King Of Egypt Research Articles

Study about King Semerkhet of the 1st Dynasty

smr-Xt is the Horus name of an early Egyptian king. He was the 7th king of the 1st Dynasty (2930-2920 BC). He was the first Egyptian ruler with a fully developed Nebty name. Manetho called Semerkhet “Semempses” and credited him with a reign continued for 18 years. On the other hand, Turin Canon credited him with a long reign of 72 years. Nowadays, Egyptologists consider both opinions as kind of exaggerations and credited Semerkhet with a reign of 8 ½ years. The last opinion is based on the Cairo Stone Inscription, where the complete reign of Semerkhet has been recorded. Semerkhet is well documented in archeological records. His name was found on vessels made of schist, alabaster, marble and breccia. His name also appeared on ivory tags and jar seals. These various objects that bear Semerkhet’s name and titles came from Abydos and Saqqara. This research aims to study and analyze the reigning period of the king Semerkhet, to collect the representations of the king in order to understand his titles, and to spot the light on the king’s monuments and works. The research framework is an historical, artistic study for tracking the monumental works of king Semerkhet. The research is a combined study between both descriptive and analytical sides.

Rockfall susceptibility and runout in the Valley of the Kings

The UNESCO world heritage site Valley of the Kings or Wadi el-Moluk (وادي الملوك) near Luxor, Egypt, hosts unique burial places of Egyptian kings and royals from the New Kingdom (c. 1539–1075 BCE) and attracts about 0.5 to 2 million tourists per year. Very steep to subvertical cliffs of Thebes Limestone surround the Valley of the Kings. The rock mass is cut by frequent joints and faults making the cliff walls prone to rockfalls. However, only few rockfall debris are found in the valley, likely due to natural remobilisation by flood events and artificial clearings and excavation works that rendered the natural debris cover over the millennia. This work focuses on rockfall susceptibility and runout and makes use of new high-resolution landscape surface models utilising terrestrial laser scanning. We investigated rockfall release areas by exploring rock mass fractures at 23 cliff segments and analysed the kinematics of potential rockfalls. Furthermore, we estimated potential rockfall deposition areas with CONEFALL supported by nine numerical simulations of single rockfall events using Rockyfor3D. We found that nearly 4500 m2 (26%) of the public walking paths and 24 out of 64 tomb entrance areas locate within potential rockfall runout zones.

Finding Truths among the “Lies”: Fact-Checking Herodotus’s Egypt in the Long Eighteenth Century

This article treats the reception history of Herodotus—reputed to be both “the father of history” and “the father of lies”—between about 1670 and 1850. It focuses attention on book 2 of The Histories, in which Herodotus offers an extensive, and ostensibly firsthand, account of the monuments, geography, customs, flora, and fauna of Egypt. Most arrestingly for modern European readers, book 2 also contains descriptions of Egyptian religious practices and a chronology of Egyptian kings. Crucially, however, much of what Herodotus reports on these two subjects he learned not directly, but by listening to accounts of men whom he labeled “Egyptian priests.” In the eighteenth century in particular, I argue, these “priests” and their indirect testimony began to pose a serious historiographical problem: had Herodotus, naively, trusted them too much? If so, was his credibility with respect to the other contents of the “oriental” prelude to The Histories (books 1–4) impugned? The essay shows that, while some skeptics, and especially philhellenes, favored relegating books 1–4 entirely to the status of myth, “orientalists,” and especially those eager to save the credibility of the Old Testament, defended Herodotus. Their faith in him, I conclude, kept alive belief in the possibility of reconstructing Near Eastern antiquity before the great age of decipherments and archaeological finds began.

From Maeotis to the Nile: the War between Egyptians and Scythians in the Traditions of Hecataeus of Abdera and Pompeius Trogus

