Korean President Research Articles

The Way You Do It Like You Do: Moon Jae-in’s Mediation in the U.S.–DPRK Crisis (2017–2018)

This article examines South Korean President Moon Jae-in’s mediation during the 2017–2018 U.S.–DPRK (Democratic People’s Republic of Korea) crisis, emphasising the importance of a multidimensional approach to power in international crisis mediation. This study argues that both strategic strengths—such as resource-based powers—and tactical strengths, including personal skills, are critical for successful mediation. Moon skilfully utilised South Korea’s relational, expert and reward powers while employing innovative tactics like the ‘borrowing tactic’, where he drew on South Korea’s international alliances and connections to create a link between the DPRK’s flexibility and its capacity to secure political concessions. His mediation helped de-escalate tensions and facilitated dialogue, leading to the first U.S.–DPRK summit. This analysis highlights the intricate interplay between a mediator’s resource-based powers and their tactical behaviour in crisis scenarios, underscoring how both elements are crucial for shaping preventive diplomacy efforts and their outcomes in high-stakes situations. Ultimately, this study demonstrates that it is not only what a mediator has at their disposal that matters, but also—equally importantly—how they use it.

The Analysis of Compound Sentence Formation in Moon Jae-In's Posts on Social Media Instagram: An Effort to Increase Writing Skills of Korean Language Education Students UPI

This research is on the formation of compound sentences in Korean, as seen from the uploads on Instagram of former South Korean President Moon Jae-in. On his Instagram, Moon Jae-in uploads photos, videos, and writings containing ideas and responses to things. Researchers see the need to develop writing skills in the Korean Language Education Study Program FPBS UPI. Therefore, the researcher wants to see how Korean speakers form compound sentences according to Korean grammar. As a president, Moon Jae-in is considered able to write in Korean grammar so that it does not cause ambiguity and misunderstanding. The research data found 76 posts by Moon Jae-in and 267 compound sentences. This study also classifies these compound sentences into two classifications, namely 내포문 [nae-pho-mun] 'embedded clause' and 접속문 [jeop-sok-mun] 'conjunctive sentence.' The analysis results show two categories of compound sentence formation patterns in Moon Jae-in's writings: patterns of stacked and non-stacked compound sentence formation. After the analysis was completed, the researcher concluded three strategies for learning to write, namely 1) Students must be able to determine the type of sentence to be made; 2) Students must pay attention to sentence patterns in Korean; and 3) Learners must be careful in choosing the correct grammar.

Home Team Effect and Opinion Network after the Sewol Ferry Disaster: A mixed-method study of the influence of symbol and feedback on liberal versus conservative newspapers’ negative opinions

Studies on the symbol and feedback effects on the opinion based on the theory are lacking. Acknowledging that the media express their stance and opinion and that negative opinions are critical to policy change, this paper fills the gap in the literature by illustrating and comparing the effects of emotional and cognitive symbols and positive and negative feedback on the liberal and conservative newspapers’ negative opinions of South Korean President Park Geun-hye’s administration (Park administration) after the Sewol Ferry sank. This study used qualitative and quantitative methods to analyze the archival data, including 424 newspaper editorials and economic data published from April to December 2014. Multiple regression analyses were conducted following a content analysis of newspaper editorials, and network analysis was used to analyze the data. The results mostly supported the hypotheses that symbols and feedback affect the negative opinion on the political discourse, with new findings that deviate from the existing theories. The emotional symbols exerted a stronger influence on the negative opinion compared to cognitive symbols, regardless of the newspaper’s stance. The political system’s response to the positive and negative feedback was not definite; instead, it varied depending on the situation and newspaper perspective. The liberal newspaper responded to symbols and feedback more sensitively compared to the conservative one under the conservative administration. The conservative newspaper expressed more lenient negative opinions towards the conservative administration than the liberal newspaper, supporting the home team effect. These findings have practical and theoretical implications for future studies, highlighting the application of opinion networks in social science.

