Korean Unification Research Articles

통일의식과 북한관광 인식에 대한 연구

이 연구는 지난 10여 년간의 보수정권하에서 남북 관광 분야에 대한 연구가 매우 위축된 것에 대한 안타까움과 간절함으로부터 시작되었다. 특히 연구가 시작된 2017년 8월은, 연이은 북한의 장거리 미사일 발사 및 핵실험으로 남북한 간 전쟁 위험이 최고조에 다다른 시기였다. 따라서 우리나라 국민들의 통일의식이 이전에 비해 매우 낮아진 수준일 것으로 예상되었고 당연히 북한관광에 대한 인식도 비우호적인 상태일 것으로 예상되었다. 그럼에도 불구하고 통일과 북한관광에 대한 기초 연구의 하나로서 통일의식과 북한관광인식에 대한 연구가 필요하다고 판단하여 본 연구를 계획하였다. 경남 창원의 282명을 대상으로 한 연구결과, 첫째 통일의식의 세부 구성요인을 도출하였다. 둘째, 통일의식과 북한관광 인식 간의 상관관계를 확인하였다. 통일의식이 강할수록 북한관광 인식도 긍정적이었다. 셋째, 통일의식와 북한관광 인식이 모두 우호적인 대규모 집단과 둘 다 비우호적인 소규모 집단이 존재함을 규명하였다. 이 세 가지 연구결과 는 이전에는 명확히 밝혀진바 없는 새로운 발견이라는 학문적 의의가 있다. 미래의 연구도 제시되었다.

Modeling the Economic Impacts of Korean Unification

This paper explores the economic impacts of Korean unification on North and South Korea. It presents a new consistent database on macroeconomic, sectoral and trade data, and an input–output table for the North Korean economy, and then incorporates it in a global intertemporal multi‐sector general equilibrium model. Assuming hypothetical scenarios such as North Korea's reform and gradual convergence, its sudden collapse and immediate unification, and chaos and crises in both Koreas, we quantify the consequences of Korean unification on economic activity, trade and capital flows in the two Koreas. The results highlight the importance of the unification processes and of alternative policy responses in both Koreas to the economic impacts of unification.

Prospects and Economic Impacts of Korean Unification: An Introduction

This research is funded by a grant from the Australian Research Council (DP150103821) and a National Research Foundation of Korea Grant funded by the Korean Government (NRF-2008-362-1).

The Historical Trauma of Korean and The Challenges of Korean Unification

The Historical Trauma of Korean and The Challenges of Korean Unification

A divided nation: Rethinking and rescaling land tenure in the Korean (re-)unification

In the Korean (re-)unification discourse, limited attention is given to how the highly different systems of land tenure can be unified in a comprehensive land governance framework. Possible reasons include the uncertainty of (re-)unification itself, high sensitivity of the land issue as a territorial matter and limited access to North Korean data about land tenure. Moreover, there are insufficient theoretical foundations regarding the role and the significance of land tenure in the (re-)unification process. This paper identifies what (re-)unification is and describes how, where and when land tenure could be significant in a (re-)unification process. These questions are addressed using the Context-Intervention-Mechanisms-Outcomes-Constraints (CIMOC) framework. This systematic approach takes both the time sequence and a number of aspects based on patterns found in literature into account in order to identify and define what (re-)unification is and how it aligns, adapts or merges to land tenure relations. We find that during transformation processes, discussions on land tenure have both an instrumental and reforming function and land tenure resolution facilitate the peace-building in integration processes. In addition, land tenure institutions play significant role in a territorial development process. The key findings of the research synthesis rationalize the significance of land tenure in (re-)unification process. Amalgamation of (re-)unification and land tenure discourses derive intricate relationships to address the multi-dimensional problems in the Korean peninsula. Yet, the discussion of both concepts have so far focused on monolytical and pragmatic problem-solving rather than the start of a more fundamental discussion: how to re-shape land governance institutions. This study can be a starting point for policy-makers to discuss and comprehend an unsolved quandary of the Korean peninsula.

UNFPA’s Support for Census in North Korea: Its Necessity and Implications for Korean Unification

UNFPA’s Support for Census in North Korea: Its Necessity and Implications for Korean Unification

Lessons of German Unification for Korea

Despite differences between Korea and Germany, German unification provides valuable lessons for Korean unification. Maintaining a dialogue channel between the two Koreas is critical for keeping peace and promoting reconciliation. It is also imperative that South Korean humanitarian work resume in the North. With humanitarian projects, South Korean NGOs can increase contact with ordinary North Korean people. “Change through contact” is a crucial method of demonstrating love for those in North Korea, promoting relationship-building and trust that may facilitate in creating a foundation for rebuilding North Korea and ultimately reuniting the Korean people.

