Korean Provisional Government Research Articles

대한민국임시정부에 대한 일본 학계의 인식과 역사교과서의 서술 분석

In the first half of the twentieth century, during the Japanese colonial period, the Japanese general government in Korea and the Japanese central government did not recognize the Korean Provisional Government, dismissed it as an illegal organization(“shadow government”) and continuously suppressed its activities. As a result, the perception, description and evaluation of the Korean Provisional Government in some Japanese academic research and history textbooks remained very weak and scarce. In addition, many inaccurate and negative accounts have been found. Apart from the works of Sassa Mitsuaki(佐佐充昭), there are few contemporary works by Japanese scholars on the Provisional Government. Among Japanese history textbooks (on Japanese history and world history), those published by Shikkyo Publishing House stand out for giving a brief but relatively accurate account of the Provisional Government. Therefore, it is necessary to raise awareness of the Korean Provisional Government among Japanese scholars, promote comprehensive research and develop better ways to portray the Korean Provisional Government in Japanese textbook narratives. In this context, it is necessary to seek systematic solutions in the short, medium and long term. First, it will be necessary to strengthen and revitalize exchanges with international scholars and educators (especially Japanese scholars), including the promotion of more active joint research and joint publications. Second, it is necessary to promote research on the Provisional Government by Korean and foreign scholars and to internationalize, popularize and promote the results of such work. Third, more efforts should be made to improve the presentation of the activities of the Provisional Government in Japanese academic books, introductory books, humanities books and history textbooks. Fourth, Korean academic, educational and civil society organizations should promote more active and rigorous research and education on the subject. Fifthly, it is necessary to conduct free and honest research on the realities, achievements, successes and limitations of the Korean Provisional Government and the Korean Liberation Army. It will be important to promote discourse and storytelling and to create diverse content that can be consumed in everyday life. Finally, we must be careful not to ideologize under the influence of a particular political ideology or a teleological view of history in the way we perceive, evaluate and describe the Korean Provisional Government. In particular, it is necessary to reject ideologically biased perspectives from the Republic of Korea (South Korea), North Korea, Yanbian, China, Chinese and Japanese academia, Western academia and so on.

소죽 임병직의 미주지역 독립운동

Ben C. Lyhm(Lyhm Beng Chik) studied in the United States in 1913 and returned home in 1949. Ben C. Lyhm's life met Syngman Rhee for the first time at the YMCA in Seoul, and he met him and went to the United States to study. In addition, after the Korean people declared independence in March 1919, Ben C. Lyhm followed Syngman Rhee in the Korean Commission to America and Europe for the Republic of Korea. Ben C. Lyhm went to Shanghai, China, with Syngman Rhee in December 1920, and assisted Syngman Rhee until the Korean Provisional Government issued an order to abolish the the Korean Commission to America and Europe in March 1925.
 And in December 1941, when the Japanese provoked war against the United States, Ben C. Lyhm went to Washington D.C. to help Syngman Rhee at the Korean Commission and conducted diplomatic activities with the United States. In September 1942, Syngman Rhee, chairman of the Korean Commission, appointed Ben C. Lyhm as a military attache and dispatched him to Los Angeles. As Lim performed his duties as a colonel for external activities, Americans called him ‘Colonel Ben’.
 Ben C. Lyhm supported Syngman Rhee from 1919 to the post-liberation and worked together in the independence movement. In fact, Ben C. Lyhm’s independence movement is a shadow of Rhee Syngman's independence movement because he was always with Ben C. Lyhm in the United States. Ben C. Lyhm can see his sincerity in doing his best in everything with the belief that his activities contribute to the independence of the nation. Ben C. Lyhm participated in the independence movement as Syngman Rhee's secretary after the March 1st Movement and spent his entire life in the Syngman Rhee government, serving as the Minister of Foreign Affairs and Ambassador to the United Nations.

