De La Philosophie Research Articles

Savoir totalisant et forme éclatée

Michel Delon : Global knowledge and discrete form. This article analyses in conjunction a crisis of knowledge and a crisis of form at the end of the 18th C. Delisle de Sales's De la philosophie de la Nature and Rétif de la Bretonne's La philosophie de M. Nicolas exhibit similar tensions. The ambition to provide an encyclopaedic inventory of the universe conflicts with a desire to sum up experience in a single formula ; on the one hand, an itemised catalogue and on the other, the condensed maxim. In other words, relativity as against absolute truth. This contradiction was that of a period which saw the clash between materialism and a spiritual revival, and the separation between scientific and literary activity.

Cognitive Intuition of Singulars Revisited: (Matthew of Aquasparta versus B. J. F. Lonergan)

COGNITIVE INTUITION OF SINGULARS REVISITED (Matthew of Aquasparta versus B. J. F. Lonergan) I. Introduction Thirty-five years have passed since Fr. Sebastian J. Day, O.F.M., published Intuitive Cognition. A Key to the Significance of the Later Scholastics.1 In that book, based on a critical study of John Duns Scotus and William of Ockham, the following conclusions were reached: (?) Intuitive cognition is a fact; (2) Exclusive abstractionism has been disproved; (3) Intuitive cognition explains the possibility of an immediate knowledge of singulars, including material singulars; (4) Singulars are first known in the order of generation of knowledge; and (5) By eliminating (Ockham) media between intellect and object (such as species intelligibiles) , intuitive cognition eliminates skepticism by grounding knowledge on the safe basis of an immediate contact with reality.2 It is not surprising that the welcome accorded the book by Thomists was less than enthusiastic. For "Neo-Thomists," it was a "terrible book." "Transcendental Thomists" found the theses to be no less unsatisfactory. Unfortunately, the book went unnoticed by the wider philosophical community. Much of the hostile reaction can be attributed to the fact that Intuitive Cognition of Singulars is not an Aristotelian doctrine. If truth is, and must be, confined to Aristotle, denunciation does not have to be burdened by argumentation. The fact is that the doctrine stems from St. Augustine. For that reason, it is remarkable that this doctrine was espoused by Duns Scotus, who is commonly believed to have been more Aristotelian than Augustinian,3 and by Ockham, who is generally portrayed as a consistent follower of the "real" Aristotle.4 1 St. Bonaventure, N.Y. 1947, hereafter cited as Day. 8 Day, Chap. IV, p. 207-214, passim. 8 For a balanced account, cf. E. Bettoni, "The Originality of the Scotistic Synthesis" in John Duns Scotus Z265-1965, edited by Ryan and Bonansea, Washington, D.C. 1965, p. 28-44. 4 Day, n. 8, p. 211, where he notes, contra E. A. Moody, that Ockham specifically relies on St. Augustine. Cognitive Intuition of Singulars Revisited347 It was originally Fr. Day's intention to write an extensive historical study of the doctrine of intuitive cognition from its origins.6 Unfortunately, no one since has attempted this desirable task. A complete history of the doctrine would demand the labor of a lifetime. Therefore, this study will be based on an exposition of the pure Augustinianism of Matthew of Aquasparta. Matthew of Aquasparta presents an anomaly. His writings have been comparatively little studied, but he is uniformly the recipient of high praise. Prof. Gilson praises him as having a "clear mind" "in his admirably constructed disputed questions."6 For M. De Wulf, Matthew yields nothing to any of his contemporaries with regard to profundity of thought.7 According to F. Ehrle, in none of the older scholastics, not even excepting St. Thomas Aquinas, is there as much fullness and eloquence in diction and lucidity in exposition.8 Most to the point with respect to this study is the fact that Matthew excelled in knowledge of St. Augustine.9 Matthew of Aquasparta's discussion of the cognition of singulars, which will be the foundation of this article, principally is found in the question: "Utrum Intellectus Humanus Intelligat Singularia."10 It is the thesis of this article that the teaching of Matthew of Aquasparta 8 Day, p. xi. 8 History of Christian Philosophy, Random House, 1955, p. 341. ' Matthew of Aquasparta: Quaestiones Disputatae de Incarnatione et de Lapsu, Quaracchi, 1957, ?· 2> P- 9> quoting Histoire de la philosophie médiévale, Louvain 1912, p. 381: "Il se révèle comme un écrivain de grand talent, au style sobre, clair et précis, et par la profondeur de la pensée, ne le cède en rien aux plus célèbres de ses contemporains." 8 Ibid., n. 4, p. 8, noting Zeitschr. f. kath. Theol., VII, 1883, p. 46: "Bei keinem der alteren scholastischen Auetoren—selbst den hl. Thomas nicht ausgenommen —finden wir in den für die Schule bestimmten Schriften jene Fülle und Beredsamkeit der Diction und jene Klarheit der Darlegung, wie wir sie zumal in den zahlreichen Quaestiones disputatae des gelehrten Cardinais bewundern." * Matthew...

La métaphore vive by Paul Ricoeur, and: Political and Social Essays by Paul Ricoeur, and: La Vocation de la Liberté dans La Philosophie de Paul Ricoeur by Rosaire Bergeron, S. C.

