King Of Scots Research Articles

Burghs in the landscape and the landscape of burghs: conquest, culture and urban design in north-east Scotland, 1150–1230

ABSTRACT This study considers the planting and planning of burghs in Moray, by kings of Scots, during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. The king’s burghs were placed in the Moray landscape as a key element in an exemplary Anglo-Norman culture zone created in the coastal lowlands. This study focuses upon the arrangement of internal space within each town: especially exploring the dimensions of burgage plots as evidence of deliberate planning. Design commonalities among the Moray burghs are considered as evidence for stringent royal direction of burgh foundation by a cadre of professional town planners, using a common template and regularised standard measures for urban design.

The First ‘British’ Colony in the Americas: Inter-kingdom Cooperation and Stuart-British Ideology in the Colonisation of Newfoundland, 1616–1640

The accession of James VI, the Stewart (or Stuart) King of Scots, to the thrones of England and Ireland in 1603 renewed debates about ‘Britishness’. Many of the king’s attempts to popularise and codify his version of the concept were unsuccessful. His vision for closer political union between England and Scotland did not come to pass until 1707 and most historians attribute the formation of British identity to the eighteenth century. Most influentially, Linda Colley has argued that British identity was forged in the crucible of eighteenth-century empire-building as English, Scottish, and Welsh people lived, worked, and fought together across the globe in defence of shared values. English, Scottish, Welsh, and Irish people and interests likewise coalesced in the pursuit of empire in the early seventeenth century. They cooperated in attempts to colonise Newfoundland and explicitly promoted the project as British. The Newfoundland example shows that James’ British vision had some success. This article examines the project’s ‘Britishness’ and argues that the 1603 union of the crowns’ role in the formation of British identity and its impact on overseas expansion requires additional attention.

Oram, David I: King of Scots, 1124–1153 (Birlinn, 2020)

Oram, David I: King of Scots, 1124–1153 (Birlinn, 2020)

Richard D. Oram, David I: King of Scots, 1124–1153

Richard D. Oram, <i>David I: King of Scots, 1124–1153</i>

Keith J. Stringer, The Kings of Scots, the Liberty of Penrith, and the Making of Britain (1237–1296)

Keith J. Stringer, <i>The Kings of Scots, the Liberty of Penrith, and the Making of Britain (1237–1296</i>)

Stringer, The Kings of Scots, The Liberty of Penrith, and the Making of Britain (1237–1296)

Stringer, The Kings of Scots, The Liberty of Penrith, and the Making of Britain (1237–1296)

Portraits of James I and James II, kings of Scots

This paper presents an inquiry into the origins of some painted portrait images of James I and James II of Scotland which are first attested in the late 16th century. That the likenesses are not authentic is shown by comparisons with images of the two kings which have a demonstrable claim to authenticity, and by a consideration of the costumes depicted: the latter were evidently derived from sources which, although of 15th-century date, were too late in the century to have been authentic for these particular rulers. On the evidence of the sets of portraits to which these paintings belong, one in Edinburgh and another in Munich, it is suggested that the faces of James I and II were based on those of the (authentic) images of James III and IV respectively.

In search of Robert Bruce, part I: Craniofacial analysis of the skull excavated at Dunfermline in 1819

Robert Bruce, king of Scots, is a significant figure in Scottish history, and his facial appearance will have been key to his status, power and resilience as a leader. This paper is the first in a series that discusses the burial and skeletal remains excavated at Dunfermline in 1819. Parts II and III discuss the evidence relating to whether or not the burial vault and skeleton belong to Robert Bruce, and Part I analyses and interprets the historical records and skeletal structure in order to produce a depiction of the facial appearance of Robert Bruce.

