Key Political Actors Research Articles

Philanthropic Foundations as Agents of Justice in Global Sustainability Governance

AbstractPrivate philanthropic foundations—nongovernmental, nonprofit organizations with assets provided by donors for socially useful purposes—have become key political actors in global sustainability governance. Their collective efforts amount to over USD 112 billion for the implementation of the United Nations (UNs)’s ambitious plan to deliver on seventeen interconnected Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). This corresponds to about a quarter of governmental contribution through official development assistance for the same purposes. Many of these foundations implicitly or explicitly aim to foster global justice, through, for example, empowering women, reducing inequalities, and promoting democracy. They thus act as justice agents shaping the substance and practice of justice in global sustainability governance. But what does this direction of private money into supporting global justice norms really mean? This question deserves scrutiny, especially against a context of diverse and contested meanings of justice and because philanthropy—beyond an act of giving—is often an exercise of power. Using critical discourse analysis of texts produced by selected foundations that are key funders of the UN Sustainable Development Agenda, this paper examines how private foundations frame global justice and with what implications for sustainability governance.

The rise of political consultancy in India

ABSTRACT Around the world, the practice of politics has taken a turn toward “professionalisation.” A key political actor that is facilitating this change is the political consultant. However, despite the influential role that consultants play in contemporary politics, they have been subject to little scholarly attention. We introduce a study on political consultants for the context of India, a large middle-aged democracy that has seen a growing presence of consultants over the last two decades. The study investigates four main questions: (a) What factors have fueled the growth of political consultancy? (b) What are the characteristics of the industry, such as the number and types of firms and types of clientele? (c) What are the range of services that consultants provide to political clients? (d) How have political consultants grown and evolved over time in the Indian context? The data for the study come from a combination of primary sources such as interviews with political consultants, and secondary sources such as media and industry reports, and personal accounts published by consultants. The study concludes with a forecast of the future of political consultancy in India, and identifies the pain points that are likely to stifle its growth potential.

EU law, down to earth

AbstractThe emergence and consolidation of European Community law (later European Union law) was rendered possible by key legal and political actors drawing a map of supranational law with the key concepts of direct effect, primacy and uniformity. The underlying assumption was that the actual territory of the law, the law on the ground, would come to fit into the drawn map. However, the last two decades have seen trust on the transformative power of the map drawn through such concepts decline, not least due to related developments. First, what looked like residual points of resistance have become polarized sources of contention over the scope and meaning of EU law; (2) sheer indifference towards EU law has emerged as a relevant attitude, partially replacing acceptance or opposition. Both developments have not led not only to a crisis of European law, but also to an existential crisis of the very actors (the “cartographers”) in charge of drawing the map of European law.

Transformational Leadership and Conflict Management in Zanzibar

Zanzibar has had a turbulent political history for more than half a century, from the time of nationalist struggles in the 1950s. The major bone of contestation has revolved around the politics of identity with its resultant long-standing political conflict. In November 2009, the then President of Zanzibar, Amani Abeid Karume from Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM), and the Civic United Front (CUF) Secretary-General, Seif Shariff Hamad met and declared their commitment in public to end the long-standing political conflict between the two main political parties on the islands. This article seeks to explain the process of reconciliation in Zanzibar with specific reference to the role of leadership in transformational change. The study was conducted between March 2015 and February 2017, involving two main data collection methods: in-depth interviews and documentary reviews. Interviews were conducted with politicians, government functionaries, academics, journalists, and leaders of civil society organizations. The study found that the only substantive achievements that were realized in the short run were power-sharing under the Government of National Unity (GNU) and some changes in attitudes among some of the key political actors, which, to a certain degree, amounted to a discourse switch from a hostile political attitude based on zero-sum politics to the recognition of the need for cooperation across party lines. The uniqueness of the power-sharing arrangement in Zanzibar was that the system was entrenched in the constitution. The constitution was negotiated and established before the election. The theory of transformational change suggests that transformational leaders tend to have a strong personal attachment to their missions. Their absence in the course of implementation may sometimes negatively impact the transformation process, even in the context where the mission has been translated within the legal and constitutional framework. The case of Zanzibar indicates a pressing need for deepening the power-sharing deal so that it becomes people-centered rather than a mere elite project entrenched in partisan politics.