Gapsan Incident 1967 and its impact on the establishment of an ideological regime in North Korea

The states internal crises are more dangerous on internal politics and vital interests of the state than other crises. These crises appear when a group of senior state officials, who control important positions in governance, challenge the policy of the state and its ruler. This negatively affect the security of the state and its internal and external interests. North Korea was known for its authoritarian policy and its interest in absolute submission to the North Korean president and his policy of focusing on heavy industrialization since the end of the Korean War in 1950-1953, with the aim of making his country an advanced military state with a people subject to it to the point of slavery, under the pretext of getting out of Soviet control, which was the reason for the spread of communism in North Korea. After 1953 the Soviet Union began moving towards reform and abandoning the Stalinist policy of submission to the ruler. This was rejected by the Korean government, which relied on the policy of “venerating the leader” since 1949, which led to the emergence of opponents to that policy since the forties of the twentieth century and culminated in the crisis of August 1956. Despite the purge of those who called for reform, the leaders continued to confront that policy until the Gapsan Incident in 1967, whose goals and effects on the North Korean regime will be explained.

South Korea and NATO: from unlikely companions to key partners

Abstract Relations between South Korea and NATO have been deepening at a striking pace recently. Yoon Suk Yeol became the first South Korean president to attend a NATO Summit in 2022 and in the same year, Seoul opened its diplomatic mission to NATO in Brussels. South Korea also became the first east Asian country to join a NATO Centre of Excellence, and started increased consultations with NATO's military staffs. There is a gap in the literature on South Korea–NATO relations which this article aims to fill as it examines the reasons behind the rapidly deepening relations between South Korea and NATO in recent years. To understand the dynamics that triggered the rapid development of South Korea–NATO relations, this article applies Bence Nemeth's theory on defence cooperation which focuses on the interplay of three structural and two situational factors. We argue that the constellation of these factors operating together led the two sides to deepen cooperation organically over almost two decades. Path-dependent processes accrued through prior experiences of collaboration and institutional ‘stickiness’, aided by the positive rapport between leaders in office, allowed the two sides to deepen cooperation when the external environment required it following Russia's invasion of Ukraine.

Effects of presidential elections on accounting conservatism: Evidence from South Korea

AbstractThis study examines the effects of presidential elections (PEs) on firms’ accounting conservatism in Korea. The Korean president exerts great influence on the government's financial, monetary, subsidiary, and regulatory policies. At the same time, however, the Korean constitution prohibits the re‐election of the incumbent president. This simultaneously strong and fragile presidential system creates unique political uncertainty, which deteriorates the information gap between firms’ insiders and outsiders. According to the efficient contracting channel, accounting conservatism is expected to relieve information asymmetry by recognizing the economic losses faster than economic gains. But we posit that the effectiveness of accounting conservatism depends on the information environment within which they operate. If the information environment facilitates a compensation system for an increase in accounting conservatism under high uncertainty, managers may prefer to expand conservative accounting practices. However, if there is no such incentive mechanism, managers may opt to suspend accounting conservatism because the cost of revealing bad news increases during periods of uncertainty. Test results show that PEs encourage managers to delay rather than expedite the timely recognition of economic losses. This negative effect becomes more pronounced in firms with higher reliance on government contracts than firms with lower such reliance. We also find that Korean chaebol‐affiliated firms are likely to increase accounting conservatism during PEs. In general, US‐based studies support the positive relationship between information asymmetry and accounting conservatism, while this study demonstrates that this relationship can be reverse depending on the institutional environment.

South Korean Public's Threat Perception of North Korea and Support for the US Extended Deterrence

South Korean President Yoon Suk Yeol's statement on nuclear acquisition resonates throughout the United States, raising speculations about his intent. Although the U.S. has made strides to reassure South Korea by establishing the Nuclear Consultative Group in 2023, the South Korean public's heightened threat perception of North Korea has neither been assuaged nor translated into support for the U.S. extended deterrence. This situation contradicts existing literature, which posits that a state's restraint on nuclear armament can be attributed to the security guarantee provided by its nuclear ally. To resolve this puzzle, this study explores the nature of the South Korean public's threat perception and the factors determining its support for the U.S. extended deterrence. Empirical analyses demonstrate that South Korean public's threat perception of North Korea is substantially high in both progressive and conservative blocs. However, South Koreans would rather develop their own nuclear weapon than rely on extended deterrence.