소죽 임병직의 미주지역 독립운동

Ben C. Lyhm(Lyhm Beng Chik) studied in the United States in 1913 and returned home in 1949. Ben C. Lyhm's life met Syngman Rhee for the first time at the YMCA in Seoul, and he met him and went to the United States to study. In addition, after the Korean people declared independence in March 1919, Ben C. Lyhm followed Syngman Rhee in the Korean Commission to America and Europe for the Republic of Korea. Ben C. Lyhm went to Shanghai, China, with Syngman Rhee in December 1920, and assisted Syngman Rhee until the Korean Provisional Government issued an order to abolish the the Korean Commission to America and Europe in March 1925.
 And in December 1941, when the Japanese provoked war against the United States, Ben C. Lyhm went to Washington D.C. to help Syngman Rhee at the Korean Commission and conducted diplomatic activities with the United States. In September 1942, Syngman Rhee, chairman of the Korean Commission, appointed Ben C. Lyhm as a military attache and dispatched him to Los Angeles. As Lim performed his duties as a colonel for external activities, Americans called him ‘Colonel Ben’.
 Ben C. Lyhm supported Syngman Rhee from 1919 to the post-liberation and worked together in the independence movement. In fact, Ben C. Lyhm’s independence movement is a shadow of Rhee Syngman's independence movement because he was always with Ben C. Lyhm in the United States. Ben C. Lyhm can see his sincerity in doing his best in everything with the belief that his activities contribute to the independence of the nation. Ben C. Lyhm participated in the independence movement as Syngman Rhee's secretary after the March 1st Movement and spent his entire life in the Syngman Rhee government, serving as the Minister of Foreign Affairs and Ambassador to the United Nations.

근대 역사를 통해 살펴본 경교장의 공간적 의미변화에 관한 연구

Gyeonggyojang in Jongno-gu, Seoul is the last building of the Korean Provisional Government and the place where Kim Gu passed away. Despite such historical significance, it had been used as ambassador residence, military base and hospital. In 2013, it was finally restored and opened to the public. This study attempted to investigate the spatial meanings of Gyeonggyojang which reflects the rough modern history of Korea and introduce this space. The results found that this place has the following spatial meanings: First, Gyeonggyojang is significant in terms of architecture. Second, it is a political and historical place. Third, it is an educational space which offers exhibition and experience. Fourth, it is a special place which has been reborn as a result of urban regeneration. However, it is not known to many people yet because it is situated in general Hospital. Therefore, there should be more interest and further studies on this historical place.

중국 학계의 한국독립운동사 연구 경향과 성과(1992~2021)

Before the establishment of diplomatic ties between China and ROK, Chinese academic circles had begun to study the Korean Independence Movement, but lay particular emphasis on the early anti-Japanese independence activities such as the “Conscript Movement” and the “March 1st Movement”. In the early 1980s, with the advance of China’s reform and opening-up policy, scholars in mainland China began to pay attention to the history of Korean independence movement under the influence of the Chinese Society of Korean History. After the establishment of diplomatic ties between China and ROK in 1992, with the help of the governments and academic circles, several research centers have been established, such as Yanbian University ,Jilin Academy of Social Sciences, Fudan University, Peking University,etc. Several publications, such as Contemporary Korea and Chinese Journal of Korean Studies, have been published successively, and the history of Korean Independence Movement has shown a vigorous development trend.
 Chinese academic circles focus on the March 1st Movement, the Korean Provisional Government, the Korean armed forces in China, the Korean independence movement and CPC, as well as the Korean diaspora, propaganda activities, and mutual understanding between China and ROK. Chinese academic circles have a relatively accurate grasp of the macro background, but lack of attention to the domestic history of ROK. In recent years, due to the fluctuation of Sino-ROK relations, the academic exchanges and the number of works on the history of the independence movement in China and ROK appear signs of relative decline.
 The academic circle should attach importance to and support the development and utilization of academic resources in the central and western regions of China, and actively promote the academic exchange and talent reserve between the two sides.

대한민국 임시정부 요인(要人)들의 복식 연구

This study divided the entire provisional government era into three periods and identified dress trends in each period. The type, characteristics, and wearing styles of costumes for each period were analyzed and the role of the outfits was reviewed. Unlike the general government, the Korean Provisional Government was a form of government with a unique characteristic. The era of the provisional government can be divided into three periods (the Shanghai period(1919-1932), the Wandering period(1932-1940), and the Chongqing period(1940-1945)), with the overall circumstances and main activities of the government varying between each period. The men were leading figures and staff of the provisional government, most of whom wore western clothing. Notably, the leaders of the March 1 Movement in 1919 wore western suits, helping to spread western styles among the general public. Photos show that members of the provisional government wore different styles of suits that were popular in each period. Some of them wore Chinese clothing such as Jangsam and Magua. Jangsam and Magua were often worn during the Wandering period when Japanese suppression was at its peak. Later, during the Chongqing period, some wore the Zhongshan suit (Mao suit). The women captured in photos were either warriors of the independence movement or family members and staff of the provisional government. They dressed in western costumes, Qipao, Jangsam, or Hanbok. Women wore Hanbok more often than men, and women residing in North America and Russia donned western clothings that were popular at the time. The costumes worn by leading figures and members of the Korean Provisional Government reflected the struggle for independence. They provide clues to the challenges that were facing the country during those periods.