The Ṣiffīn Arbitration Agreement and statecraft in early Islamic political documents

Abstract In this article we study the different recensions of the Ṣiffīn Arbitration Agreement and classify them into six different versions. Despite the differences in length and language among them, we note that these can be traced to a source document. We then highlight the key features and terminology found in the different versions of the Ṣiffīn Arbitration Agreement and observe the striking parallels that they share with the covenants attributed to the Prophet Muḥammad. We argue that the key political actors who composed the Ṣiffīn Arbitration Agreement were in all likelihood part of the same governing and administrative body that had a hand in drafting the Covenants. The startling similarities between the Ṣiffīn Arbitration Agreement and the Covenants therefore set the foundations for a comparative method that will help us better understand statecraft in the study of early Islam’s political documents.

AREAS OF INTERACTION BETWEEN DIGITAL CORPORATIONS AND THE GOVERNMENT IN THE POLITICAL SPHERE OF RUSSIA

The widespread use of the Internet, the desire of leading world powers to implement the concept of the digital economy, and the scientific and technological progress in this area have led to an increasing influence of large digital corporations. The features of such corporations are the development of products, services, and infrastructure that ensure further digitalization of various spheres of society, as well as the use of a “platform” business model by companies. The increase in financial resources of digital corporations and their dominant position in the development of technologies are a qualitative reserve for influencing political processes: spreading fake news or to build communication between candidates and citizens during election campaigns; the use of products of digital corporations by activists to mobilize and coordinate mass protests; and participation of large corporations in the implementation of government programs for the digitalization of the public sector. The activities of digital corporations, thanks to the distribution of their products, have led to a change in a number of sectors of the economy (passenger transportation, trade, hospitality, advertising, etc.) and exposed the problems that states, as key political actors, will have to solve in the near future. Thus, the state needs to resist digital corporations in their desire to monopolize markets, ensure the security of citizens' personal data, and reduce the negative consequences of individuals using digital products and services. The article examines the key aspects of interaction between the state and digital corporations in Russia. The author highlights the main areas of cooperation and conflict between the state and digital corporations, based on an analysis of the most indicative and relevant cases.

The (non)-Ratification of the Istanbul Convention by Hungary: Lessons to be Learned

This paper focuses on the erosion of the consensus around the Istanbul Convention due to the political obstacles to its ratification process in particular EU Member States. We warn that a black-and-white approach does not assist to understand the situation. Instead of conceptualising the rejection of the Convention as a “backlash” phenomenon, a more nuanced analysis is needed, especially in light of the ongoing EU legislative project in the field of combating gender-based violence. We first identify four main types of concerns regarding the Istanbul Convention on the international level: conservative, libertarian, “across-the-aisle” anti-feminist, and mainstream feminist concerns. Second, we consider the prevalence of these types of concerns in the Hungarian discourse, raised by the key political and civil society actors. Hungary provides an essential case study not only because of its role as a non-ratifying state and as an opponent of the EU-ratification plan but also due to the emergence of an additional (fifth kind of) concern related to the issue of migration (and asylum) in its discourse. Furthermore, the change in political situation in Europe since the adoption of the Convention in 2011 cannot be ignored. We believe that the analysis of the Hungarian discourse, may contribute to understanding the criticism towards the Convention and, as a consequential effect, facilitate the EU’s legislative efforts in the relevant fields.

Sacred New Building: Alexander Nevsky Cathedral in Reval and the Spread of Orthodoxy in the Governorate of Estonia at the End of the 19th — Beginning of the 20th Century