Korean Unification: Economic Adjustments under German Assumptions

This paper explores the impact of Korean unification on North and South Korea under the hypothetical scenario that unification takes place along the peaceful but unanticipated path similar to the experience of German reunification. Using a global dynamic intertemporal general equilibrium model, we find that if the unification process is managed peacefully and North Korea adopts comprehensive market-oriented reform and opening, the North Korean economy could capitalize on its growth potentials and experience fast GDP growth. As with the experience of West Germany, unification reduces the growth rate in South Korea for a certain period following the unification shock due to the transfers of resources out of the South into the North and an increase in risk on the Korea peninsula. Given that the relative sizes in population and per capita GDP of the two Koreas are very different from those of East and West Germany, unification can bring about more disruptive effects on North and South Korea, compared to the experience of Germany. The critical factors determining the economic effects of unification are the nature of wage-adjustment, the size of resource transfers from the South to North, and exchange rate policy.

South-North Korean Unification and the Decentralization: Its Issues and Tasks

South-North Korean Unification and the Decentralization: Its Issues and Tasks

Be Careful What You Wish For: Security Challenges Facing the Korean Peninsula During a Potential Unification Process

ABSTRACTThere is a lacuna in the literature analyzing the mid-term (6-24 months) period after a DPRK contingency that results in the Pyongyang regime’s relatively sudden and unmanaged fall. This article helps fill that gap, particularly with respect to security issues that would challenge Korean unification efforts during such a period. Following an Introduction, Section I first makes the case for a DPRK contingency being the most plausible end to the Pyongyang regime. Assuming the scenarios from Section I, Section II addresses the question of what critical issues a unifying Korea will face over the mid-term, and how dealing with these challenges will condition the type of end-state that a unified Korea will embody. In particular we examine three challenges: (a) mid-term security provision related to potential weapons proliferation, cyber-security, organized criminality, and human security; (b) the foundations of institution-building through measures dealing with issues of transitional justice, disputed land title claims, and generating broad domestic stakeholder buy-in in a unifying Korea; (c) the disposition of Korea’s strategic alignment in a Northeast Asia that will have undergone a major alteration of the regional system. Section III concludes with policy recommendations concerning what efforts should be made now to prepare for the situations described in Sections I and II.

A Feminising Revolution: The Unification Movement and the ‘Age of Women’

Following the demise of Mun Son-myong in 2012, the South Korean Unification Movement has entered an era of female leadership. Mun' s widowed wife, Han Hak-cha, rose to become the group' s sole new leader. Drawing on a distinct (co-)messianic narrative, while resuming on the given millenarian trajectory – both chiefly shaped by Mun – Han successfully coped with the theological and organisational challenges of the post- Mun age, establishing herself as the prime religious and administrative authority. With the completion of a most crucial providential event in 2013 ( Foundation Day , Han is believed to have ultimately assumed a virtually divine-like theological status, rendering her teachings and actions infallible (qua providential desideratum) according to Unificationist mainline thinking. In the wake of Foundation Day, Han continues to inscribe into Unificationism the mechanics of gender equality and the significance of the female portion of messianity even more resonantly, further elevating her soteriological position and thus the contribution of women to kingdom-building in general. This paper discusses in a first step the UM' s tradition of female leadership in the past, also introducing the theological foundation of gender relationship. Thereafter, the providential dynamics, especially concerning the so-called Age of Women (proclaimed by Mun in 1992) will be outlined. The third major part of the paper deals with post-FoundationDay theology and historical developments, centring on Han' s concomitant evolution into God' s Only- Begotten Daughter.

The Challenge of Korean Unification and Adolescents' Unification Consciousness

The Challenge of Korean Unification and Adolescents' Unification Consciousness

International Justice and South-North Korean Relations for Korean Unification

International Justice and South-North Korean Relations for Korean Unification

South Koreans’ Willingness to Pay for Korea Unification

Although considerable effort and attention has been made to estimate the costs of unification in academic and some policy research circles, few studies have considered how to raise the necessary financial resources including the unification tax. Therefore, this study analyzed the South Koreans’ willingness to pay (WTP) for Korean unification. To deal with zero WTP responses given by a large number of people, this study adjusted the spike model with one and one half bound dichotomous choice data. The analysis showed that the mean monthly WTP per household and annual aggregate value to South Koreans was estimated to be 15,532 Korean won ($13.51) and 3,196.9 billion Korean won ($2.78 billion), respectively. According to estimation results, even though they were willing to shoulder some financial burden for the unification, the amount would not be large enough to prepare for unification.

