Gaulle remained in power. The immediate objective for Britain became establishing and maintaining a link between the EEC through such existing devices as ministerial meetings of the WEU. After October 1963 when Douglas-Home became the Prime Minister, this policy remained largely unchanged and a serious study began at an official level of the long-term implication of EEC membership for Britain's future. This study was completed shortly before October 1964, reaffirming the desirability and inevitability of EEC membership.Policy re-examination carried out under the Conservative governments thus set the tone of opinion among key officials in key departments of the Whitehall in favour of EEC membership. This official attitude was part at least of the reason why the Wilson government, after an initial period of hesitation over the issue of EEC membership when they toyed with ideas like reinvigorating the Commonwealth or a bridge-building between the EFTA and the EEC, came to the same conclusion as the previous governments and began serious consideration about how to achieve the long-term objective of EEC membership.

The personalisation of dementia services and existential realities: understanding Sikh carers caring for an older person with dementia in Wolverhampton

While personalisation and service choice remains a central plank of the Labour Government's policies in health and social care, there is a growing evidence base confirming that ethnic minority groups, are disadvantaged as service users in the UK. Building on some baseline data collected in 2000 and 2003/04, our recent research (Jutlla & Moreland, 2007) has reaffirmed the difficulties that Asian carers have in accessing services when caring for a relative with dementia.While such access data is important, we wish to move beyond the demographic aspects to consider the existential realities (the ontology) of the lives and cultures of those in minority ethnic groups. This paper consequently discusses the diversity and complexity of migration patterns among the Sikh community living in Wolverhampton. The paper conceptualises some of the ways in which different migration experiences and the realities of daily life influence the perceptions, experiences and patterns of care among migrant Sikh carers in Wolverhampton caring for an older person with dementia. The paper thus explores the thesis that the Sikh community is not a homogeneous group; and that the diversity and differences within the Sikh community can have important implications for care. Taking a biographical narrative approach to fieldwork, the relevant factors to be considered include: the carer's country of origin; their migration route and reasons for migration; their age at migration and the cultural experiences of the carers and their communities both in the UK and India.

Naïve change agent or canny political collaborator? The change in leadership role from nursery school to Children's Centre

This article presents initial findings from a consideration of early years Labour government policy from 1997 to date and from a case study of an early years leadership journey. The article explores the social policies underlying early years initiatives that have impacted upon early years leadership journeys and roles. The challenge of the role is highlighted through the first author's (Lesley Curtis) leadership experiences and we suggest that limited support for leaders of integrated centres has been available to date. The case study questions and explores whether Curtis is a naïve change agent or a canny political collaborator as she travels on her leadership journey and discovers new insights into the nature of her early years leadership role.

Vote Blue, Go Green? Cameron's Conservatives and the Environment

How genuine is the Conservative party's rediscovery of the environment? Would a Conservative government led by David Cameron implement a wide‐ranging and progressive environmental policy? This article explores why Cameron has embraced the environment so enthusiastically when Conservative governments have had a poor record of environmental protection and the Conservative party has traditionally shown little interest in the issue. It assesses the impact of Cameron's strategy both on his own party and on the wider world of environmental politics and it evaluates the continuing commitment of the Conservatives to the issue by assessing what kind of policies a future Conservative government might implement. Although Cameron remains committed to the issue and he has already had a positive impact on Labour government policy, he has not yet convinced his party or its supporters, so a future Conservative government would probably represent continuity rather than significant change in environmental policy.

Neither safety nor justice: the UK government response to domestic violence against immigrant women

Based on research findings, this article examines the extent to which Labour government's policy towards immigrant women experiencing domestic violence responds to their needs. The research itself was conducted in 2007 and included qualitative interviews with 30 South Asian women with no recourse to public funds due to their status as recent marriage migrants, who were living in the North West and Yorkshire regions of England. The working of a key concession within the Immigration Rules (2002) which theoretically offers an opportunity of exit to immigrant women facing domestic violence – the Domestic Violence Rule – is examined in light of the reality of South Asian women's experiences, including the nature of domestic violence they face, their patterns of help‐seeking, pathways out of the abusive relationship and their experience of service provision. The central thesis of this paper is that the effectiveness of this legislation is severely hampered by a failure to take into account the multiple dimensions of disadvantage that recent marriage migrants face.

TAKING BRITAIN'S HUMAN RIGHTS ACT SERIOUSLY

The Human Rights Act of 1998 was one of the first pieces of legislation passed by Tony Blair's Labour government, and as such it symbolized heady hopes for a new, progressive era in British politics and law. These high expectations were disappointed, perhaps inevitably. Civil libertarians have been critical of the Labour government's policies of regulating welfare recipients, street people, and truants and of the illiberal treatment of terrorist suspects and religious extremists. Many wonder how effective the Human Rights Act can be, if government can so easily restrict individual freedom under its auspices. In two recent works Conor Gearty celebrates the Human Rights Act, not for bold interventions or radical change but, rather, for what he deems to be the act's appropriately modest aims and limited impact. I argue that this account diminishes the philosophical and political value of human rights. I highlight four problems with Gearty's argument: his democratic conception of rights, which threatens to dilute the capacity of rights to defend individual interests against the majority; his impatience with moral realist accounts of human rights; his inattention to questions of sovereignty; and, finally, his conservative approach to the content of human rights.

THE BUS INDUSTRY IN DANGER

After seeking to placate the local government lobby while retaining the benefits of private enterprise, the Labour government's policy for bus services is slipping into a dangerous compromise which will neglect the market while seizing assets from commercial operators. Behind this lies a policy leading to the return of bus services to public ownership.

Preserving and Extending the Commodification of Football Supporter Relations: A Cultural Economy of Supporters Direct

This paper examines the role of Supporters Direct, a sports policy initiative launched by the British Labour government in 2000. The objective of Supporters Direct is to democratise football clubs by intervening in what it views as the unequal relationship that exists between the relatively powerless supporters of football clubs and private shareholders who have organisational control of clubs. They hope to achieve this by facilitating mutual forms of ownership and control of clubs via supporters’ trusts. With respect to this objective, established research concerning Supporters Direct emphasises this initiative as an inherently progressive development for the football industry. The aim of this paper is to situate the development of Supporters Direct in the wider context of the British Labour Government's policy of social inclusion. On the basis of a textual analysis that draws on current literature in the area of culture and economy - with specific reference to processes of commodification - we reveal an alternative view of Supporters Direct. The Supporters Direct initiative, we conclude, is an integral part of a social policy aimed at the preservation and extension of commodified social relations.