The article analyzes the formation of the imperial policy to spread Orthodox Christianity using the example of the construction of the Alexander Nevsky Cathedral in Revel in the Governorate of Estonia. Late 19th — early 20th century was marked by significant changes in the governance of the region, not only in the administrative and legal sphere, but also in the religious one. Estonia administration viewed strengthening the presence of the Orthodox Church through the mass construction of churches and the symbolic development of space as one of the most effective means of integrating the province and the empire. The construction of the Alexander Nevsky Cathedral in Reval was associated with significant historical events, including the 200th anniversary since Estonia became a part of Russian Empire. It determined its central role in the representation of the empire on the outskirts. At the same time, the prevalence of the Lutheran population in the province, as well as the economic dominance of the German nobility, caused difficulties with the construction process. The search for funds and the choice of a place for the Cathedral were the main reasons why the implementation of such a large-scale project took so long. Cathedral was designed to visually emphasize that the region was a part of the Russian Empire. The analysis of the preparatory work, using unpublished office materials from various departments, made it possible to identify contradictions between central and local authorities on this issue, as well as to understand the mechanisms of their interaction within the framework of existing practices. The materials of personal and official correspondence of key political and religious actors involved show different understanding of the goals and means how to spread Orthodox Christianity in the region at the turn of the 19th — 20th century.

Interrelation Among COVID-19 Situation, Evaluation of Government Actions and Subjective Well-being in Lithuania

The huge and sudden challenge of the COVID-19 pandemic created the need for quick governmental decisions, at the same time provoking changes in subjective public perception. The article empirically analyses the attitudes of different groups in Lithuania towards the COVID-19 situation, government actions and changes in subjective personal well-being. A representative public opinion poll (N-804) was conducted to achieve this goal. Empirical research sought to elucidate individual self-protection measures, attitudes towards the danger of the virus, government-implemented measures to combat the pandemic, and common stereotypes as well as consequences for subjective well-being. The cluster analysis confirmed the assumption that there is a link between the perception of the role of society and expectations towards the government, and between the dynamics of trust in key political actors and support for specific government actions in the context of a pandemic. If the group is more self-reliant, government policies that regulate even small aspects of public life lead to disagreement (in the case of 1st cluster), and vice versa, if the group has high expectations of government, it receives support (in the case of 3rd cluster).

Setting Mental Health Priorities in Ghana: A 15-Year Contextual Analysis of the Presidential State of the Nation Address

Globally, mental health issues have been neglected and allowed to be suppressed by stigma and discrimination for a very long time, although mental disorders are responsible for about 30% of the global non-fatal disease burden. Thus, the global call for solution to this challenge admonishes governments, donors, and mental health service users to prioritise mental health. Towards this end, speeches by key political actors can be used to garner public support and set out strong arguments for the prioritisation of mental health. Guided by the agenda-setting theory, this study sought to contribute to the evidence on the mental health priorities in Ghana by conducting a summative qualitative content analysis of the state of the nation addresses (SONAs) presented by presidents of Ghana from 2007 to 2021. Findings show that no mental health condition was highlighted in any of the SONAs, and mental health priorities in terms of policy and investment were superficial, inadequate, and woefully incomparable to those of physical health. It is suggested that government should heighten mental health priorities, given that mental disorders are leading the top 10 causes of the years lived with disability burden in the country.

Healthcare Reform out of Nowhere? Policy Reform and the Lack of Programmatic Commitment in Peru

AbstractThe reform approved in Peru in 2009 during a right-wing government deviates from similar attempts in the region to expand access to healthcare. Left-wing parties in Peru were extremely weak during the policy-making process and the political parties were non-programmatic. Based on original field research, this article demonstrates how parties that lacked core values uniting their leaders and had no commitment to the health reform did not care for the definition of specifications regarding funding and implementation. Instead, technocrats dominated the process of policy formation, which, accompanied by the lack of commitment from key political actors, led to poorly specified policy and deficient implementation.

From Rab to Raab: The Construction of the Office of First Secretary of State

Abstract Through information gained from interviews with key political actors, archival research and close examination of biographical material, this article aims to provide the first detailed account of what it means to be the British First Secretary of State. Sometimes regarded simply as a synonym for Deputy Prime Minister, it will be demonstrated that the reality is far more complicated. Not all First Secretaries have been regarded as the Prime Minister’s second-in-command, indeed there have been many years where the post has ceased to exist. Yet, at other times, First Secretaries have led the country, albeit briefly. The main argument to be made is that the office of First Secretary of State is only as important as the person holding that office is perceived to be important, but there is potential for that to change.

