Kind Of Racism Research Articles

Own-Race-Absent Racism

I propose that a distinction can be drawn between two fundamental kinds of racism: own-race-present racism and own-race-absent racism. In own-racepresent racism, the race of the racist figures as a term in her racist thinking; in own-race-absent racism it does not. While own-race-present racism might conform readily to commonsense understandings of racism, own-race-absent racism less clearly does. I provide evidence that these two kinds are there to be identified and raise considerations regarding the benefits, both theoretical and practical, of adopting the less-obvious concept of own-race-absent racism.

Marcy S. Sacks.Before Harlem: The Black Experience in New York City before World War I.:Before Harlem: The Black Experience in New York City before World War I.(Politics and Culture in Modern America.)

Recent scholarship on black urbanization has moved from the Great Migration to postwar deindustrialization, but this book looks back to the formative stage between the 1880s and 1910s. As the federal government retreated from Reconstruction, black southerners moved north and west, especially as the more liberal states passed equal protection legislation. Migrants weighed factors of white violence and Jim Crow, and the potential for prosperity and pleasure. Also, in this pre–World War I phase, the so-called “talented tenth” migration sought dignity and education in traditionally black urban destinations. According to Marcy S. Sacks, whatever their expectations, in New York City most “black people labored in unskilled jobs, and many lived in poverty” (p. 5). They continuously moved in the metropolis to escape violence or harassment, settling above 125th Street, “nearly the only area in which black Manhattanites could easily reside” (p. 85). Seth Scheiner's pioneering monograph on the same topic, Negro Mecca: A History of the Negro in New York City, 1865–1920 (1965), consciously departed from the orthodoxy of “reading works that look at the Negro only in relation to white society” (p. vii). While Sacks focuses on the “internal workings of urban black populations,” she also analyzes the response of white New Yorkers to the newcomers, what she sees as a kind of racism “subtler than in the South” (p. 32).

Rising from the muck: the new anti-semitism in Europe

Never since the end of World War II have anti-Jewish sentiments gained such currency in France among so many different social groups. Never have these sentiments been so publicly expressed and met so little intellectual and political resistance as they have since the year 2000. As the number of anti-Jewish incidents escalates, the anti-racist demonstrations that ordinarily would respond to them are nowhere in sight. Important questions therefore need to be put now about the shockingly common acceptance of anti-Semitic attitudes and behavior. In this important book, Mr. Taguieff surveys the landscape of contemporary anti-Semitism, describing its leading figures, the role of the conflict between Israelis and Palestinians, the Islamic influence in promoting anti-Zionism, and the blindness, complacency, or connivance of various institutions, groups, and individuals. The new wave of anti-Semitism spreading around the world, the author shows, is based on a polemical and fanciful amalgam of Jews, Israelis, and Zionists as representatives of an evil power. In the eyes of the new anti-Jews, the world's ills can be explained by Israel's existence. The chief accusation, purveyed especially by international Islamic circles and the heirs to Third Worldism, is that Zionism, far from being a respectable nationalism like that of the Palestinians, is actually a form of colonialism, imperialism, and racism. The old European anti-Semitism, Mr. Taguieff notes, was a particular kind of racism, directed against Jews. The new worldwide anti-Semitism seeks to turn the charge of racism against the Jews.

Raza, linaje, familia y casa-solar en el País Vasco

In the light of the correlation established by E. Todd between varieties of family structures and kinds of racism, this article analyzes the way in which Sabino Arana's «Basque race» has its roots in a «genealogical concept» of race. This concept was elaborated within a «religious protorracism» related to the Spanish Inquisition's antisemitism, so that, as a consequence, authoritarian family, purity of race and Catholic religion appear as three complementary pillars of the traditional Basque society, whose mythical return is the aim of Sabino Arana's racism.

Modern and Postmodern Racism in Europe: Dialogic Approach and Anti-Racist Pedagogies

In this article, Ramón Flecha discusses the growth of racism in modern-day Europe and the challenges it poses for education and educators. The author distinguishes between two kinds of racism: an older, modern racism and a newer, postmodern racism. The former is based on arguments of inequality and the existence of inferior or superior ethnicities and races. The latter holds that ethnicities and races are neither inferior nor superior; they are merely different. It emphasizes the impossibility of equitable dialogue among different races and ethnicities to establish common rules for living together. Although a tradition of anti-racist education exists in Europe, educators often do not have the intellectual and educational tools to combat this form of racism. Flecha suggests that educators have tried to combat racism by developing anti-racist pedagogies that use the relativist approach advocated by contemporary thinkers such as Michel Foucault and Jacques Derrida. He argues that this approach challenges modern racism but actually promotes postmodern racism. Drawing from works of dialogic theorists such as Paulo Freire and Jürgen Habermas, Flecha recommends instead that educators use the dialogic approach, which emphasizes the need for equal rights among all people, to develop effective anti-racist pedagogies that can deal simultaneously with both forms of racism.

The New Racism

This study combines the methodological advantages of a fully experimental design and a genuinely representative survey sample to explore the nature and workings of contemporary racial prejudice. The correlational results both replicate and extend the findings of earlier work. Political conservatism, for example, was found once again to be correlated with opposition to policies to assist blacks and with support for negative images of blacks as lazy and irresponsible. The experimental results, however, pose fundamental challenges to symbolic and modem racism theories, which contend that there is a new kind of racism in America that takes the form of racial prejudice plus traditional, conservative values. The experimental results demonstrate, on the one hand, that conservatives are not more likely to refuse government help to blacks who have violated traditional values; on the other hand, the results demonstrate that conservatives are more likely to favor government help for blacks who have acted in accord with traditional values. The experimental results, moreover, identify a key condition for the expression of discrimination-a focus on group rather than individual claimants-and demonstrate that discrimination is not encouraged by a particular ideological outlook, conservative or liberal, but rather is most common in the absence of any ideological stance.

Reflections on American Racism

In response to Kinder's critique of our assessment of the symbolic racism research program, we cite both the research procedures and actual writings of symbolic racism researchers, paying particular attention to contradictions between positions previously taken by Kinder and those he now takes in response to our paper. We also maintain the following: (a) there is no persuasive evidence that symbolic racism represents a new, qualitatively different form of racism—one cannot, after all, establish that there is a new kind of racism without demonstrating that it is in fact different from the old; (b) the term “symbolic racism” is logically defensible only if one adopts a definition of the construct that Kinder eschews; and (c) symbolic racism research systematically blurs the distinction between racist and nonracist sources of white opposition to policies to assist minorities and, in the process, politicizes both the concept of racism and the social science research process. We conclude by sketching a constructive agenda for research on racial policy reasoning.

Institutionalized Racism: an Analytic Approach

Simple models are used to describe three kinds of racism: (1) irrational racism, bigotry which hurts both parties; (2) 'economically rational irra tional racism', where a stable, non-optimal, racist equilibrium exists in a community where no one is an irrational racist; and (3) 'fully rational racism', where past injustices have led to present inequalities between the races, and neither the 'rationality' of profit maximization nor of Ameri can political principles can avoid racist results. Examples from housing, education, and militant groups are given to illustrate the paradox of fully rational racism for the policy maker. Locating racism solely in the irrational neglects the more fundamental problem of institutionalized racism.