Lost Letters of Medieval Life: English Society, 1200–1250 transed. by Martha Carlin, and David Crouch

Reviewed by: Lost Letters of Medieval Life: English Society, 1200–1250 transed. by Martha Carlin, and David Crouch Nicholas Dean Brodie Carlin, Martha, and David Crouch, eds and trans, Lost Letters of Medieval Life: English Society, 1200–1250 (Middle Ages Series), Philadelphia, University of Pennsylvania Press, 2017; paperback; pp. 360; 19 b/w illustrations; R.R.P. US $29.95, £24.99; ISBN 9780812223361. Drawing on material preserved in two early thirteenth-century formularies, this volume of one hundred letters offers a rich contribution to the study of medieval England. As the editors explain, it is 'a book about everyday life' (p. 1) as revealed [End Page 236] by a 'casual, ephemeral kind of correspondence' (p. 1) that provides a fascinating window into the medieval world. Transcribed in Latin and translated into English, these letters are made usefully accessible. The editors' commentary and explication aid in their contextualization and interpretation, but also stitch the whole volume into a structured account of medieval English society, economy, and culture. Arranged into sections broadly covering finance and trade, warfare and politics, processes of governance, families and communities, and knightly matters, these letters have been selected with care to be representative and insightful. The ordering of wine in preparation for medicinal bloodletting (p. 73), for instance, highlights a unique element of the medieval wine trade. Other nuances of life abound. The sheriff of Cambridge carefully explains to the king of England that the king of Scots owns a forest concerned with some requested venison (pp. 189–90). Priests warn each other of an approaching bishop (pp. 82–83). Students beg for money from their parents (p. 247). Promises are made and broken. An earl's summons to his knights, the editors note, 'gives us an unparalleled glimpse into the military organization of medieval England' (p. 99). Many of the letters deliver similarly extraordinary views into the attitudes and workings of medieval life, a running theme of the volume. While theoretically formulaic letters, designed to be copied, the editors alert us to the complexities that underpin them. Some are obviously from specific historical moments, others quite generic, some merely playful. Such manuscript and textual matters are at the fore in this book. Through students potentially playing with poor Latin for amusement (p. 256), to the detailed explication about formularies general and particular in the introduction, this is a book about texts. Parallel source material is usefully and often quoted at length for elucidation and comparison. Overall, this is a highly-recommended volume, which would be especially well-suited for use as an advanced teaching resource, or even as a refresher for those who think they know medieval England. It is well that these lost letters have found new life, and hopefully plentiful readers for them. [End Page 237] Nicholas Dean Brodie Hobart, Tasmania Copyright © 2019 Parergon

Alastair J. Mann, James VII. Duke and King of Scots, 1633–1701

Alastair J. Mann, <i>James VII. Duke and King of Scots, 1633–1701</i>

Alastair J. Mann, James VII: Duke and King of Scots, 1633–1701

Alastair J. Mann, <i>James VII: Duke and King of Scots, 1633–1701</i>

The beginnings of royal pardon in Scotland

ABSTRACTThe well attested (and comprehensively studied) animus that informed English attitudes towards the Gaelic-speaking peoples of the British Isles in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries has tended to obscure important developments in the legal landscape of contemporary Scotland. This article argues that soon after 1200, the king of Scots deliberately abandoned as barbaric, obnoxious and unbecoming a Christian prince the practice of mutilating high-status political enemies and ritually defiling their bodily remains. The transformation reflected influences from England and Europe in general, but the argument here is that ultimately the change reflected the maturation of the Scottish ideas about Christian kingship, royal justice and royal mercy.

APPENDIX II: THE MARRIAGE OF WILLIAM MARSHAL THE YOUNGER

APPENDIX II: THE MARRIAGE OF WILLIAM MARSHAL THE YOUNGER

Power and Patronage across the North Channel: Hugh de Lacy, St Andrews and the Anglo-Scottish Crisis of 1209

The connections between the medieval kingdom of Scots and Irish earldom of Ulster have remained elusive. One of the most intriguing points of contact occurred in 1205×10, when the first earl of Ulster, Hugh II de Lacy (d. 1242), granted churches within his Irish lordship to the cathedral priory of St Andrews. Exploring de Lacy's links to the bishop of St Andrews, William Malveisin, and the constable of Scotland, Alan of Galloway, this article suggests that the gift to St Andrews was part of the earl's bid to secure King William the Lion, as an ally in the North Channel region. The king of Scots is connected to de Lacy's attempts to undermine King John of England, involving partners in France and northern England. It is further argued that the revelation of de Lacy's patronage of St Andrews contributed directly to the Anglo-Scottish crisis of 1209 and the humiliating terms imposed on the Scots by the treaty of Norham in the same year. What is superficially an ordinary grant of ecclesiastical benefices is on closer inspection found to be charged with political meaning, leading ultimately to Hugh de Lacy's expulsion from the earldom of Ulster by the army of King John.