Emerging Human Rights Discourses in Post-Uprising Egypt

The uprisings in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region during 2011, which resulted in the demise of authoritarian rulers or gave rise to some political and economic reforms, proved the significance of human rights and moved that issue to the forefront of academic and political debates. As the protestors brought human rights references to the center of their political struggle, political actors used its rhetoric to claim legitimate authority or popularity. This article, which analyzes the human rights discourses and their use in legal and political action in post-uprising Egypt, focuses on the first two years of the transition process and surveys the main patterns of human rights discourses in post-uprising Egypt, and illustrates the multifaceted and complex potential of human rights in the transitional post-uprising Egypt.Analyzing the main patterns of human rights discourses during this period, the article demonstrates that human rights are not only used as an emancipatory tool by Egyptian citizens against their repressive authoritarian regimes, but also applied by key political actors from various and opposing ideological backgrounds. The article focuses on three significant documents issued during the constitution-making process (viz., the Al-Azhar Document, the National Council Document, and the Silmi Document) and illustrates how diverse opposing key political actors reflected their vision of human rights during the constitution-making process and tried to impose their ideological views on the county’s legal, political, and social frameworks.

To Negotiate or Not-to Negotiate with the FDLR Rebels? President Kikwete and Tanzania’s Foreign Policy towards Rwanda (2013–2015)

Abstract This article challenges traditional approaches to inter-state relations and reinforces the actor-specific nature of foreign policy analysis. Using individual decision-making theory based on the personalities of key political actors, this article proposes a case study on the foreign policy decision outcome by Tanzania’s President Jakaya Kikwete, in response to the 2013 diplomatic row with Rwanda. Tanzania’s relations with Rwanda have historically been cordial. However, President Kikwete’s proposal for Rwanda to negotiate with the rebel group Forces Démocratiques pour la Libération du Rwanda (FDLR) at the African Union Summit in Addis Ababa in 2013 was not well received by Rwanda. The FDLR is a Hutu rebel outfit based in Eastern DRC, consisting of surviving Hutus who had fled into DRC, after the 1994 genocide. This article argues that in view of the diplomatic row that ensued, Kikwete’s response supports current theories on the role played by a key political actor’s personality in the foreign policy decision-making process.

Online Salafi rivalries in Indonesia: between sectarianism and ‘good’ citizenship

ABSTRACT In explaining sectarian violence and conflict in Indonesia, some scholars have highlighted the crucial role played by key political actors. Taking online Salafi rivalries as its point of departure, this contribution aims to further advance the discussion on the sectarianisation thesis offered by Hashemi and Postel, which argues that one of the key factors in religious sectarianism is not theology but authoritarianism. Unlike the thesis, this contribution argues that Salafi sectarianism is facilitated by Indonesia’s democratic atmosphere rather than by authoritarianism. However, this contribution agrees with the thesis that theology is not a determining aspect in Salafi sectarianism. Although framed in theological terms, Salafi rivalries are driven by competing to demonstrate their religious identity, authority, and ‘good’ citizenship.

RADIO AND THE ROAD: INFRASTRUCTURE, MOBILITY, AND POLITICAL CHANGE IN THE BEGINNINGS OF RADIO RURALE DE KAYES (1980–EARLY 2000s)

AbstractMali's first nonstate radio went on air during the authoritarian rule of Moussa Traoré in 1988, challenging the common narrative that ties political and media liberalization together. Negotiations were conducted by Italian NGOs at a time when such organizations had become key political actors in Sahelian countries. The implementation of Radio Rurale de Kayes was part of a wider infrastructural project that notably included a road. This historical account follows the metaphorical and literal association between the radio and the road in order to reflect on mobility and its constraints. Tracing the radio's trajectory from space-making to community-building, it shows how the station managed to sustain itself thanks to its position within an emerging network of associations led by return migrants and because of how it fitted into local infrastructures of mobility, thus calling for a stronger attention to the relation between radio, the audiences it convenes, and space.