The article considers the evidence on the alleged war between Egyptians and Scythians in Book One of the Library of History by Diodorus Siculus coming back to the work on Egypt by Hecataeus of Abdera (ca. 310s B. C.) and in the works by Justin, Orosius and Iordanes that reproduced the universal history by Pompeius Trogus; it also explores a wide context of these data in the Classical tradition starting with Herodotus’ History. In the author’s opinion, the traditions of Hecataeus and Trogus on this issue are based on a source dating to the 4th century B. C. and telling about the campaign of the great Egyptian king to the Scythian border on the Tanais, on his defeat by the Scythians, on the settlement of a part of Egyptian warriors becoming the ancestors of the Colchi at this boundary, near the Lake of Maeotis, and on the eventual drive of Egyptians by Scythians till the water boundaries and the fortifications of Eastern Delta. This original information was gradually transformed in its transmission (e.g., Hecataeus fully annihilated the motif of the Egyptian king being defeated). Probably, this plot intended to explain Egypt’s loss of its world-dominion and originated earlier than it came to be known to Herodotus. Its version reflected by Hecataeus and Trogus became topical in the 4th century B.C., in the last time of Egyptian independence, when the reflection about menaces to Egypt from outside were much up-to-date. The basis to this plot might be the contaminated memories of the Egyptian encounter with the Hittites and of the wars against the Sea Peoples in the 13th and the early 12th centuries B.C. Its transmission to the Greek tradition of the 5th and the 4th centuries B. C. proceeded from complex contacts of its makers with Egyptian informers, who were probably able to adapt their notions to the Greek cultural lexicon.

القبائل النوبیة خلال عصر الدولة القدیمة

تنوعت علاقات مصر مع القبائل النوبية خلال عصر الدولة القديمة نتيجة تنوع أغراض مصر من تلک القبائل وديارها، منها ما کان ذو طابع سياسية وحربي بحت مثل اهتمام ملوک الأسرة السادسة بالنوبة بسبب الضغط الذي وقع على الحدود المصرية من قبل البدو الأسيويين، وتعدي هذا الاهتمام من مجرد إرسال الحملات إلى استخدام الجنود النوبيون کمرتزقة في الجيش المصري، ومنها ما کان ذو طابع إقتصادي حيث کانت بلاد النوبة هي البلاد المصدرة للذهب والعاج والعديد من الخيرات التي کان الملک وحاشيته يتهافتون للحصول عليها بالإضافة إلي کونها معبر للتجارة المصرية إلي قلب أفريقيا. ونتيجة لذلک عمل الملوک المصريون على السيطرة على بلاد النوبة بيد من حديد في الوقت الذي کان يسکن بها القبائل المعروفة بأسم المجموعة (أ) ثم وفد عليهم قبائل عرفت بقبائل المجموعة (ج) مع نهاية عصر الدولة القديمة، تعني هذه الدراسة بذکر أثر القبائل النوبية على مصر خلال عصر الدولة القديمة من خلال المصادر المصرية والنوبية المعاصرة وتشمل أيضا على التعريف بأهم القبائل النوبية التي ظهرت في المصادر المصرية وما خلفته تلک القبائل من آثار تعطينا فکرة عن الجوانب المختلفة لحياتها. The Relations between Egypt and Nubian tribes diversed during old kingdom period, As a result of the diversed Egyptian needs from the Nubian tribes and their lands. Some of these relations were political and martial such as the sixth dynasty special care of Nubia because of the Asiatic Bedouin danger in their times, So Egyptian kings recruited the Nubian warriors as soldiers in the Egyptian army beside the military campaigns which they led on their lands. On the other hand we can consider the economic motive as a strong motive for the Egyptian king, As Nubia was a source of gold, ivory and other goods for the king and his courtyards, in addition to this Nubia was a passage for the Egyptian trade, which goes to center Africa. All of these motives make us believe that Egyptian domination over Nubia was very harsh when it was inhabited by the tribes known as group (A) tribes then a new tribes came in the latest days of the old kingdom period whom we know as group (C) tribes, in this research I will talk about the Nubian tribes effect on Egypt through the Egyptian and contemporarily Nubian resources, and I will talk about the Nubian tribes from the ancient Egyptian texts and Nubian monuments which give as an idea about How these Nubian tribes lived their life.