BOOK REVIEWS 297 grees to produce contemporary statements of sacramental theology which have been favorably received at a scholarly as well as a popular level. What emerges, then, towards the end of this long project is a fascicle which presents the Common Doctor to the twentieth-century scholar and beginner student in a highly readable English translation alongside the Latin text. There is a sufficient amount of historical background with a minimum of editorial comment. Taken by itself separately from the Summa series, this work is a valuable tool for sacramental theology. The glossary of technical terms is useful for those who are unfamiliar with St. Thomas. Dominican House of Studies Washmgton, D. o. JOHN MATTHEW DONAHUE, o.P. Paul Ricoeur, La metaphore vive. Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1975. Paul Ricoeur, Political and Social Essays (ed. by David Stewart and Joseph Bien) , Athens, Ohio: Ohio University Press, 1974. Rosaire Bergeron, S. C., La Vocation de la Liberti dans La Philosophie de Paul Ricoeur, Montreal: Les Editions Bellarmine, 1974. Paul Ricoeur's philosophical production is now of such scope and influence as to call forth successive assessments and new collections. It is not, however , as if Ricoeur had reached a plateau for retrospection; he continues to progress towards the last volume of his early project, the " Philosophy of the Will "-viz., the long-awaited "Poetics of the Good." Intervening volumes such as Freud and Philosophy and Conflict of Interpretations may seem to have wandered somewhat from this path, but are, in fact, necessary way stations permitting Ricoeur intensive scrutiny of new questions without basically distracting him from the overall end-in-view. Such a framework may be helpful in locating these two recent publications since both of them reflect various stages and diverse issues in Ricoeur's work, and yet reveal a unifying perspective. The writings in Political and Social Essays span three decades and cover a number of themes that have been central to his main concerns. These concerns, Ricoeur states in his foreword, are global ones, relating to the conditions of modern man as he moves tentatively toward a world civilization. Within this general relevance, although some are slightly dated, these essays speak eloquently to perduring questions; e. g., " From Marxism to Contemporary Communism" (1959) reflects cold war issues, yet has a clear bearing on current efforts to sort out the valid from the invalid aspects of Marxist 298 BOOK REVIEWS theory, Ricoeur stressing " trafficking with violence " as a form of "ideology." A companion essay on" Socialism Today" builds an eloquent case for a socialist ethos that transcends sheer economics and stresses democratic management and humanistic culture. Other essays address such diverse themes as the meaning of humanism, Skinner's rejection of freedom, violence and language, faith and culture, urbanization and secularization. The opening essay, "Nature and Freedom ," is especially interesting as an amplification of some themes from Ricoeur's first book, especially of freedom as " second nature," as habituation permitting mediation rather than opposition between the voluntary and the involuntary. The last essay, "The Tasks of the Political Educator ," reveals the practical sagacity of Ricoeur's assessment of higher education as fulfilling the need of the cultural personality for integration on the three levels of " industries, institutions and values." But perhaps the most significant article in the book is the most recent one, " Ethics and Culture," with its proposal of a hermeneutic approach to ethics in terms of " distanciation " and " appropriation " as correlated with traditional and innovative approaches to value. Properly to assess this article, I believe, it is necessary to recognize its deliberately programmatic character and thus see in it the movement of Ricoeur's thought building towards his " poetics of the good." It is noteworthy then how value remains the governing concept in his ethical reflections despite reservations about the concept of value expressed in earlier works. Indeed, in one passage, Ricoeur suggests another look at Scheler's hierarchy of value modalities, but with fundamental qualifications: quite differently from Scheler, Ricoeur places emphasis on value change or " transvaluation " as a continuous and conscious process analogous to hermeneutic reinterpretation. The reconciliation of Gadamer and Habermas that Ricoeur undertakes in this context provides a model for the continuing...

"La Philosophie de Gassendi," by O. R. Bloch

"La Philosophie de Gassendi," by O. R. Bloch

Whitehead in French Perspective: A Review Article

WHITEHEAD IN FRENCH PERSPECTIVE: A REVIEW ARTICLE T HERE ARE now a good many books in English on Whitehead's philosophy. All but one of these were written by authors now living in the U. S. A. But important non-English studies are scarce. Indeed the new French work is the only one I know.1 By the timing of her interpretation Dr. Parmentier had the advantage o£ access to many others. Johnson, Lowe, Hammerschmidt, Shahan, Palter, Christian, Leclerc, Mays, Sherburne, Cobb, and several others form a substantial appreciative and critical literature. Alix Parmentier has diligently and judiciously combed this literature (perhaps making too little use o£ Cobb, whose book became available rather late in her inquiry), besides going through all of Whitehead's writings. Some French and nonFrench continental studies are also taken into account. If, in addition, she has paid special attention to my own comments on Whitehead, I do not find that this prejudices me against her! And I feel honored indeed to stand between Aristotle and Plato as the most often-cited authors. Dr. Parmentier has a deep interest in metaphysics and philosophy of religion and shows intensive knowledge of their history. She is less iconoclastic than Whitehead, sees more wisdom in the great traditions of Western philosophy of religion than he did (or than I do) , but this has some advantage in a writer so subtly appreciative of the genius of the man she is studying. It gives her more detachment and objectivity toward the system she is explaining than might otherwise be possible. But she is determined to give the Anglo-American thinker every chance to make his way with French readers. It is exhilarating and encouraging to read her very numerous and extensive translations and to see how readily Whitehead 1 Alix Parmentier, La Philosophie de Whitehead et le probleme de Dieu. Beauchesne, Paris, 1968. 573 574 CHARLES HARTSHORNE translates into lucid French. Other non-French authors cited are also always (with one odd exception) translated. The title is appropriate enough. True, the book deals only with Whitehead's metaphysical system (and not-she tells us this at the beginning--with his views on history, politics, and the like) and treats above all the conception of God in which the system culminates. The discussion of this conception is preceded by over fWO pages on the basic categories, prefaced by a rather extensive sketch-less technical than Lowe's masterly one-of Whitehead's intellectual Odyssey, his development from mathematician to logician to theoretical physicist to metaphysician. The presuppositions, the background, for his thought about God are thus adequately given. The exposition of the systematic philosophy is rather largely through translation of passages from all the later works and is on the whole one of the best we have in any language. A French philosopher who wants to understand Whitehead but does not read English readily now needs only patience and some capacity for metaphysical speculation to reach the goal. Whitehead is now available in French, as he was not hitherto in any European language. The linguistic barrier is to that extent removed. This is a welcome change, which I hope will have considerable influence upon the future of European philosophy . The great skill and immense effort which alone made this book possible should not be allowed to go in vain. But those at home in English should also take this book into account. It is mature, deeply meditated, scholarly. There is an index of names and a valuable bibliography, the most complete now in print. The 100 pages given to the early writings and those of the middle years help to dispose of some absurd views about the changes in Whitehead's thinking, such as that he became a metaphysician and philosopher of religion because his son was killed, or that there is grotesque discontinuity between the nonmetaphysical and the metaphysical works. Whitehead was always aware of philosophical issues. But the chronological account also sheds positive light upon the basic intuitions. WHITEHEAD IN FRENCH PERSPECTIVE 57l'i Concerning the "philosophy of organism" I have at least one apparent disagreement with the author. Like most students, she seems to construe the " perishing " of actual...