ОҢТҮСТІК КОРЕЯНЫҢ ЕУРОПАЛЫҚ ОДАҚҚА ҚАТЫСТЫ САЯСАТЫ: НЕГІЗГІ КЕЗЕҢДЕР, ЕРЕКШЕЛІКТЕРІ МЕН ДАМУ ҮРДІСТЕРІ

The article examines the history of South Korea's policy towards the European Union since its formation. The purpose of the article is to study South Korea's policy towards European countries after gaining independence in 1948. It was important for South Korea to gain diplomatic recognition of independent European states. The article, based on South Korean and European materials, examines the policies of the presidential administrations of Rhee Syngman, Park Chung-hee, Roh Tae-woo, etc. The study used a descriptive method to capture the main points of interaction between South Korea and the EU countries. A realistic approach to international relations was used to analyze bilateral contacts between Seoul and Brussels, according to which states are primarily guided by their national interests when cooperating with other states. The study showed that Park Chung-hee, having become president of South Korea in 1962, intensified his foreign policy activities towards cooperation with developed Western European countries. He sought to attract investment into the economy, open the European market for South Korean business and isolate North Korea in the international arena. In the late 1980s, a thaw in the Cold War occurred on the international stage, which made it possible for South Korean President Roh Tae-woo to pursue his "Northern Policy" and establish contacts with the Soviet Union and Eastern European countries. The author came to the conclusion that after the end of the authoritarian period in South Korea, political, economic and humanitarian ties between Seoul and Brussels are strengthening and expanding. In addition, the article reveals the contractual and legal relations between the European Union and South Korea, as well as trade disputes between South Korean and European businesses.

The Moonshine Policy: The Idiosyncrasy Factors of President Moon Jae-In in Improving Inter-Korean Relations

The North Korea's nuclear program has threatened the security of the Korean Peninsula. Every year, North Korea launches various types of missile tests, which raises the international community's concern. As a country responsible for maintaining security on the Korean Peninsula, South Korea has made various efforts to stop North Korea's nuclear development. Foreign policy issued by South Korea is constantly re-orientated according to the identity and perspective of the South Korean president at a particular time. This article analyzes President Moon Jae In's idiosyncrasy factors informing the new Sunshine policy to resolve North Korea's nuclear threats. This study aims to prove that the idiosyncratic factor has a significant influence on the decision-making process and the formation of the South Korea�s foreign policy. It shows that President Moon Jae In is a conciliatory leader who has an active-independent leadership characteristic based on the current dynamic North and South Korea�s nuclear tensions.

The Position of Japan and South Korea Regarding the Russian-Ukrainian War

The article reveals the position and actions of Japan and South Korea regarding the Russian-Ukrainian war after February 24, 2022. Russia’s annexation of Crimea in 2014 prompted mostly symbolic sanctions from Japan and did not distract Tokyo from its aspiration to improve relations with Moscow. However, Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine has caused tension in relations between Tokyo and Moscow. Japan is the center of support for Ukraine in the Asia-Pacific region, which is extremely important for our country, since this state belongs to the G7 and is one of the leading economies in the world.
 In contrast, South Korea’s reaction was mixed. When the war broke out, Seoul’s response was vague and mixed, prompting a wave of international criticism that the government did not seem to understand or know how to respond to. The first response of the administration of South Korean President Moon Jae-in was fear for South Korean exports to Russia. For several days, it was unclear whether Seoul would support the sanctions regime. South Korea took action only when the US began threatening trade exclusions on goods needed by exporters.
 Today, in the Asian context, South Korea and Japan are among the few countries that have provided the most comprehensive support to Ukraine and its partners after February 24, 2022. The Republic of Korea and Japan condemned Russia, imposed sanctions against Moscow, and provided Kyiv with aid and non-lethal military equipment. In addition, South Korea also transferred weapons to Ukraine to repel a Russian invasion, even if these transfers were made through third parties. South Korea and Japan’s pro-Ukrainian position and consequent anti-Russian stance is a result of their strong alliance with the United States and growing security ties with other Western countries, their need to prevent North Korea and China from contemplating similar actions, and their desire to inform that similar events in the region would be undesirable.