1 Chronicles–2 Maccabees

1 Chronicles–2 Maccabees Christopher T. Begg, Thomas Hieke, and William J. Urbrock Christopher T. Begg Catholic University of America Thomas Hieke Johannes Gutenberg Universität Mainz William J. Urbrock University of Wisconsin Oshkosh 2234. [Positive Shame in Ezra–Nehemiah] Bin Kang, "The Positive Role of Shame for Post-exilic Returnees in Ezra/Nehemiah," OTE 33 (2, 2020) 250-65. While shame is often viewed in a negative light as a response accompanied by destructive behaviors in modern cultures, my article takes a different perspective and argues that shame played an important positive role for the postexilic returnees in Ezra–Nehemiah. Shame, I argue, can be a progressive and constructive phenomenon if it is oriented in the right direction. My article examines the semantics of various "shame terms" in Ezra–Nehemiah, i.e., bwš I in Ezra 8:22; bwš I and klm in Ezra 9:6-7; ḥrph in Neh 1:3; 2:17; and bwzh in Neh 3:36 (Eng. 4:4), and concludes that shame plays a positive role as a source of social control for the returnees. Shame, in each of the above texts, motivates the people of God, not for bad, but rather for good purposes: it prompted them to rebuild the temple and the wall of Jerusalem and contributed to the restoration of a holy people for the Lord in the face of fierce opposition from those among whom they lived. [Adapted from published abstract—C.T.B.] Google Scholar 2235. [Ezra 6:19-22; 2 Chronicles 30; 2 Chronicles 35] Timothy Yap, "Three Passovers and a Funeral Reading. Ezra 6:19-22 in Light of the Hezekiah and Josiah Passover Narratives," ResQ 63 (1, 2021) 31-43. In this article I have sought to demonstrate that the Passover narrative in Ezra 6:19-22 is deliberately crafted to recall the Passover celebrations during the times of Hezekiah (2 Chr 30:13-27) and Josiah (2 Chr 35:1-19). Such a recollection of preceding Passover celebrations assists us in understanding some of the vexing issues latent in Ezra 6:19-22. In my examination of Hezekiah's Passover narrative, I argue that 2 Chr 30:13-27 has a threefold bearing on Ezra 6:19-22. First, Ezra 6:19-22 fulfills Hezekiah's vision of unifying Israel as a whole. Second, it also allows us to understand the rhetorical purposes of the change of languages from Hebrew to Aramaic and then back to Hebrew in Ezra 1–6. And finally, Hezekiah's Passover narrative provides us with a context in which to understand why the enigmatic title "king of Assyria" is applied to the Persian monarch in Ezra 6:22. As for Josiah's Passover narrative and the Passover narrative of Ezra 6:12-22, both are sandwiched between passages that give attention to the word of God. The purpose of this common feature is to create a contrast between Josiah and Ezra. While Josiah in 2 Chr 35:22 chooses to ignore God's word spoken to him by the Egyptian king Necho and ends up being slain by the "destroyer" (see 2 Chr 35:22) at what turns out to be a negative Passover observance, Ezra is presented as the antithesis of Josiah in his faithful observance of the word of God as received by him. [Adapted from author's conclusion, p. 43—C.T.B.] Google Scholar 2236. [The Zoroastrian Context of the Book of Tobit] David Brodsky, "Resistance and Appropriation: The Zoroastrian Context of the Book of Tobit," From Scrolls to Traditions, 38-65 [see #2543]. The question of the cultural/geographical place of origin of the Book of Tobit has been long and inconclusively discussed in scholarship. Whereas earlier, a Persian/Median/Zoroastrian origin for the book enjoyed some currency among scholars, given, e.g., the role it accords to a dog in light of Zoroastrianism's emphasis on the anti-demonic capacities [End Page 826] of canines, today's scholars overwhelmingly advocate a "Western" context for the book's composition, whether in the Hellenistic Diaspora (Egypt) or in Judea. In making his case for Tobit's "Eastern" origins, B. notes...

Gift-exchange in the Amarna Letters:A Concise Study of the Letters from the Great Kings

In this article, we will look at the concept of reciprocal gifts and gift-exchanges in the corpus known as the Amarna letters. In order to observe reciprocity in the Amarna letters, we will ascertain the presence of a return gift for every present sent, as well as the idea of reciprocity in the repetition of said structure of gift-exchange. In the Amarna letters, we bear witness to an important network of contacts established between Near Eastern nations of the fourteenth and thirteenth centuries BCE. The geographical extent of the Amarna letters leaves no doubt about the central part played by the Egyptian kings of this period within the political, economic and social context of the great powers of the Near East. This study will focus on the gift-exchanges within the Amarna letters, taking into account the contextual differences between Egypt and each of its main partners: Babylonia, Assyria, Mitanni, Hatti, Arzawa and Alashiya. We will also consider diplomatic or interdynastic marriages as occasions for gift-exchange, as well as tools used to establish and maintain political and personal alliances between the kings