Ursprung und Anfänge der Kabbala (review)

170 HISTORY OF PHILOSOPHY time we eagerly look forward to the appearance of Volume II (Metaphysics of S[*fism) and Volume III (Safavid Renaissance and subsequent developments) of the Histoire de la Philosophie Islamique, which presents such an original vision of Islamic thought in history. JACQUES WAARDENBURG University of California, Los Angeles Ursprung und An]iinge der Kabbala. By G. Scholem. (Berlin: W. de Gruyter, 1962. Pp. viii [if + 434. = Stadia Judaica, III. DM 48.--) Ursprung und An]iinge der Kabbala is a reworking of Professor Scholem's Hebrew study, Reshit ha-Qabbalah, which appeared in 1948. An English translation is also planned (cf. Scholem's On the Kabbalah and Its Symbolism, p. 97). To assess the book properly, one should control all of Jewish mystical literature, Jewish aggadic literature, Jewish philosophic literature, gnosticism, and the history of Neo-Platonism. Few readers or reviewers will be able to match the author in the breadth of his knowledge, and the present reviewer does not claim to. Therefore I shall not enter on a detailed analysis of the book, but restrict myself to outlining Scholem's general thesis and then--perhaps at the risk of impertinence--to raising a few questions. Scholem's thesis may be placed in better perspective by the addition of a few words concerning his views on a prior stage of Jewish mystical speculation. Some sort of mystical doctrine is known to have been current among the Jews in Mishnaic times, but all that the Mishnah (second and third centuries) is willing to say about the doctrine is that it should not be taught publicly. In fact, if the key text (Hagigah, II:l) is taken literally, the more secret part of that doctrine should not be taught at all, and may only be studied by a single individual when alone. Other talmudic sources, somewhat later than the Mishnah, give nothing more than a few vague hints concerning this ultra-secret doctrine. However, there are also extant a number of texts which, in contrast to the Talmudic sources just mentioned, are extremely explicit. These texts, generally thought by scholars to be centuries later than the Talmud, deal with the celestial realms and the adventures of certain select souls as they passed through those realms on their way to an anthropomorphic vision of God. The divine "palaces" are one of the central themes in the texts, and most of them have the term "palace" in their titles, so that we may call this type of speculation "palace" mysticism. Quite a different type of doctrine is covered by the term "cabala" in the strict sense. The cabala, which appeared in Southern France and in Spain from the twelfth century onward, is not particularly concerned with the celestial regions below God, but rather analyzes the hypostases or aspects (or attributes or powers) of the deity Himself, and describes how they have emanated from, and are related to one another (cf. Ursprung,p. 33). Scholem has attempted to run a thread through the unknown early rabbinic doctrine, the "palace" texts, and the cabala. In a brief, but extremely important study (Jewish Gnosticism , Mer~abah Mysticism, and the Tatmudic Tradition [New York: 1960]), he argued that the "palace" mysticism is essentially identical with mystical doctrines taught by the rabbis as early as the third century, his argument being based on a very delicate and perspicacious analysis of the few hints that have been preserved in the rabbinic sources. Scholem also unearthed and analyzed certain passages in the early rabbinic and "palace" texts, to buttress the position--not new--that gnostic elements are to be found in the rabbinic writings; in Scholem's view these elements reflect "fundamental" gnostic teachings (cf. Ursprung, pp. 18-19). In Ursprung und Anfiinge der Kabbala, Scholem traces the thread a step further. Here he discusses four types of early cabala (in the strict sense): an enigmatic text, entitled Bahir, which appeared in Europe before 1200 and which ostensibly cites its material in the names of various rabbis of the talmudic period; a circle of cabalists centering around one Isaac the Blind, the scion of an eminent rabbinic family in Southern France for whom Scholem infers the dates 1165...

Book Notes

108 HISTORY OF PHILOSOPHY nificance, but once they did, most of them realized that it raised a bar against ethical theorizing considerably more effective than that of the positivists. Once more, meta-ethics seems to offer an honorable way out. It is not my purpose here either to praise or condemn the shift from normative ethics to meta-ethics, but only to point it out as being, in my opinion, the most significant thing that has happened to ethics in the twentieth century. I might add, however, that it could be both interesting and worthwhile to try to determine the relationship between the development of ordinary language ethics and this more basic change that has taken place in contemporary ethical theory. OLIVER A. JO~NSON University of California, Riverside BOOK NOTES Archie J. Bahm, The World's Living Religions. New York, Dell Publishing Co., 1964. Pp. 384. 75c. This paper-cover book presents the religions of India, China, Japan, and the West. As Dr. Bahm covers an immense field, he is bound to be inaccurate at times: e.g., he attributes to the Jesus of history later ideas of the author of the fourth gospel (p. 356); his presentation of Calvin (pp. 295-297) is rather old fashioned. As today we no longer live in a nation or a civilization but in a world, the author has the merit of encouraging a comparative study of all existing religions. He also seeks what is common to them all. This is said to be man. What man is, the author well says, continues to be a problem, and yet this problem could be the beginning of a mutual understanding among men. --P.T.F. La Vdrit~. Aetes Du XIP Congras des Soei~t~s de Philosophie de Langue Fran~aise, BruxellesLouvain . 420 FB. This volume, which brings together papers from no less than seventy authors, is especially noteworthy for its first section (Vdritg et Ontologie) and its last section (La Notion De Vdritd duns L'histoire de la Philosophie). Demitizzazione e Morale: Atti del Convegno indetto dal Centro internazionale di Studi umanistici e dall'Istituto di Studi filosofici. Rome, 7-12 Gennaio 1965. A cura di Enrico Castelli. Roma, Istituto di Studi filosofici, 1965. Pp. 439. This large volume consists of the Proceedings of a convention in which a score of European philosophers participated. Some of the results we may summarize as follows. "Myth" is defined as the narration of something and "demythisation" as offering another narrative more faithful t~) historical reality (p. 35). As myths are elements of spiritual life, they ought not to be destroyed but reinterpreted. Hence we have today an existential interpretation of myths (p. 325). Ethics ought to be reduced neither to a formal absolute nor to an historical situation. True ethics is both a repetition of an absolute and a becoming. In other words, ethics is history (p. 189). Ancient ethical myths have been eroded by time and by new situations, but ethics itself, moral demands, and the conscience of man still stand (pp. 281-282). --P.T.F. Boo~ REc~IwD Abel, Reuben, ed., Humanistic Pragmatism: the Philosophy o] F. C. S. Schiller. With an Introduction. New York, The Free Press [1966].347 pp. $6.95. Alexander, S., Space, Time, and Deity. The Gifford Lectures at Glasgow, 1916-1918. With a New Foreword by Dorothy Emmet. New York, Dover Publications [1966]. 2 vols., front. (This edition is an unabridged and unaltered republication of the second [1927] impression of the work originally published in 1920by Macmillan and Co.) Paper $2.50 each. Alexander, W. M., Johann Georg Hamann: Philosophy and Faith. The Hague, M. Niihoff, 1966. xii + 212 pp. Gld. 28.25. Allison, Henry E., Lessing and the Enlightenment. (His Philosophy of Religion and its Relation to 18th-Century Thought.) Ann Arbor, The University of Michigan Press, 1966. ix + 216 pp. $7.50. Anderson, Robert Fendel, Hume's First Principles. Lincoln, University of Nebraska Press [1965].xv + 189 pp. $6.00. ...