South Korea’s mismatched diplomacy in Asia: middle power identity, interests, and foreign policy

Middle power identity and interests claimed by South Korean leaders predict a foreign policy of multilateralism, institution building, and contributions to global public goods. South Korea is indeed active in global governance, but its regional diplomacy for much of the Park Geun-hye administration defied middle power expectations. In recent years, Seoul appeared to apply a strategy of isolating and pressuring Tokyo, while behaving like a smaller power showing deference to Beijing. Existing literature offers several explanations for failures to implement middle power diplomacy: historical memory impediments (e.g., Japan), budgetary constraints (e.g., Canada and Australia), stalled regionalization (Brazil and Turkey), and inadequate economic development (India and Indonesia). Finding these explanations insufficient for the South Korean case, this article shows how anti-Japan identity and Korean unification interests at times overwhelmed South Korean middle power identity and interests, respectively. The article offers implications for the growing category of states considered middle powers and concludes with policy recommendations for how Seoul can adjust its mismatched diplomacy to serve as a constructive middle power in Asia.

The City of Yanji as a Liminal Space to Imagine Korean Unification in Yi Munyŏl's "An Appointment with His Brother"

The City of Yanji as a Liminal Space to Imagine Korean Unification in Yi Munyŏl's "An Appointment with His Brother"

North Korean Space Program Legitimization Efforts: Review and Policy Recommendations

ABSTRACTWith much attention being concentrated on containing North Korean nuclear and ballistic missile programs, the North Korean space program also faces objections from the international community. This article claims that identifying North Korea’s space program developments with its ballistic missile program is unjustified and even undermines the space program’s potential for hastening a successful Korean unification. The goal of the article is to suggest a departure from a current hostile attitude toward the North Korean space program and to make alternative policy recommendations. The first part of the article focuses on a literature review of sources devoted to the North Korean space program, emphasizing the existence of alternative views of it other than the common view of it being a threat to international security. The second part describes efforts made by North Korea on the international and domestic scenes to confirm its space program’s legitimacy and make it more transparent, amidst continuing condemnations and sanctions by the United Nations, concluding with the positive dynamics of North Korean space efforts. The final part is dedicated to possible alternatives to current international policy towards the North Korean space program, underscoring a potentially mutually beneficial cooperation between North Korea and Southeast Asian prospective spacefaring nations. It is claimed that such cooperation might raise the technological level of the North Korean economy and narrow the gap between the two Korean states, offering more possibilities for eventual unification.

The Capitalist Unconscious: From Korean Unification to Transnational Korea

The Capitalist Unconscious: From Korean Unification to Transnational Korea

Korean Unification and Global Public Goods

Korean Unification and Global Public Goods

Strengthening Public Diplomacy with the United States and China for a Korean Unification

Throughout the history of South Korean diplomacy, many different government entities have launched a wide variety of different initiatives with the goal of promoting international exchange. However, those efforts did not achieve desired results, failing to gain the support and understanding of neighboring powers with regard to the South Korean vision for a Northeast Asia peace agreement and reunification Korean peninsula. Two of these powers, The United States and The People's Republic of China, are paying close attention to the DPRK nuclear and missile development programs, as well as the Six-party talks, considering how these issues will impact their own countries. As such, South Korean foreign policy toward the United States and China—countries which are very important political and economic actors—will be foundational for laying a framework for a future unified Korean peninsula. Apart from the need to consider neighboring powers in relation to public diplomacy, there is also the practical need for a more efficient system for strategic implementation of public diplomacy efforts that will help to bring unification. To that end, this paper will explore the complex web of parties interested in the security situation on the Korean peninsula, while also asserting that Korea must create foreign and domestic public diplomacy strategies that are more effective and pragmatic toward said parties, learning from past failures. In addition, this paper will recommend that Korean diplomats develop communication objectives that go beyond simply enhancing the Korean national brand and image, to communication strategies that emphasize management of international and strategic problems in ways that articulate Korean policy positions, while also raising awareness of Korean issues and concerns.