The Assizes of David I, king of Scots, 1124–53

David I, king of Scots (1124–53), has long wielded a posthumous reputation as one of Scotland's most important lawmakers. Yet there has been little scholarly attention paid to the ‘assizes’ circulating under his name; indeed, the identification of a coherent and stable text of David's laws has long been thought a false hope. This article argues that this view is mistaken: the original structure and content of the so-called ‘Assizes of David’ can be established. However, that text contains very little legislative material attributable to David himself but instead was an exercise to create legal antiquity for Robert I (1306–29) at a time when that most insecure of kings was conducting a programme of written legitimisation of his kingship. The ‘Assizes of David I’ were, more properly, an attempt to convey Robert's own legislative aims through association with his long-dead but illustrious predecessor, David I. Finally, understanding the correct form of the ‘Assizes of David’ can unlock the nature of some of the other ‘auld law’ compilations and possibly even provide an entry into that most intractable of legal treatises, Regiam Majestatem.

Royal Mercy in Later Medieval Scotland

Towards the end of October 1308, following a campaign that saw Robert Bruce secure his hold over the region of Moray, William earl of Ross found it wise to abandon the support he had to date given to Edward I of England in favour of the new king of Scots. The earl’s treason against the latter was notorious and of long standing: he had refused to recognize Bruce’s seizure of the throne in the summer of 1306, had carried fire and sword to the king’s supporters and the women of his kindred, and had been in correspondence with the enemy English as recently as the previous spring. The singular harshness and “terrible completeness” that marked Bruce’s “herschip” of the province of Buchan after the victory of royalist forces near Inverurie stands in marked contrast to the magnanimity that the king demonstrated towards Earl William himself in a public assembly held at Auldearn Castle. Here, before a large crowd of secular and ecclesiastical magnates the earl of Ross publicly confessed his offences; with joined hands and on bended knee he performed homage to Bruce and swore a solemn oath henceforth “faithfully to give [him] service, aid and counsel.” Bruce’s return gesture was an open offer of his “innate goodness, inspired mercy and special grace” and the remission of “all rancour of spirit” towards the traitor.

Rival bishops, rival cathedrals: the election of Cormac, archdeacon of Sodor, as bishop in 1331

On 6 July 1331, two procurators arrived in Bergen claiming that Cormac son of Cormac had been elected bishop of Sodor by the clergy of Skye and the canons of Snizort. Their arrival is recorded in a letter sent by Eiliv, archbishop of Nidaros, to two canons of the church of Bergen ordering that there be an examination of the election in the cathedral of Bergen on 12 July 1331. Cormac's election was contentious for three main reasons: firstly, there was already a new bishop of Sodor; secondly the right to elect a bishop of Sodor seems to have lain with the clergy of Man; and thirdly the king of Scots had the right to present the candidate to the archbishop of Nidaros. This paper examines the identities and careers of both Cormac and his successful rival, Thomas de Rossy, and the potential reasons for Cormac's claim and its ultimate failure. Therefore, this study reveals some of the underlying geopolitical realities of the diocese of Sodor in the mid-fourteenth century.