"Philosophie de la nature," by Jean-Marie Aubert

"Philosophie de la nature," by Jean-Marie Aubert

REVIEWS

REVIEWS VOLTAIRE: La Philosophie de l'histoire. Critical edition with an Introduction and Commentary by J. H. BRUMFITT. (Studies on Voltaire and the Eighteenth Century, Vol. XXVIII). Genève: Institut et Musée Voltaire. 1963. 327 pp. 43 Swiss francs. J. S. SPINK J. S. SPINK LONDON Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar French Studies, Volume XIX, Issue 3, July 1965, Pages 293–294, https://doi.org/10.1093/fs/XIX.3.293 Published: 01 July 1965

The Position and Function of Man in the Created World according to Saint Bonaventure

THE POSITION AND FUNCTION OF MAN IN THE CREATED WORLD ACCORDING TO SAINT BONAVENTURE1 INTRODUCTION One of the great achievements of Medieval Scholasticism is to have formed and developed doctrinal systems that comprise the entire wealth of human knowledge and bring everything into one harmonious synthesis. An outstanding master of theological synthesis is the "Seraphic Doctor" Saint Bonaventure.2 In his doctrine the various parts are not only harmoniously connected with one another, but form together such a unity and totality that they cannot be understood in their real meaning when considered separately; for "each part reaches out into all the rest of the system and is affected by the ramifications leading to it from the system as a whole."3 Every individual question must thus be considered in connection with the general structure and the leading 1 This article was composed for the fulfillment of the publication requirement for the degree of Doctor of Sacred Theology in the School of Sacred Theology of the Catholic University of America, Washington, D. C. — List of abbreviations used : Ant. = Antonianum / BACH-PT = Bibliotheca Academiae Catholicae Hungaricae — Sectio philosophico-theologica / BFSMA = Bibliotheca Franciscana Scholastica Medii Aevi / BGPM = Beitr äge zur Geschichte der Philosophie des Mittelalters / BKV = Bibliothek der Kirchenväter / BSF = Biblioteca di Studi Francescani / CF = Collectanea Franciscana / CUA-PS = Catholic University of America — Philosophical Studies / DTC = Dictionnaire de Théologie Catholique / EF = Études Franciscaines / EncF = Enciclopedia Filosófica / EPM = Études de Philosophie Médiévale / ETL = Ephemerides Theologicae Lovanienses / FCh = The Fathers of the Church / FF = Franziskanische Forschungen / FIP-ThS = Franciscan Institute Publications — Theology Series / FIP-TS = Franciscan Institute Publications — Text Series / FrF = La France Franciscaine / FS = Franciscan Studies / LCC = The Library of Christian Classics / LCL = The Loeb Classical Library / MG = Migne — Patrología Graeca / ML = Migne — Patrología Latina / PJ = Philosophisches Jahrbuch / RUO = Revue de l'Université d'Ottawa / SM = Studia Mariana / SST = Studies in Sacred Theology / WSB = Works of Saint Bonaventure / WW = Wissenschaft und Weisheit. 2 See J. Fr. Bonnefoy, "De synthesi operum Dei ad extra ad mentem sancti Bonaventurae," Ant. 18 (1943) J7—2^3 E. Gilson, La philosophie de Saint Bonaventure, EPM 4 (2. ed., Paris !943) 385—6 (translation by I. Trethowan [London 1940]). 261 262A. SCHAEFER ideas of the entire doctrine. This is particularly true with regard to the subject of the present study, which touches so many different points and is in fact an important part of the system as such. In order to provide the necessary framework within which the subject matter itself can be properly placed and treated, we therefore begin with a general outline of the main elements in the Bonaventurian synthesis. Although only a brief introductory sketch, this outline will show the wonderful inner coherence, continuity, and correspondence that exists in this system both between the various created things and between each of these things and God, their common center.§i The General Structure of the Bonaventurian Synthesis In the great drama of creation St. Bonaventure distinguishes three main parts or phases: the emanatio, the exemplaritas, and the consummatio ,4 which is also called reductio. The meaning of these three basic terms is that the created world as a whole and aU creatures in this world have their origin in God from whom they proceed; having been created, they reflect God, their divine model or exemplar, according to which they were made ; they finally return to God for whom they were created and who is their ultimate end. This division comprises the great themes of St. Bonaventure and is a guiding principle not only for his philosophy, but for his theology as well. Its influence is visible in many ways through4 Explicitly enumerated in this way in the Collationes in Hexaemeron i. 17 (V. 332b). — Unless indicated otherwise, the works of St. Bonaventure will be quoted according to the edition of Quaracchi, S. Bonaventurae opera omnia, Quaracchi 1882—1902. The figures that are added in parentheses also refer to this edition, the Roman numeral indicating the volume, the Arabic numeral the page, and the final letter a or d the first or second column on that page. — In the frequent references to the Commentary on the Sentences, the three consecutive Arabic...