Foreign Friends: Syngman Rhee, American Exceptionalism, and the Division of Korea

Foreign Friends: Syngman Rhee, American Exceptionalism, and the Division of Korea

Korean Provisional Government : Is It a Representative or Proxy Government?

Korean Provisional Government : Is It a Representative or Proxy Government?

3·1운동 및 대한민국 임시정부 백주년과 公共 議題

3·1운동 및 대한민국 임시정부 백주년과 公共 議題

3·1운동 및 대한민국임시정부 수립 100주년 특별전의 지형도

This paper examined the special exhibitions of 2019 commemorating the 100th anniversary of the March 1st Movement and the establishment of the Korean Provisional government. The study identified a list of popular exhibits, such as photographic or painted portraits, theTaegukg i(the flag of South Korea), and the Declaration of Independence, as well as new materials that were released to the public for the first time. The study was critical of the typical aspects of the exhibitions: homogeneous and consistent national narratives; content centered around elite personalities; a Seoul-based perspective; the belief that unifies the consciousness of the general public and the elites; and, regional differences that are only revealed through differences between people. However, there were a small number of exhibitions that offered the public notions for reflections. The topics included the territorial expansion of the Independence Movement, and the difficulty in reconstructing the role of women who were active in the Movement, and the points of diversion or diversity regarding the collective memory of the Movement. The special exhibition held at the National Museum of Korean Contemporary History was an example that included both critical and reflective aspects.

상해시기 대한민국 임시의정원의 헌법적 지위와 역할

상해시기 대한민국 임시의정원의 헌법적 지위와 역할

초국적 역사문화의 계승과 확산 : 재미한인들의 3.1운동 및 대한민국임시정부 수립 100주년 기념사업

올해 2019년 3.1운동 및 대한민국임시정부 수립 100주년을 맞으며 국내뿐 아니라 미국을 비롯한 전세계 한인사회 곳곳에서 다양한 기념행사가 개최되었다. 본 논문에서는미국의 필라델피아와 로스앤젤레스 지역을 중심으로 재미한인들에 의한 3.1운동 및 임시정부 수립 100주년 기념사업의 취지와 행사내용을 살펴보고 그 계획 및 추진과정을고찰하였다. 연구방법으로는 문헌자료, 한인언론기사, 한인회자료, 국가보훈처 보도자료, 한인단체 웹사이트 인터넷검색과 설문조사를 통하여 자료를 수집하고 분석하였다. 우선 3.1운동 100주년 기념행사와 관련된 역사적 배경으로 ‘미국내 3.1운동의 영향’, ‘해방 이전 재미한인단체’, 그리고‘ 제1차 한인회의’에 관해서 살펴보았다. 다음으로 기념사업 준비와 실행을 위해 활용된 다양한 자원과 조직을 파악하고, 주요 행사장소에 주목함으로써 공간의 상징성과 미주한인의 도시 내의 위상에 대해 조사하였다. 본 연구를통해 한국독립운동사, 재미한인사의 맥락에서 미국에서의 3.1운동의 역사적, 현재적 의미를 재조명하고, 공공외교의 주체로서의 재미한인의 기여와 역할을 고찰하였다. 결언에서는 미주독립운동에 관한 역사적 연구의 활성화와 재조명의 필요성에 대해 강조하며 미주에서의 독립운동사적지와 독립운동가의 지속적인 발굴을 제안하였다.