الرمز للأعداء في المناظر المصرية القديمة حتى بداية الدولة

The ancient Egyptian artist tended to sometimes refer to his enemies since the pre-dynastic era, motivated by a number of reasons, including his desire to express his gender, the enemy in general without specifics, and he warded off the idea of ​​aggression, whoever he was sometimes, from carrying its banner, and his objection - at other times - that His compatriots who returned in the name of the Egyptian king represent in the body that was prepared the meanings of miniaturization

Ramses II in Face of Asian Deities: Some New Considerations

Ancient Egyptian religion had embraced many foreign gods and goddesses. Perhaps the reason behind this is the expansion made by the kings of the New kingdom, conquering many countries that include different civilizations and cultures from the ancient Egyptian civilization. Also, the military expansion made by the kings of the New Kingdom to the Egyptian borders which became an Empire. During the reign of king Ramses II, who had ascended the throne of Egypt after prominent kings, was able to establish a powerful empire. It is worth mentioning that king Ramses II who was always proud by his victories and military campaigns, was interested in showing himself humiliating all his enemies through reliefs, statues. So, art during king Ramses II played a vital role in reflecting this power and domination. This paper aims to shed light on the representations of king Ramses II with the foreign deities. It investigates the reasons behind king Ramses II’s choice of these gods and goddesses to be represented. The paper discusses these gods and goddesses’ costumes, positions, emblems. The paper concluded that king Ramses II is considered one of the most Egyptian kings who appeared in various representations with foreign gods, and artists tried hard to show these gods and goddesses with an Egyptian appearance that is in line with the Egyptian king while preserving the foreign tendency of each god. The artists had put a system during the reign of king Ramses II; they managed to Egyptianize all foreign deities. This means that all Asian and Palestinian gods and goddesses represented with king Ramses II were in Egyptian features while keeping their ethnicity.

Extending Im/Politeness Strategies to Qura'nic Discourse: Surat Yusuf as an Example

Surat Yusuf is full of beautiful discourses. There is the discourse of intimacy between the father (Jacob) and Yusuf (PBUH). Also, the discourse of evil and conspiring between Yusuf's brothers, the discourse between father and sons, the vague discourse from sons to their father, the adaptation discourse from Al-Aziz (king of Egypt) to his wife, the seduction discourse, the justice discourse, conversation among women of the city and seduction discourse again and the discourse of administration of the vaults from Al-Aziz (king of Egypt) to Yusuf (PBUH) are found in this Surat. So, this study aims to explore the use of im/politeness strategies in this Surat. More specifically, the study aims at exploring which strategies are the most used throughout the Surat. By analyzing these dialogues in the Surat, the researcher tries to find the im/politeness strategies in these dialogues and the reasons behind preferring the use of one strategy over another. Moreover, the researcher reveals the speech acts used in each utterance. The data are discussed in the light of Searle’s (1969) Speech Act theory, Brown and Levinson’s (1987) Politeness theory and Culpeper’s (1996) theory of impoliteness. It is interesting to note that speech act theory is helpful to reveal the intended meaning of the speaker. In addition, im/politeness approaches give an insight into the speaker’s ideology within the Qura'nic discourses. This study reveals that there are some factors like power, distance and status play the most crucial role in choosing one strategy over the others.

El acto sexual como agente del (re)nacimiento de Osiris

One of the most important myths of the Ancient Egypt civilization is Osiris’ cyclical myth. Even though not enough attention has been given to it, one of the most important mythemes is the sexual act between the god and Isis. This sexual act establishes two pillars of the monarchy in Ancient Egypt: the conception and the subsequent birth of Horus (the archetype of the earthly Egyptian king) and Osiris’ (re)birth (king of the Underworld and archetype of the dead). Regardless of the great importance of this sexual act, the sources that relate to it are scarce. On a textual level, the intercourse between both divinities has been documented since the Pyramid Texts until the end of the Pharaonic Period. However, it appears narrated on very few occasions with verbs carrying explicit sexual meaning. Only the context allows one to see that the protagonists are having sexual relations. Since Osiris is dead, Isis is the obvious agent of the action, an exception that makes the goddess different from the rest of her peers. Regarding iconography, only three images have been documented in the Dynastic Period: one in the Middle Kingdom and two in the New Kingdom. In all of them the image is the same, the anthropomorphic Osiris, lies in his funerary bed while Isis, in the shape of a bird of prey, copulates with him.