The ‘Problem’ of Induction

THE 'PROBLEM' OF INDUCTION THE subject of this paper is the various meanings which the term "induction" may have, and the consequent ambiguity of the so-called" problem of induction." We shall attempt to distinguish many of these meanings from each other, and on the basis of these distinctions to make some suggestions concerning the nature of the " problem of induction " in each case. In general, induction is the movement of the intellect from the singular to the universal, or from the less universal to the more universal. It is precisely this passage to the universal or the more universal which poses the problem of induction. How is one to justify such a passage? How can we see beyond these particular contingents or these specific types to a more universal necessary intelligibility? First, we may note that this movement of the intellect takes place on two distinct levels of knowledge: that of the nature, cause, and other aspects of the thing-in-itself; 1 and that of the appearance of this thing-in-itself in the order of operation. Since the first level of knowledge concerns the underlying nature, we shall call the induction which takes place at this level transphenomenal induction. Since the second level con1 This is not the Kantian thing-in-itself, which is perhaps most appropriately characterized by its unknowability. Rather, we are thinking of the Thomistic being which reveals itself to us through its phenomena, but which nevertheless is other than these phenomena themselves, with an otherness which is subsumed under the scholastic distinction between the order of being and the order of operation It should also be noted that we are not distinguishing, in this paper, between the order of essence and the order of existence. Flowing from this distinction are certain fundamental differences within what we shall call transphenomenol induction -differences between the induction proper to the philosophy of nature and that proper to metaphysics. We prescind from this point as well as from the distinction between the analogical arid the universal. All intellectual knowledge is here termed " universal." 25 26 JOSEPH J. SIKORA cerns the observable phenomena, we shall call the induction which takes place at this level phenomenal induction.2 I. ThANSPHENOMENAL INDUCTION In our attempt to intellectually grasp the being of things, the first necessity is the transphenomenal abstractive intuition of the intellect. If there be no such intuition, the thing-in-itself must become the Kantian thing-in-itself, unknowable to us. But such abstractive intuition is the seeing of a universal necessary intelligibility in the individual contingent sensibles. This is an inductive process, as Aristotle says in the Posterior Analytics .8 It is a movement of the intellect, confronted with the singular, to the universal. But this process of what we may call abstractive induction is not properly the concern of logic, but rather of philosophical psychology and metaphysics. Logic requires universal ideas as already given. Its purpose is to. examine the relations between such ideas, in formal logic, and their content, in material logic. The work of abstractive. induction takes place according to its own laws in the spiritual preconscious 4 life of the intellect. The " problem of induction " here is the traditional metaphysical " problem of universals " and the psychological problem of the agent intellect. The ideas yielded by abstractive induction may, however, fall into two classes. Some there are which bear evident necessary relations to each other. When we consider these, we necessarily judge concerning these relations. The resulting propositions may be regarded as a secondary derivative of abstractive induction. No special movement of the intellect beyond the mere comparison of such ideas is necessary for the formation of these propositions. Such, for example, are propositions like " The whole is greater than its part." Also reducible 2 For an elaboration of the distinction between these two levels of knowledge, see Maritain's La Philosophie de la Nature (Paris, 1937) or his Les Degres du Savoir (Paris, 1932) . 8 Anal. Post., B 19, 100b 8-5. • For this term see Maritain, Creative Intuition in Art and Poetry (New York, 1955) ' p. 78. THE ' PROBLEM ' OF INDUCTION 27 to this ·type are propositions like " Being is good," which...

Gorgias on nature or that which is not

T HE remains of Gorgias' treatise 7rtc? 'rou [0 6v?oc m1) 7rrpL CA)q have not received very much attention from scholars during the last fifty years. This is probably due mainly to two reasons the highly technical and indeed to many readers repulsive nature of its content, and the widely held view that it is not meant seriously but is simply a parody or joke against philosophers, or at best a purely rhetorical exercise. 1 The first of these views seems so obviously wrong that it is hardly necessary to devote much time to discussing it. The short answer must be that there is nothing humourous about the treatise and no indication that it was ever intended to be so. In this respect it is in exactly the same position as the second part of Plato's dialogue Parmenides. Its general thesis might conceivably amuse those to whom all attempts at philosophy are inherently absurd, but such persons could hardly be expected to work through the difficult arguments which make up the contents of the work. The view that it was purely a rhetorical exercise is no more plausible. But it is not intended to argue this question at length here. The final answer to both views must consist in showing just what is the content of the treatise and the serious purposes to which it is directed. There have indeed been those who have treated the work seriously. But its interpretation undoubtedly presents quite extraordinary difficulties, and those who have treated it seriously have arrived at very different views as to what Gorgias is saying.2 What follows is in part new, and as a consequence little space is devoted to previous interpretations, and where they are mentioned it is usually in disagreement. It is nonetheless the work of scholars in the past who have laid a foundation both in establishing the text and in interpreting it upon which all future studies must rest. Our information about the contents of the treatise comes from two separate accounts, the summnary in Sextus Empiricus, Adv. Math. vii. 65-87, and the third section of the work De Melisso Xenophane Gorgia I Cf. H. Gomperz, Sophistik und Rhetorik, Leipzig 191 2, I 8 2 ff., H. Maier, Sokrates, Tlubingen 1913, 2x9ff. For reflections of these views see e.g. K. Freeman, Companion to the Pre-Socratic Philosophers, 3 6 12, and E. Brihier, Histoire de la Philosophie, 1. i. 8 S. 2 Notably G. Calogero, Studi sull' Eleatismo, Roma 1932. M. Untersteiner, I Sofisti, Torino 1949 (English Translation, The Sophists, Oxford: Blackwell 19S4). 0. Gigon in Hermes, lxxi (1936) I86-213. E. Dupreel, Les Sophistes, Neuchatel 1948 [actualy 19491. 1 have not seen D. Viale (= Adolfo Levi), Studi su Gorgia in Logos xxiv (1941).

John de Bassolis, O. F. M.