중국 5.4운동과 대한민국 임시정부의 이광수

제1차 세계대전이 끝나 파리강화조약이 논의되던 1919년은 세계와 동아시아가 급변하는 격동의 시대였다. 1911년 새로 출범한 중화민국도 아직 정국을 주도하지 못한채 혼란하였고, 1910년 일제에 강점된 조선은 식민지의 수난으로 고통을 받고 있었다.BR 이때 미국 대통령 윌슨의 민족자결주의는 서구열강의 침략에 시달리는 중국이나 일제에 침탈된 조선에게 커다란 격려가 되었다. 해방과 독립의 희망 속에서 정치와 문화적으로 난국을 타개하려는 거대한 운동이 일어났는데, 1919년에 일어난 조선의 3.1운동과 중국의 5.4운동이 바로 이 변화의 물결이었다.BR 조선의 3.1운동이 일본의 강점에 항의하여 독립 쟁취하려는 거국적인 독립운동이었다고 한다면, 중국의 5.4운동은 서양의 제국주의에 반대하고 특히 일본의 칭다오(靑島) 점거와 침략에 항의하는 정치운동과 아울러 수천 년 중국의 전통적 문화와 사상을 혁신하려는 신문화운동의 양면성을 가졌다.BR 조선에서 3.1운동의 가시적 성과가 나타나기 어렵게 되자 일본 및 미국과 러시아 및 중국 등에 거주하며 일제에 항거하는 애국 동포들은 상해에 통합된 대한민국 임시정부를 수립하였다. 당시 일본에서 유학하고 있던 춘원 이광수는 1919년 도쿄에서 조선청년독립동맹의 조직에 참여하고 2.8 독립선언을 위한 선언서를 작성한 후, 이 선언서의 발표 전에 중국 상해로 떠났다.BR 이광수는 상해에서 본국의 3.1운동 소식을 들으면서 신익희, 손정도 등과 함께 임정의원 평안도 대표로 상해 임시 정부 수립에 적극 참여하였다. 특히 도산 안창호와 협력하여 임정에서 임시사료편찬위원회의 주임과, 창간된 『독립신문』의 사장 겸 주필로 맹렬하게 활동했다. 그러나 그는 과로에로 건강이 악화되었고, 독립운동의 방향에 대해 고심하기 시작했다. 그는 도산의 영향을 받아 민족의 실력양성을 중시하는 방향으로 그의 애국운동은 굴절하면서 국내에서 계몽과 문화운동을 위해 1921년 귀국하였다. 이후 국내에서 파란 많은 그의 활동과 생애는 1947년 사릉에서 『도산 안창호』를 쓰면서 거의 마무리되었다. 따라서 조국을 위한 애국운동으로 굴절된 그의 생애는 상해의 도산에서 시작하여 사릉에서 도산의 전기로 끝났던 것이다.

국제법상 망명정부의 승인(承認)에 관한 연구 - 대한민국 임시정부의 법적 지위를 중심으로 -

대한민국 임시정부의 망명정부적 지위는 법률적 상태에 대한 고도의 정치적 행위인 국제법상 승인의 문제이다. 국제사회의 승인이 지닌 정치성(政治性)은 대한민국 임시정부의 망명정부적 지위를 부정하는 입장에서 주된 근거로 제시하는 실효성 측면에 대한 재고의 여지를 제공한다. 당시 국제정세를 감안하면 중국으로부터의 승인은 임시정부가 망명정부로서 법적 지위를 지닌다고 간주할 수 있는 주요한 맥락이다. 물론, 대한민국 임시정부는 전통적인 망명정부의 승인 요건을 엄격히 적용할 경우, 실효성 측면에서 일정 부분 흠결을 지닌다. 그러나 중국 호법정부와 국민당정부의 승인, 국민참정회 임시정부 승인안통과, 한국광복군에 대한 임시정부 통수권 일부 귀속, 임시정부 승인 비망록에 대한 공식회답 등 국제사회의 묵시적 승인의 근거는 상당한 의미가 있다. 일반국제법 상 망명정부의 승인 관련해 엄격한 실효성 요건 적용의 문제가 제기되는 가운데, 망명정부는 비록 자국의 영토나 지역을 실효적으로 지배하지 않았지만 긴급 상황에서 법적 지위를 누렸다는 점에서 실효적 지배의 관행에서 탈피중인 경향도 확인된다. 따라서 대한민국 임시정부의 법적지위는 일본에 의해 강제 병합된 본국의 영토를 회복하고 식민국 통치에서 해방ꞏ독립하려는 성격의 ‘특수형태의 과도적(過渡的) 망명정부’이자 ‘대한제국과 동일성을 지닌 대한민국의 재수립’이다.BR 북한의 법적 지위는 남북한의 UN 동시 가입, 남북기본합의서 채택 등에도 불구하고, 대한민국 정부를 한반도 유일합법정부로 명시한 UN 총회결의, 헌법 제3조에 따라 여전히 국가보안법상 반국가단체이다. 그러나 오늘날 그 심각성이 고조되는 북한 주민의 인권유린 현실을 포함한 북한 사회 전반에 걸친 제반 문제에 대해 한반도의 유일합법정부로서 당위성을 갖고 살펴볼 의무가 있다. 현 시점에서 통일의 시기를 예단하기는 어려우나 반드시 자유민주적(自由民主的)ꞏ헌법합치적(憲法合致的) 통일을 실현해야 할 것이다. 이러한 가운데 김일성 일가의 3대 세습 및 독재정권 타도를 전제로 자유민주주의 체제를 지향하는 것으로 예상되는 자유조선의 한반도 통일 인식에 대해서도 주목할 필요가 있다. 대다수 망명정부의 시작이 미미하였음을 돌아볼 때, 자유조선의 후속 활동이 어떻게 발전되느냐에 따라 자유조선의 법적 지위가 대한민국 임시정부와 같이 종국에 망명정부적 지위를 지닐 가능성을 완전히 배제할 수 없기 때문이다. 자유조선이 자유민주주의 체제를 지향하는 북한 임시정부로서 정식 승인을 받게 된다면, 한반도 통일의 당사자가 되는 대한민국과 자유조선은 동일한 정치체제 간의 통합을 논의하게 될 것이며 한반도를 둘러싼 주변국간의 국제정세 측면에서도 큰 변화가 초래될 수 있다. 이렇듯 향후 한반도 통일과 관련해 발생 가능한 다양한 법적 쟁점에 대해 우리가 보다 기민하게 대응할 수 있도록 사전에 충분한 법적 검토가 이뤄져야 할 것이다.