Representation of the Victory Procession in the Ancient Egyptian Art till the End of the New Kingdom

Ancient Egyptian kings celebrated their military victories as early as the Old Kingdom. This was especially expressed in the art during the New Kingdom. The return of the victorious king from a war, a military battle, or an expedition was a very important theme in the wall scenes inside the ancient Egyptian temples. The research displays the earliest evidence of the victory procession in ancient Egypt, in addition to some scenes from the Early Dynastic Period till the end of the New Kingdom. It also includes an analysis of people who shared in the victory procession, in addition to elements, funerary rites, and the route of the procession.

Social and technological changes in the ceramic production of the Northern Levant during the LBA/IA transition: New evidence about the Sea People issue through archaeometry

The transition from the Late Bronze Age (LBA) to the Iron Age (IA) in the Levant is marked by the collapse of the Egyptian and Hittite empires, which dominated the political scene of the 14th–13th century BCE. The role of the Sea People, groups of migrants who were defeated by the Egyptian king Ramses III around 1175 BCE, is the focal point concerning this period. After the collapse of the LBA empires, written sources disappeared, and the archaeologists’ primary tool to define cultural processes is to analyze the evolution of pottery. Because of this, studies about the distribution of Aegeanizing ceramic production, considered here to have derived from the Sea People culture, can provide data that supports the impact of Iron Age events on local cultural development. The petrographic, mineralogical, and chemical analysis of LBA-IA I potteries from the site of Tell Afis have allowed us to identify the existence of an Aegeanizing production from the North Syrian coast. These finds and coeval local common and painted ware productions not only exhibit different compositional and stylistic features, but also singular technological traditions.

Directors of veterinary services in the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan: William (Bill) Kennedy, 9 September 1924-September 1934

William Kennedy was born in Scotland in 1884 and was elected a Member of the Royal College of Veterinary Surgeons (MRCVS) in 1908. Working in British East Africa (now largely Kenya) in the years before the First World War (!914-1918) as a Veterinary Officer he was in part responsible for ensuring the health of livestock moving from the northern Masai areas to a southern reserve and preventing disease being transmitted to the herds of white settlers. Kennedy served in the East African Veterinary Corps as a Major throughout the war, was on the Staff of the Commander in Chief when Britain was fighting the armed forces of German East Africa and where his main concern was to ensure the health of the large number of riding and transport animals. He was three times Mentioned in Despatches and awarded the Distinguished Service Order. After the war he was successively acting and then Chief Veterinary Officer of the Kenya Colony and Protectorate, issuing numerous proclamations designed to control rinderpest, contagious bovine pleuro-pneumonia and foot and mouth disease. Leaving Kenya in 1924 he was appointed Director of Veterinary Services in Sudan, the first civilian to occupy the position. He served in Sudan until 1934 during a period when disease identification, diagnosis and control made great progress. Honoured with the award of the Order of the Nile Third Class by the King of Egypt, he retired to England and died there aged 80 in 1965.

Shishak and Shoshenq


 
 
 The conventional history of the ancient Near East at large, including Egypt and the eastern Mediterranean basin, contains several “Dark Ages,” poorly documented transitional periods of uncertain length. James et al. 1991 have argued that the most significant of these Dark Ages—the transition from the Late Bronze to the Iron Age during the last two centuries of the second millennium BCE—is largely an artifact of an overly long reconstruction of the Egyptian Third Intermediate Period, and that this Dark Age presents itself in every chronology linked to the Egyptian. A wide variety of often seemingly contradictory scientific, archaeological, art-historical, and philological evidence has been adduced to argue for the status quo, or to lengthen or to shorten by up to several centuries the relative chronology for this period . This review article comments on the papers presented at the Third BICANE Colloquium held at Sidney Sussex College, Cambridge (2011), summarizing a variety of recent positions taken in the ongoing evaluation of James et al. 1991, testing the specific proposition that the tenth century BCE biblical Egyptian King Shishak is to be distinguished from the historical Egyptian King Shoshenq I, who is now to be situated about a century later in the latter half of the ninth century BCE. the wider historical implications of this proposed distinction are examined in new detail.
 