JOHN DE BASSOLIS, O. F. M. I. THE LIFE OF JOHN DE BASSOLIS John de Bassolis was a disciple of the great John Duns Scotus. He is one of the many students of that great Franciscan whose lives and works have been obscured until modern times. As with the many other writers of the XIVth century, it is difficult to cull any definite and precise knowledge about John de Bassolis. There exists perhaps more controversy concerning him than about all other students of the "Doctor Subtilis". To show that this is not a gratuitous statement, it is enough to cite the following facts. To Luke Wadding1 and the editors of his Co nmentary on the Sentences ,2 JoIm de Bassolis is the "chosen disciple, the faithful, even the most faithful disciple of Scotus". But to Michalski3 and to André Callebaut,4 de Bassolis is simply the precursor of John Mirecourt and a diligent reproducer of the teaching of Ockham. Hauréau5 and the editors of the Bassolis' Commentaries in the sixteenth century8 claim that de Bassolis is an "outstanding theologian and philosopher" and that his Commentaries "can be considered as the richest treasury of Scholastic erudition and subtility". But Michalski,7 among others, thinks that John de Bassolis is not an original author. Others say that he is. Hence, beyond question, he is a controversial figure. A further point might be mentioned here. De Bassolis is reputed to be one of the more important pupils of Duns Scotus. How then can one explain the utter dearth of material and sources concerning his life? Of course, this condition is not peculiar to de Bassolis alone, for the same fate affects most of the lesser personages of the XIVth century. 1 Wadding, Luke, Annales Minorum, Quaracchi, 1931, VI, 153. 2 Opera Joannis de Bassolis . . . in Quatuor Sententiarum Libros . . . Paris, 1516—17, verso of the title page. 8 Michalski, K., "Les Courants Critiques et Sceptiques dans la Philosophie du XIVe siècle". Bulletin International de l'Académie Polonaise, Cracovie, 1926, 228. 4 Archivum Franciscanum Historicum, XVII (1924), 581. 5 Hauréau, B., Histoire de la Philosophie Scolastique, Paris, 1880, II, 309. 3 Opera Joannis de Bassolis . . . in Quatuor Sententiarum Libros, Paris, 1516—-17, verso of the title page. 7 Loc. cit. 59 6oM. PASIECZNIK A. Biographical Sources As has been pointed out, there exists very little information concerning the life of the "favorite" disciple of Duns Scotus. Even the cited references have little critical and historical value since they are grounded mostly on conjecture. First of all, official documents contain no mention of John de Bassolis. If one were to admit that John de Bassolis is to be identified with John de Basóles, a prominent medical doctor of Paris, then he is mentioned in the Chartularium Universitatis Parisiensis.8 Among the non-official sources of information concerning his life are his Commentaries on the Sentences. In the Commentaries edited in 1516—17 the year 1313 is to be found in the "Explicit"; this simply designates the year in which he completed or lectured on his Commentaries at Rheims.9 In all probability this date was found on the original manuscripts of John de Bassolis and it is one date generally accepted by later writers. Another important document is the fifteenth-century Chronicle of Nicholas Glassberger.10 In this document the author notes that in 1313 John de Bassolis had completed his lectures on the fourth book of the Sentences, and at the same time cites the Collatio, the solemn lecture inaugurating the explanation of the Sentences; this begins with the words: Melior est finis orationis quam principium.11 This is a highly acceptable testimony, for Glassberger is known for his disinterested, faithful and objective chronicling. He is the nearest witness to de Bassolis. Possibly Glassberger gathered this information from de Bassolis ' Commentaries which were edited at that time. Thus, the Commentaries of de Bassolis and the editors' introduction to them remain almost the sole source of information not only of his doctrine but also of his life. In the years 1516—17 Orontius Fine carefully edited the Commentaries of de Bassolis "from a very spotted and ragged manuscript". This manuscript was...

REVIEWS

Reviews in this ArticleDivine Horsemen: The Living Gods of Haiti. By Maya Deren.Djanggawul: An Aboriginal Religious Cult of North‐Eastern Arnhem Land. By Ronald M. Berndt.Ancient Egyptian Religion. By Jaroslav Cerny.Babylonian and Assyrian Religion. By S. H. Hooke.Magic Books from Mexico with an Introduction and Notes on the Plates. By C. A. Burland.English Myths and Traditions. By Henry Bett. litt.d.Henry Suso: Little Book of Eternal Wisdom, and Little Book of Truth. Translated with an Introduction and Notes by James M. Clark.The Further Journey. By Rosalind Murray.Morals and Marriage. By Thomas Gilby, O. P.The Catholic Book of Marriage. By. P. C. M. Kelly, c.s.c.We Saw Her. By B. G. Sandhurst.The Philosophy of Science. By Stephen Toulmin.Richesse et Misere.Lord Byron: Christian Virtues. By G. Wilson Knight.Mary Tudor. By H. F. M. Prescott.William Lloyd. By A. Tindal Hart.Jeremy Taylor. By Hugh Ross Williamson.Chaucer. By Raymond Preston.Initiation a la Philosophie de Saint Thomas d'Aquin. By H.‐D. Gardeil

Counseling in Catholic Life and Education by Charles A. Curran

288 BOOK REVIEWS certing in many ways. Many of the basic authors on Descartes are omitted. One is happy to note five works of Professor Gilson but these concern rather St. Thomas and Thomism. The only work of Professor Gilson on Descartes listed in his Etudes sur le role de la pensee medievale dans la formation du systeme cartesien. The Discours de la methode, with its precious notes, the Index scolastico-cartesien, and Professor Gilson's articles on Descartes are nowhere mentioned. For most of the authors cited in the List, one notes, upon checking the Index of the book, that they are cited only once in the book. In the List of Works Cited each of these authors is given an abbreviation-symbol. One wonders why these symbols are necessary if the author is only mentioned once. R is used as the symbol for the Regulae of Descartes and also for the work of J. Wahl entitled Du role de l'idee de l'instant dans la philosophie de Descartes. One is tempted to find the reason for certain errors in Descartes and the Modern M·ind in the author's insufficient knowledge of the literature on Descartes. We have particularly in mind the question of the dates of Descartes' stay at La Fleche. In the table: " Life of Descartes " placed at the end of the Preface (pp. ix-xii) the dates given are from l604-l6Hl. But the question has been the subject of careful research by Monsignor Monchamps (Hll3), by Cohen (1920), and by Sirven (1928). All agree Descartes went to La Fleche in 1606 and left in 1614 or 1615. The whole question has been very exactly summed up Professor Gilson in his commentary on the Discours de la methode, Paris, 1947, pp. 103-105. We regret that in referring to review articles the author gives no page references. The reader is thus unable to realize immediately the length of the articles. The Index of proper names leaves much to be desired. Certain names appearing in the book are not in the Index (Rosenfeld, p. 316, Roth, p. 4, 6, etc.) , others are in the Index but with incomplete references. University of Notre Dame, South Bend, Ind. ELIE DENISSOFF Counseling in Catholic Life and Education. By CHARLES A. CURRAN. New York: Macmillan, 1951. Pp. 488. $4.50. Historically, Father Curran's text is the mature unfolding of a thesis that was worked out several years ago in the clinical laboratory of Dr. Carl S. Rogers, then professor of psychology at Ohio State University. Himself an eminent authority in the field of non-directive counseling, Dr. Rogers always regarded Father Curran as a psychologist of great promise, despite the fact that differences of opinion existed between the two men BOOK REVIEWS ~89 in matters of interpretation. These differences, in the main, arose from a simple cause. Thus, Rogers was content to remain at an empiriological level in the explanation of his findings; whereas Father Curran, because of his philosophic and theological training, and especially because of his interest in the prudential wisdom of St. Thomas Aquinas, envisioned meanings and applications of the counseling process that would effect not only the more formal aspects of Catholic education, but also the wider reaches of Christian perfection and the Christian way of life in a secular world. After a brief introduction in which the general nature of counseling is set forth, and the particular nature of the non-directive method is fitted within its Thomistic framework, Father Curran applies himself with care to the task of analyzing the relation of counsel to prudence. The latter, as we all know, is first in the line of the cardinal virtues. More important to Father Curran's purpose is the fact that it is an incommunicable body of knowledge; enabling us to make moral decisions about the singular and contingent events in our lives. Because of the uniqueness of these events, prudence is an intensely private affair, lying at the core of all those movements that make for the integration of personality. From this point of view, it is the most individualistic of all our natural virtues; and since counsel is the prologue...