The Korean Provisional Government in Shanghai and Doctor’s Independence Movement: A Study on the Location of Medical Activity Sites

The Korean Provisional Government in Shanghai and Doctor’s Independence Movement: A Study on the Location of Medical Activity Sites

A Review on the Establishment of the Korean Provisional Government in Shanghai (1919) - A perspective on the current debate on the Anniversary date of the Establishment of the Korean Provisional Government

A Review on the Establishment of the Korean Provisional Government in Shanghai (1919) - A perspective on the current debate on the Anniversary date of the Establishment of the Korean Provisional Government

근대 단군민족주의의 계승과 단군운동 : 한말에서 임시정부 수립까지

근대 단군민족주의의 계승과 단군운동 : 한말에서 임시정부 수립까지

Korean Provisional Government and Korean Female Independence Movement in Shanghai, China

Korean Provisional Government and Korean Female Independence Movement in Shanghai, China

현행 역사 교과서 한국 근·현대사 서술의 학습 내용 계열성 검토 : 중단원 ‘3·1운동과 대한민국 임시 정부’를 중심으로

If repetition is inevitable in history education, discussions aimed at ensuring the sequence must begin with the recognition of it. So recent discussions on securing discrimination between middle and high schools while maintaining repeatability are drawing attention. This possibility can be seen through chapter ‘the March 1st Independence Movement and the Korean Provisional Government’ of the middle school “History” and the high school “Korean History” textbooks currently in use. Meanwhile ‘the March 1st Independence Movement and the Korean Provisional Government’ is presented as an content-element in both the Revised 2015 Curriculum of middle and high school. And according to the Revised 2015 Curriculum, the national movements are expected to be presented as a process of forming a modern nation state in middle school, and as a process of forming a modern nation state and independence movements. This is different from the current textbooks, but in the aspect of “ensuring the sequence through repeatability”, it can be said to be the same.

‘민주공화제’론과 비자본주의를 지향한 ‘민족주의운동 좌파’(1919~45)

Examined in this article are characteristics displayed by the Leftist branch (within the National Movement front), in its pursuit of a ‘Democratic Republic.’ The objective of such examination is to have a look at what kind of philosophical stance the Korean Provisional Government maintained at the time.BR At this juncture, the Korean notion of a Democratic Republic portrayed a particular dynamic, in which Democracy was coupled with the Republic, while a Republic would incorporate the virtue of Equality, with Equality itself reflected in the realization of Democracy. Formed in such vision, it did not pursue either Capitalism or Socialism, and what was firmly at the center was the Korean nation (race). One could call it a ‘Non-Capitalist’ pursuit, which also aspired to bring equalization to all areas of life, including politics, economy and education. In that sense, the Korean notion of a Democratic Republic could also be called a Nationalist approach to Equality, or in some sense even Socialist Nationalism.BR This Korean notion of a Democratic Republic later grew more detailed, as the trend of emphasizing the people’s role began to spread, and a sense of equality was strengthened as well. After the efforts to organize the ‘Unified [Single] Nation Party’ failed, however, clashes intensified between the Leftists and Rightists. The Nationalist Leftists’ vision of a Democratic Republic continued to take shape, and eventually differentiated itself from the Socialist vision of the same concept. The emergence of the Korean Liberation party (1930) in Shanghai can be cited as a result.BR There was also a power struggle inside the [National Movement front’s] Leftist branch, but it was not because they differed in opinions over their vision of a Democratic Republic. They all pursued democracy, republic and equality, with the Korean race as a linchpin. The situation of the time also facilitated that trend a little, as the World war of the time sort of had the Korean society go in either pro-Japan or anti-Japan directions. Meanwhile, the Nationalist Leftists were able to meet with the Socialist movement as well on various issues, such as direct and popular elections, as those issues could have contributed to political equality that was after all one of the objectives of a democratic republic.