 

Mersa\Wadi Gawasis as a Waterway on the Red Sea to the Land of PA.wn.wt

The Red Sea played a very important role in the life of ancient Egyptians. It was used for maritime expeditions to Sinai, southern Sudan and to the Land of PA.wn.wt to obtain products valuable to the Egyptian kings and nobles. A number of excavations have been mode and documented along the Red Sea. MersaWadi Gawasis as a starting point to the Land of PA.wn.wt, and the extensive use of the site was mostly during the Middle kingdom period.

Dolce Vita Confidential: Fellini, Loren, Pucci, Paparazzi, and the Swinging High Life of 1950s Rome by Shawn Levy (review)

Reviewed by: Dolce Vita Confidential: Fellini, Loren, Pucci, Paparazzi, and the Swinging High Life of 1950s Rome by Shawn Levy Shannon Scott Dolce Vita Confidential: Fellini, Loren, Pucci, Paparazzi, and the Swinging High Life of 1950s Rome Shawn Levy New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 2016, 424 pages, $27.95 (softcover) Levy's Dolce Vita reads like a well-researched and well-written tabloid. Fittingly, it begins with a photographer, Tazio Secchiaroli, or Il Mitragliatrice Umana ("The Human Machine Gun"), as he trolls the streets of trendy Via Veneto in Rome camera in hand, searching for movie stars in compromising positions. He finds the regulars: exiled Egyptian King Farouk gorging himself in a cafe, Ava Gardner clubbing with her new co-star and lover, Tony Franciosa, and Swedish actress Anita Ekberg and husband, Anthony Steel, who becomes so provoked by shutterbug Secchiaroli that he drunkenly charges at him. A typical night for paparazzi in 1950s Rome. Levy follows this prologue with more sobering historical background on postwar Italy, including the implementation of the Marshall Plan, which was meant to alleviate the rampant poverty and shortages throughout a country whose infrastructure had suffered significant damage and whose populace spent 95% of its income on subsistence food (3). In time, Hollywood, too, would become an important factor in Italy's economic recovery. Levy then transitions to the history of Cinecittà ("Movie City") on the outskirts of Rome, an industry which had been previously supported by fascist dictator Benito Mussolini, who was a fan of film for both entertainment and propaganda purposes. Cinecittà was founded in 1937, and the number of films produced there increased each year until the Nazis took it over, using it "for a logistical headquarters, a storage facility, and, when they were forced to flee, a rummage sale at which everything was free" (64). But Italian cinema, and Cinecittà itself, would rise again. Levy tracks this resurrection first through filmmaker Roberto Rossellini, who illustrated the effects of the war on Italy in films like Roma: Città Aperta (Rome: Open City) (1945). Levy examines several of Rossellini's neo-realist films (a designation Rossellini did not accept) before shifting from his work to his private life, which coincided with the rise of the Roman paparazzi. These tawdry intervals of movie star gossip and celebrity culture become guilty pleasures in a text that often veers like a Vespa away from history and film to anecdotes about scandals like the one that eventually led to the marriage of Ingrid Bergman and Rossellini. In addition to Rossellini, Levy follows the careers of several Italian filmmakers: for example, Vittorio De Sica, specifically Ladri di Biciclette (The Bicycle Thief) (1948), which received Oscar recognition, as well as the early films of Michelangelo Antonioni from Le Amiche in 1953 and Il Grido in 1955 to his Divorzio all'Italiana (Divorce Italian Style in 1961), which became one of Antonioni's crossover successes in America. The most substantial section in Levy's text is devoted to Federico Fellini. Again, he offers highly entertaining biographical information and stories, but also some substantial analysis of Fellini's films, not simply their conception, funding, and filming—or even the scandals surrounding the stars Fellini chose to work with—but the films themselves. He examines Fellini's visual and thematic aesthetic in La Strada (The Road) (1954) in detail, and then places it into the context of other groundbreaking filmmakers of the time, such as Ingmar Bergman and Akira Kurosawa. Levy's description of the performance of Fellini's wife, Giulietta Masina, as Gelsomina is poignant and sensitive, standing in stark contrast to the crude accounts of the insatiable paparazzi. Yet the paparazzi, and their forays into the seedy nightlife of Rome, become essential to one of Fellini's most famous films—one that Levy has selected for his own title.. In 1958, Pierluigi Praturlon captured Anita Ekberg on camera soaking her sore feet in the Trevi Fountain in Rome after a long night of dancing. This would be one of the [End Page 78] more harmless run-ins the paparazzi would have with Ekberg, one occasion caught amazingly in a photo featured in this text, when Ekberg herself came out...