Impact Of GSOMIA (General Security Of Military Information Agreement) Treaty Bilateral Military Cooperation Between Japan And South Korea

North Korea's nuclear missile test launches in the East Asian region create security tensions for regional countries,especially Japan and South Korea, which are geographically very close. Faced with these problems, the two countriesstabilized their national security by carrying out military cooperation as stated in the GSOMIA treaty pact. The GSOMIA Agreement is an agreement made by both countries in response to North Korea's nuclear developments, the agreement allows the two countries to exchange information related to North Korea's nuclear developments supervisedby each country's weapons. However, in the process of ratification of the GSOMIA agreement experienced manyobstacles that came from South Korea's domestic, namely the negative sentiment of the South Korean people towardsJapan related to problems in historical times, this can be evidenced by the delay of the GSOMIA agreement in 2012 during the reign of Lee Myung-bak. In 2016 the GSOMIA agreement was successfully realized by both countries at that time Japan led by Shinzo Abe, South Korea by Park Geun Hye. Of all the processes that have been passed have an impact oneach country, namely the abdication of the South Korean president which is analyzed using the concept of Public Policy and affects the dynamics of bilateral relations between the two countries from decisions made by Japan and South Korea analyzed by the concept of Foreign Policy.

Guns, Guerrillas, and the Great Leader: North Korea and the Third World by Benjamin R. Young

<i>Guns, Guerrillas, and the Great Leader: North Korea and the Third World</i> by Benjamin R. Young

Changes and Continuities in South Korea’s Major Foreign and Security Policies under the Yoon Suk-yeol Administration

Strengthening the South Korea–US alliance is South Korean President Yoon Suk-yeol’s top priority in foreign and security policies. However, such a pro-American inclination is highly likely to create many diplomatic challenges caused by heightened tensions on the Korean peninsula and in its relations with China in the years to come. South Korea, as a middle power, should play a more proactive role in world affairs commensurate with its economic and cultural prowess in cooperation with like-minded countries in the Indo-Pacific region.

The Long Shadows of Gwangju: Transitional Criminal Justice in South Korea

ABSTRACT∞ On 23 November 2021, the former South Korean president, Chun Doo-hwan, died at his home in Seoul less than a month after his successor Roh Tae-woo. Both men were leading figures during a dark period of the country’s military dictatorships. The most egregious example of their authoritarian rule was the killing of hundreds of students and other persons who were protesting against the martial law government in Gwangju in 1980. On the occasion of the deaths of the two former presidents, this article offers an analysis of the events in Gwangju in the context of South Korea’s contemporary history, before examining the criminal justice responses in the 1990s and more recently. In doing so, it presents and analyses the changing role of criminal law in extended periods of transitional justice.

SOUTH KOREA'S EURASIAN INITIATIVE: A METHOD OF PROMOTING ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL RIGHTS IN ASIA

An ambitious and well-structured economic plan was proposed by the former South Korean President Park Geun-hye at the International Conference on Cooperation in Eurasia, held in Seoul in 2013. This study discusses the situation of economic and social rights within the Asian continent and links the consequences of the proposed initiative. Through the South Korean diplomacy, the “Eurasian Initiative” could be realized. The study concludes with the major economic and social changes that may result from this initiative, which transforms Eurasia into an international economic center and restores its leading role. We refer to the socio-economic situation prevailing Eurasia and examine possible changes after the implementation of the proposed initiative. The study discusses the active role played by the South Korean diplomacy for initiative’s success and strengthening of ties with member states. It is likely that the projects will expand if the set goals succeed.