Philosophy in France

It is not easy for an Englishman to acquire a competent knowledge of French philosophy. For one thing there are so many French philosophers writing so many books, and for another the multiplicity of men is matched by the variety of views. In a country where a knowledge of philosophy is expected of any cultivated man, and where the flourishing of philosophy in school and university curricula is regarded as a condition of intellectual freedom, this variety is accepted as part of the cultural background. Professor Bréhier's Transformation de la Philosophie Française (Flammarion, Paris, 1950) must, even so, be of great value to French readers, because of the author's capacity-so admirably shown already in a History of Philosophy that is unquestionably the best now obtainable-to pick out what is essential in a welter of theories, arguments, and mere pronouncements. To English readers, whose knowledge of the background is necessarily limited, this book is particularly valuable, not only for the clarification it brings, but also for a bibliography that is closely related to the text. M. Bréhier observes that French philosophers of the generation that followed and criticized Durkheim, Bergson and Brunschwicg showed themselves acutely conscious of the discontinuities of things, and puritanically averse to the construction of philosophical systems. (We may compare the roughly contemporaneous reaction in this country against the systems of Bosanquet and Alexander, though the arguments were for the most part very different.) M. Bréhier, however, does not take this anti-systematic, pluralist tendency at its own valuation. French philosophy, he thinks, is in a phase that makes it comparable to medieval philosophy. It was characteristic of medieval philosophy that it comprised no individually constructed systems like those, for example, of Descartes, Leibniz, Hegel, and Schopenhauer, which have grown up and died away in Europe since the Renaissance. The main reason for this was that Christianity itself provided a common system which was never to be questioned, so that philosophers concerned themselves not with systems, for that would have led to heresy, but with particular problems. Part of M. Bréhier's parallel with modern times is that some Christians and all Marxists aim to produce the same condition.

L'Hypothèse de l'atome primitif

PROF. GEORGES LEMAITRE is the eminent relativistic cosmologist (at one time a pupil Eddington) who in 1927 independently discovered a solution of Einstein's gravitational equations which made the curvature of space depend on the time and so gave an explanation of the expansion of the universe of nebulae. Actually he was anticipated by A. Friedmann, who had in 1922 and 1924 discovered forms of the fundamental metric of the homogeneous universe which involved the time ; but Lemai tre himself has always given the credit for the discovery to Friedmann, even to the extent of barely doing justice to himself. Lemai tre's paper, which was published in Belgium, was overlooked by Eddington at the time ; but it was due to Eddington that the Royal Astronomical Society published a translation of Lemai tre*s paper in 1931. In the present volume, Lemai tre reproduces seriatim five addresses delivered by him on various occasions between 1929 and 1945, the title of the last of them giving its name to the present volume. There is also an inspiring preface by Ferdinand Gonseth, the distinguished professor of philosophy at Zurich. Though there are a few mathematical formulae in the text, the style is that of semi-popular exposition, and detailed mathematical explanations are confined to an appendix. L'Hypothese de l'atome primitif Essai de cosmogonie. Par Prof. Georges Lemaitre. (Les problemes de la philosophie des sciences.) Pp. 203. (Neuchâtel : Editions du Griffon ; London : H. K. Lewis and Co., Ltd., 1946.) 8 francs ; 10s.