Nswt-bity as "king of Egypt and the Sudan" in the 25th.Dynasty and the Kushite Kingdom

Nswt-bity as "king of Egypt and the Sudan" in the 25th.Dynasty and the Kushite Kingdom

The Ancient Near East: History, Texts, Etc.

The Ancient Near East: History, Texts, Etc. Christopher T. Begg, David A. Bosworth, John Thomas Willis, and Isaac M. Alderman 1609. Erin Walcek Averett, “Playing the Part: Masks and Ritual Performance in Rural Sanctuaries in Iron Age Cyprus,” Physicality of the Other, 305–37 [see #2016]. “Current excavations by the Athienou Archaeological Project (AAP), under the Direction of Michael K. Toumazou, Davidson College, North Carolina, have revealed a rich assemblage of terracotta masks and masked figurines from the large and wealthy sanctuary at Athienou-Malloura in the fertile Mesaoria plain in south-central Cyprus. . . . Other than the urban center of Amathous on the southern coast, this sanctuary has yielded more masks than any other site on an island known for its abundance of masks in the Late Bronze and Iron Ages. This paper presents the votive masks from the Malloura sanctuary and contextualizes them within the broader tradition of ritual masked performances in Cyprus” (p. 305). A total of 32, mostly fragmentary masks were recovered from the site of A.’s title, which she lists (pp. 307–10) and classifies under the headings of male masks, a female mask, anthropomorphic masks, zoomorphic masks and grotesque masks. On the basis of her study of this corpus and comparanda from various other Cypriot sites, A. concludes that such masks were worn by elite male figures as “stand-ins” for an array of deities during cultic ceremonies, the audience for which consisted both of the local populace and visiting dignitaries from elsewhere on the island.—C.T.B. [End Page 567] 1610. Tamás A. Báca, “The Pride of the Ramessides: A Note on a late Ramesside King-list,” Constructing Authority, 5–18 [see #2013]. A Theban tomb dating to the reign of Ramesses IX and set within a context representing the bark of Amun at rest in a royal memorial temple during the “Beautiful Feast of the Valley” features portrayals of 12 Egyptian kings. Representing Ramesses’ royal ancestors, the 12 form a carefully selected group of his ideal predecessors. As such, they are reflective of an aspect of the prevailing Egyptian royal ideology, just as they have similarities with the royal titularies that express, not merely vague and eternal ideals, but also a specific program—or at least the outlines of such. [Adapted from published abstract—C.T.B.] 1611. John Baines, “Epilogue: On Ancient Pictorial Representations of Emotion: Concluding Comments with Examples from Egypt,” Visualizing Emotions, 263–85 [see #2027]. B.’s concluding article in the above collection reflects on the limitations and possibilities of analyzing emotions in ancient pictorial compositions. Discussing various examples of Egyptian art, he concludes that indications of emotion can be found in the body and the groupings of the subject(s) portrayed, rather than in the face(s). Further, he argues that the tension between personal emotion and performance does not apply in the case of ancient art and it is not possible to answer the question of whether “depicted figures might be understood as experiencing feelings or as only displaying them.” It remains important, however, to ask whether feelings are thought of as being present in ancient images. Depictions of emotion in those images are part of a wider presentation of experience and of the ordered cosmos, such that work “on how emotion is represented thus offers one of many ways into interpreting conceptions of world order.” [Adapted from published abstract—C.T.B.] 1612. Horst Beinlich, “Der Herrschaftsbereich als Prestige-Objekt,” Constructing Authority, 19–27 [see #2013]. The description of Egypt with a concretization of its boundaries undoubtedly represented a gain in prestige for the Egyptian king—or for the god who was crowned as king in his person. One can further ask why in such descriptions a certain emphasis is placed on the western frontier of Egypt, a region which otherwise played no great role in the mentality of the ancient Egyptians. On the question of precisely when this interest in Egypt’s western frontier originated, the Persian period seems the most likely possibility. Herodotus (III,91) reports about the taxes which the Egyptians and the neighboring Libyans had to pay to the Persians...