Global contagion and local response: the influence of centre–state relations and political culture in pandemic governance

ABSTRACT Covid-19 has severely impacted lives and livelihoods in India. Faced with threatened livelihoods due to lockdowns in major cities, millions of poor informal sector workers have returned to their rural roots, provoking a complex intergovernmental problem that necessitates collective action but is plagued with a high degree of uncertainty. This article explores two interrelated issues. First, we examine the role of the central government in the Covid-19 crisis and the implications for centre–state relations. Second, we review the governance responses of two states, Kerala and Gujarat. We unpack how variations in political values and norms within which the key political actors of the two governing regimes are rooted had informed their policy priorities. We show how local political culture significantly affected critical decisions (e.g. emergency relief for the poor) and administrative implementation mechanisms (whether centralised or decentralised). We draw lessons on the influence of political culture in shaping pandemic governance response in a federal polity.

Understanding drivers of illiberal entrenchment at critical junctures: institutional responses to COVID-19 in Hungary and Poland

The present article aims to improve understanding of institution formation in (former) liberal-democratic polities characterized by autocratization tendencies. We examine how the critical juncture created by the COVID-19 pandemic was used, as well as the interplay between antecedent, structural conditions and the particular combinations of political agency and contingency. By comparing the two similar cases of Hungary and Poland – the two European Union countries that have progressed the farthest towards illiberal transformation – and using documentary and interview evidence, we conclude that: (1) whereas Hungary exhibited significant institutional changes, Poland did not; (2) these differences in institutional outcomes can be significantly attributed to differences in certain critical antecedent conditions; and (3) the ability of key political actors – Hungary’s Viktor Orbán and Poland’s Jarosław Kaczyński – to control their own political camp seems to have exerted an unmistakable effect as well. Points for practitioners The build-up and entrenchment of institutions of illiberal rule in (previously) liberal-democratic contexts are encumbered by diverse political and institutional constraints. External shocks, such as the COVID-19 crisis, may offer an opportunity to bypass those constraints and to change institutions permanently. Our study concludes that the extent to which such historical windows of opportunity can indeed be used to achieve lasting institutional changes depends not only on the objective, historically given political and institutional constraints that illiberal reforms face, but also on their subjective ability to act in a controlled, coordinated and coherent manner.

The Unlikely Saviour: Portugal's National Health System and the Initial Impact of the COVID-19 Pandemic?

What is the impact of COVID-19 on Portugal’s Serviço Nacional de Saúde (SNS), the country’s national health service? The story, still unfolding, has all the elements of a recipe for disaster: one of the most elderly populations in the world; a weakened SNS, the result of a litany of policies and interventions by the ‘Troika’ (the European Commission, the European Central Bank and the International Monetary Fund); a health care delivery system focused on non-communicable diseases and long-term care; the growing public distrust in public services, compared to private, hotel-like health care facilities. We are aware that these are still the early days of the epidemic, yet it is safe to say that algorithmic scenarios of doom and gloom have so far been averted. In the past six months of the pandemic, the level of trust of the Portuguese population in the SNS and its health personnel has significantly improved, while the government has started to provide additional funding and to work for the expansion of the public system. At the very inception of the pandemic, private hospitals practically closed their doors to COVID-19 patients. Unexpectedly a new disease, COVID-19, by definition the foe of any health system, has granted the opportunity for a rare consensus amongst different key political and/or corporate actors in a long-called-for reform of the SNS. Social science and humanities, with their analytical tools and theoretical-conceptual frameworks, are mandatory in providing well-funded answers to such riddles and better grasping the reasons for the twist and turns.

What shapes public support for climate change mitigation policies? The role of descriptive social norms and elite cues

AbstractWhat are the roles of bottom-up and top-down signals in the formation of climate change policy preferences? Using a large sample of American residents (n = 1520) and combining an experimental manipulation of descriptive social norms with two choice experiments, we investigate the effects of descriptive norms and policy endorsements by key political actors on climate policy support. We study these questions in two areas considered to be central in a number of decarbonization pathways: the phase-out of fossil fuel-powered cars and the deployment of carbon capture and storage. Our study provides two important results. First, social norm interventions may be no silver bullet for increasing citizens’ support for ambitious climate policies. In fact, we not only find that climate policy support is unaffected by norm messages communicating an increased diffusion of pro-environmental behaviors, but also that norm messages communicating the prevalence of non-sustainable behaviors decrease policy support. Second, in the presence of policy endorsements by political parties, citizens’ trust in these parties influences their support for climate policies. This study contributes to research in behavioral climate policy by examining the impact of descriptive norms and elite cues on climate policy support.