A Bibliography of Jacques Maritain: 1910–1942

A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF JACQUES MARITAIN: 1910-1942 Compiled by RuTH BYRNs T HE first section of this bibliography lists the writings in French and English of Jacques Maritain from 1910 to November, 1942. The arrangement is by years. Directly after each annual heading books and parts of books by M. Maritain are listed in alphabetical order according to titles. Articles, also listed in alphabetical order according to titles, follow the listings of books and parts of books. Prefaces by M. Maritain to the books of other authors are then Hsted according to the authors' names. Translations from French to English are noted but the bibliography does not include translations of M. Maritain's works in the many other languages into which his writings have been rendered. A small number of his works which originally appeared in Spanish are included in the bibliography. The second part of the bibliography lists articles and other works about M. Maritain for the same period. The arrangement of this part of the bibliography is alphabetical according to the names of the authors. This part of the bibliography also includes only (with a few exceptions) articles in French and English. Book reviews written by M. Maritain and reviews of his books by others are not included in either section of the bibliography . Likewise, newspaper reports of addresses by M. Maritain are not included in the bibliography nor are statements which he signed as a member of a committee or as one of a group of signers. Every reasonable effort was taken to make both sections of the bibliography complete and accurate. The items were checked with standard bibliographies and periodical indices as well as with the bibliography of Maritain printed in The Catholic Library World, May, 1942, and with a selected, unpublished 22 345 346 RUTH BYRNS bibliography of M. Maritain's writings prepared by Miss Lois Byrns of the University of Wisconsin. Nearly all of the books and nearly all of the articles listed were examined personally by the compiler. In some cases it was not possible, at this time, to secure a copy for examination. However, in spite of this effort, it is likely-because of the many difficulties in completing a bibliography such as this one-that there are omissions and errors in this Maritain bibliography . Readers who discover omissions or errors are requested to send a notation of the missing items or the mistakes to the compiler of the bibliography. PART I WRITINGS OF JACQUES MARITAIN 1910 TO NoVEMBER 1942 HHO 1. " LE NEO-VITALISME EN ALLEMAGNE ET LE DARWINISME." Revue de Philosophie. 6: pp. 417-441. 1910. 2. "LA SCIENCE MODERNE ET LA RAISON." Revue de Philosophie. 6: pp. 575-603. 1910. In Antimoderne, 19~~. See item ~~. pp. ~9-68. 1911 3. "L':EvoLUTIONNISME DE M. BERGSON". Revue de Philosophie. 19: p. 467 f. 1911. 1913 4. " L'ESPRIT DE LA PHILOSOPHIE MODERNE. I. LA REFORME cARTESIENNE." Revue de Philosophie. 24: pp. 601-625. 1913. La premiere des quatre conferences donnees sous ce titre en avrilmai , 1914, a l'Institut Catholique de Paris. 5. "L'INTUITION. Au SENS DE CONNAISSANCE INSTINCTIVE OU n'INCLINATION." Revue de Philosophie. 23: pp. 5-13. " Fragment d'une des le~;ons sur la philosophic de Bergson et la philosophic chretienne." 6. "LA PHILOSOPHIE DE M. BERGSON ET LA PHILOSOPHIE CHRE- A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF JACQUES MARITAIN 347 TIENNE." Cours et conferences de Ia Revue de Philosophie a l'Institut Catholique de Paris, 1913. "... qui paraitront prochainement dans la Bibliotheque de Philosophie experimentale...." See item 7, below. 1914 7. LA PHILOSOPHIE BERGSONIENNE: ETUDES CRITIQUEs. Paris: Riviere, 1914. 2ieme edition, revue et augmentee, Paris: Bibliotheque de Philosophie , 1930. See item 74, below. 8. " L'ESPRIT DE LA PHILOSOPHIE MODERNE. II. L'INDEPENDANCE DE L'ESPRIT." Revue de Philosophie. 25: pp. 53-82. 1914. ". . . la seconde des quatre conferences donnees sous ce titre en avril-mai, 1914, a l'Institut Catholique de Paris." 9. "LALIBERTE INTELLECTUELLE." 1914. In Antimoderne, 1922. See item 22, below, pp. 71-109. 1918 10. "LA PHYSIQUE DE LA QUANTITE ET LA REVOLUTION CARTESIENNE." 1918. In Reflexions sur ['intelligence et sur sa vie propre, 1924. See item 36, below, pp. 174-201. 11. PREFACE to...

Newton and the Apple

IN my recent address on Newton to the Royal Society, a version of which was published in NATURE of December 19, I stated that the story of the apple first appeared in the second edition of Voltaire's “Elémens de la Philosophie de Neuton”, printed in 1741. The point which I had in mind was that the story is not given in the first edition of that book, which appeared in 1738.

Maritain’s Philosophy of the Sciences

MARITAIN'S PHILOSOPHY OF THE SCIENCES By YVEs R. SIMoN T HE upholders of the Thomistic revival which began late in the nineteenth century were soon confronted with the following challenge: Because the philosophical principles of Thomism had been established at a time when positive science was in its infancy, it was asserted that Thomism was forbidden ever to deal successfully with the problems of our time. There could be no provision made in the system of St. Thomas for the interpretation of either the results or the spirit of modern science, both of which influence so deeply the very statement of our philosophical problems. The collapse of Aristotelian physics had entailed the general ruin of the Thomistic philosophy; against this verdict, rendered at the time of Galileo and Descartes, there could be no appeal. Thomism was at best a remarkable phase in the development of Western thought. If something of it could be revived, it was a certain inspiration, a certain aspiration, a certain frame of mjnd, but not any part of the systematic synthesis actually known under the name of Thomism. Such was the only possible attitude for those who did not believe that any part of philosophy is independent of the data of positive science. Less radical-minded persons were willing to make an exception for metaphysics, considering that our knowledge of the one, the true, and the good is little affected by what happens in physics and mathematics. But when there is a question of cosmology, psychology, even of logic, the restoration of a philosophy conceived in the Middle Ages was deemed plainly impossible. The result was a number of eclectic constructions in which St. Thomas was permitted to supply a few general truths but not any refined and detailed achievement On the other hand, scholars convinced of the perennial truth of St. Thomas's philosophy were engaging in an ambiguous task: that of finding points of agreement between the teaching of St. Thomas and that of modern sciences. In the domain of 85 86 YVES R. SIMON psychology in particular, there is quite a literature about St. Thomas co:rroborated by the most modern and positive research . As a matter of fact, in order to know how far Thomism was affected by modern developments in the positive sciences, a group of preliminary questions had to be investigated. What about the object of philosophy? Has philosophy any distinct object? What about the unity of philosophy? Is philosophy a science or not? One science or several? What is the significance of the distinction between philosophical and positive knowledge? Is it a necessary and everlastingly indispensable distinction, or a merely provisional one? What about the kind of truth that belongs to philosophy? To positive knowledge? Is it the same or not? All these questions have received invaluable elaboration from the critical research whose climax was the publication , in 193~, of The Degrees of Knowledge.1 The pioneers of the Thomistic revival had rather vague ideas about the nature of the disciplines which some of them practiced with great ability. It seems that they were not particularly interested in problems pertaining to the specification of philosophical sciences. Today we consider it a paradox that Thomists have ever accepted a division' of philosophy which was initiated by Wolff, consolidated by Kant, popularized by the Eclectics of the school of Cousin, and was fundamentally at variance with that upheld by St. Thomas. Our old masters undertook the restoration of the Thomistic philosophy without having asked themselves what conception of philosophy and of its divisions a philosophy must adopt in order to be consistently Thomistic. Rediscovering the genuine Thomistic concept of philosophy, reasserting it against many sorts of eclectic combinations -this is a task that l\!Iaritain has carried out with an uncompromising spirit of exactness and accuracy. * * * * * 1 Main writings of Maritain concerning the philosophy of sciences: Ref!exions sur ['intelligence, Paris, 1924, Ch. 6 and 7; Distinguer pour unir ou les Degres du savoir, Paris, 1982 (English translation, The Degrees of Knowledge, Scribner's, New York, 1988); La Philosophie de la nature, Paris, 1985; Science and Wisdom, Scribner 's, New York, 1940; Scholasticism and Politics, Macmillan, New York, 1940, Ch...