Historical writing in twelfth- and thirteenth-century Scotland: the Dunfermline compilation

This article examines the first three items in a manuscript housed in the Royal Library in Madrid but written at the Benedictine abbey of Dunfermline in Fife, Scotland during the reign of James III (1460–88). It argues that the three items were originally put together during the reign of Alexander III (1249–86) and together formed a compilation which should be viewed as the earliest extant history of the twelfth- and thirteenth-century kings of Scots. Interestingly, the Dunfermline compilation did not stress the Irish ancestry of the kings of Scots, as might be assumed, but instead set its subjects against the backdrop of their Anglo-Saxon descent from the house of Cerdic. The article then considers the relationship of the Dunfermline compilation to Turgot's Vita Sancte Margarete and Aelred of Rievaulx's Genealogia Regum Anglorum and argues that the use of these sources in the compilation suggest that it was put together for a particular political purpose, a purpose for which the Anglo-Saxon ancestry of the kings of Scots had particular relevance.

The Death of John Comyn: What Was Going On?

The aim of this article is to explore in depth what was ‘going on’ - as opposed to simply what ‘happened’ - when John Comyn was killed by Robert Bruce in Dumfries on 10 February 1306, in one of the most dra-matic and pivotal events in Scotland's history. It divides into two parts. The first considers the main medieval sources. These were of course all written after the event, and so are invariably coloured by hindsight and what is nowadays called ‘spin’; hence they are not ‘true’ accounts but constructed narratives. Their treatment here aims to elucidate what each author was trying to present to his intended audience. The article deals with, in turn: the narratives in the English government documents produced in the killing's aftermath; the near-contemporary English chronicle narrratives; the rather later Scottish chronicle narratives; some additional Scottish narra-tives found within certain poems; and finally the lay-authored Scalacronica, which has a significantly different perspective from other English chroni-cles. In general, the narratives are revealingly complex; despite their slants, they are far from being exercises in crude propaganda. And, significantly, the Scottish chronicles (especially Wyntoun) and Scalacronica give emphasis to the fact that the victim of the killing, John Comyn, was the nephew of King John Balliol and grandson of Dervorguilla, lady of Galloway, and thus was a leading member of the senior Scottish royal line. Moreover, close reading of ‘The Scottish poem’ in Liber Extravagans (appended to Bower's Scotichronicon) reveals a contemporary plea for John Comyn to become king of Scots. In the second half of the article, the implications of this ‘Comyn-for-king’ concept are pursued. None of the standard accounts of the period pays serious attention to Comyn's royal descent; discussions of the killing invariably focus on Robert Bruce. Therefore an attempt is made here - despite the understandable absence of hard evidence - to consider the killing more from the victim's point of view. It is argued that, after the de facto collapse of Balliol kingship in 1303-4, John Comyn (because of his own lineage) would never have accepted Robert Bruce (whose line of descent had been declared inferior in 1292) as king. Consequently, political compromise between the two men was obviously out of the question. Therefore, although none of the chronicle narratives can be taken at face value, their consistent presenta-tions of the killing as premeditated are possibly valid after all, despite the denials of the main modern studies. And although (because of the problem of evidence) it is impossible to achieve certainty over this ques-tion, what does become clear is that Comyn's claim to the throne is the crucial factor for understanding what was going on when he was killed.

Coincidences of Names, Anglo-Scottish Connections and Anglo-Saxon Society in the late Eleventh-Century West Country

Maelcoluim III, king of Scots (ruled 1058-93), had at least eight sons: Donnchad (Duncan) and Domnall (Donald), sons of his first wife, and Edward, Edmund, ^Ethelred, Edgar, Alexander, and David, sons of his second wife, Margaret sister of Edgar vEtheling. Donnchad (Donnchad II, 1094), Edgar (1097-1107), Alexander (Alexander I, 1107-24) and David (David I, 1124-53) were all kings of Scots; one of their sisters, Edith/Matilda married King Henry I of England in 1100.1 Donnchad was given as hostage to William the Conqueror in 1072 and thereafter he is, for the most part, absent from the record until 1094 when he invaded Scotland to wrest the throne from his uncle, Domnall III (1093-4, 1094-7). In the first part of this article he is tentatively identified with the sole Donecan in Domesday Book, a tenant of Robert, count of Mortain (d.1095), the Conqueror's half-brother, in Somerset.2 Most of the article, however, concerns the names 'David' and 'Alexander'. These soon came to be associated with the Scottish royal family, but this is their