Preserving the architectural heritage in ancient Egypt at the Pharaoh's period

Undoubtedly, everyone knows what happens to our civilizations today, its destruction, negligence or scatters, sometimes; it has been stealing to sale outside its geographical boundaries. These civilizations bequeathed to us by our ancestors, it shows their greatness and how they were excelled in buildings, it shows their skill in construction as well. God has favored our land in Near East with several ancient civilizations, it was contiguous geographically, and sometimes those civilizations were conflicted or communicated together. It is remarkable what we have reached by our ancient Egyptian antiquities, which represents a significant architectural heritage left to us as a legacy of ancient Egyptian, it indicate their civilized thought, it has witness to greatness and strength of those Egyptian, and we see now how it has been neglect restored or stolen, or scatters on ground. Certainly ancient Egyptian has realized greatness of their Heritage which their parents and grandparents leaved to them; ancient Egyptian kings have put their planes to make of their great monuments, to return its architectural glory, in case it has destroyed by any destruction natural, or by human such as Hyksos. I assured that , ancient Egyptian concerned with and that is clear at several ancient Egyptian texts , for example, as we see in time of, Queen Hatshepsut (1472-1457 B.C), King Thutmose III (1479-1424 B.C), King Amenhotep III (1388-1348B.C) and King Rameses II (1279-1212B.C) beside many others different periods . On this important topic, I will explain words which indicate the restoration in ancient Egyptian texts, and I will declare how they had restored their ancient different buildings in Egypt, and how they reserved their legacy to us, I will researches this idea through an analytical study of ancient Egyptian texts مما لاشک فيه وکما يعلم الجميع کل ما تتعرض له أثار حضارات العالم القديم الآن، سواء من تخريب أو تدمير أو إهمال أو عبث أو سرقة وتهريب لخارج حدودها الجغرافية، تلک الآثار ترکها لنا أجدادنا شامخة وعظيمة تدل على عظمة الإنسان الذي أبدع في صنعها، وتوضح مهارته الفائقة في البناء والتشييد وعظمة تفکيره في بناء حضارته . ومن المعروف أن الله قد أختص منطقة الشرق الأدنى القديم بعدة حضارات متجاورة جغرافيا، ومتزامنة أو متلاحقة زمنيا، تواصلت حضاريا في کثير من الأحيان، و تصارعت في أحيان أخرى. ومن الملاحظ ما وصلت إليه حال الآثار المصرية القديمة والتي تمثل تراثا معماريا کبيرا ترکه لنا المصري القديم کإرث حضاري شاهد على عظمة وقوة تلک الحضارة المصرية، ونلمس ذلک في إهمال ترميمها أو سرقتها، أو الإساءة إليها بتحطيمها وبعثرتها. ومن المؤکد علميا أن المصري القديم قد أدرک عظمة ما ترکه الآباء والأجداد له، ولذلک وضع الملوک القدماء على عاتقهم مهمة ترميم الآثار وإعادة رونقها المعماري، في حال إذا لحق بها أي تدمير أو تخريب إما بسبب طبيعي مثل عوامل التعرية و ما شابه، أو لتدخل عنصر بشرى غازي لمصر مثل الهکسوس، أو لتعرضها فى أزمنة ضعف حکام البلاد للسرقة والنهب، ونستدل على حرص المصري القديم على ترميم أثاره من عدة نصوص مصرية قديمة، ومن بينهم على سبيل المثال لا الحصر نصوص تدلل على حرص الملکة حتشبسوت (1472-1457 ق.م)، والملک تحوتمس الثالث (1479-1424ق.م)، والملک أمنحتب الثالث ( 1388-1348ق.م) والملک رعمسيس الثانى(1279-1212ق.م) وغيرهم کثير . حول هذا الموضوع الهام سنوضح التعبيرات الدالة على الترميم، وسائل الترميم في مصر القديمة، کيفية أعادة أرث الأجداد ومبانيهم إلى ما کانت عليه وذلک من خلال دراسة تحليلية للنصوص المصرية القديمة.