Rebuilding Lost Identity: Rethinking Korean Reunification as an Imagined Community of Shared National Identity

In 2018, North Korean Leader Kim Jong-un expressed his desire to write a new history of Korean reunification. South Korean President Moon Jae-in reciprocated Kim’s desire in August 2019 when Moon set the ambitious deadline of the year 2045 for a peaceful reunification of the Koreas. The rhetoric of the two Koreas placed a renewed spotlight on the reunification of the Korean Peninsula. While contemporary literature on Korean reunification primarily focuses on the differences between the two Koreas, little attention has been paid to how a unified Korean identity can play a crucial rule in sustaining the reunification effort. This article seeks to bridge that gap by arguing that a unified Korea should be understood as a reimagined community of two distinct nations joined by a shared identity. To support this argument, this article looks first to the theoretical framework of Benedict Anderson’s Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism and applies the framework to the history of Korea’s shared identity. Second, the article analyzes the evolution of the national identities of both South Korea and North Korea since 1945, when the Koreas were divided along the thirty-eighth parallel. Third, the obstacles to reunification are examined. Finally, suggestions on how reunification of the two Koreas could be sustained through shared national identities are explored.

In Defense of North Korea Sanctions

South Korean President Moon Jae-In's administration has sought sanctions relief for North Korea, but South Korea's allies have rejected those solicitations. This paper formalizes the allies' anti-relief impulses. It argues both against sanctions critiques and on behalf of sanctions. First, it disputes common sanction critiques, arguing that: 1) the humanitarian crisis in North Korea is the fault of the regime's choices, not sanctions; 2) sanctions have in fact been somewhat effective; and 3) North Korean leader Kim Jong Un is not a reformer. Second, this paper defends sanctions, because they: 1) express the international community's moral rejection of North Korean totalitarianism; 2) constrict North Korean economic growth in the strategic interest of South Korea and its partner democracies; 3) deter other states from following North Korea's nuclear and missile path; 4) give teeth to United Nations Security Council resolutions; and 5) punish North Korea for international law (UNSCR) violations.

Measuring Online Public Opinion for Decision Making: Application of Deep Learning on Political Context

Thoughts travel faster and farther through cyberspace where people interact with one another regardless of limitations in language, space, and time. Is a poll sufficient to measure people’s opinions in this era of hyperconnectivity? This study introduces a deep learning method to measure online public opinion. By analyzing Korean texts from Twitter, this study generates time-series data on online sentiment toward the South Korean president, comparing it to traditional presidential approval to demonstrate the independence of the masses’ online discourse. The study tests different algorithms and deploys the model with high accuracy and advancement. The analysis suggests that online public opinion represents a unique population as opposed to offline surveys. The study model examines Korean texts generated by online users and automatically predicts their sentiments, which translate into group attitudes by aggregation. The research method can extend to other studies, including those on environmental and cultural issues, which have greater online presence. This provides opportunities to examine the influences of social phenomenon, benefiting individuals seeking to understand people in an online context. Moreover, it helps scholars in analyzing those public opinions—online or offline—that are more important in their decision making to assess the practicality of the methods.

To the Question of the Ideological Roots of Park Chung Hee’s Socio-political Views (1961-1979)

This article analyzes the sources of South Korean President Park Chung Hee’s ideas of 1960-1970s. Park Chung Hee guided South Korea’s modernization and tried to create a state ideology that justified his political course. The evolution of this ideology was determined not only by the situation on the Korean Peninsula but also by Park’s personal views. His political views had a great influence on important political decisions in the country. The article reveals the basic roots of Park Chung Hee’s views. We analyzed the influence of Confucianism, ideas and experience of Meiji Japan and policy of Japanese militarism, North Korean Juche ideology. Park’s worldview was not monolithic, but composed of different ideas and influences. His ideas about state and society were influenced by Confucian concepts. Park being a Japanese trained officer was deeply influenced by Japanese colonial and military legacies. He borrowed many slogans and aspects of economic policy from Japan. Comparing himself with Meiji Japan’s modernizers Park Chung Hee was a Korean nationalist. He intended to build a militarily and economically developed state led by a strong leader. Park remolded his soft authoritarian regime into a unlimited dictatorship (Yushin) in 1972. His ideal of state had a lot of similarities with regime of Kim II Sung in North Korea.

The Prospect of Pragmatic Confucian Democracy: Reply to Dryzek, Macedo, Ackerly, and Li

The Prospect of Pragmatic Confucian Democracy: Reply to Dryzek, Macedo, Ackerly, and Li