Karabakh Conflict Research Articles

Nagorny Karabakh conflict: Prospects for conflict transformation

The article explores the current stalemate in the Nagorny Karabakh conflict, and perspectives for conflict transformation. As the conflict has remained dormant for more than 20 years, the political systems of the countries engaged in the conflict have adjusted to the conflict situation. The conflict is often used by the political elites in order to legitimize their power, consolidate support, marginalize opponents, and neutralize democratizing pressures. Since the status quo serves the interests of the authorities, the ruling regimes do not have strong incentives to seek conflict resolution. In these conditions, conflict transformation approaches are considered a necessary means to deal with the conflict. Given that political elites have little incentive to implement such transformation, civil society actors come increasingly to the fore. Only through multitrack initiatives supported by civil society actors, we argue, can conflict transformation practices advance and subsequently bring peace to the region.

Sergej Rumjancev, Как рассказывают национальную историю детям в Азербайджане / How National History Is Narrated to Azerbaidzhan’s Children

In post-Soviet Azerbaijan, national history underwent a certain revision in which “friendship of peoples” ceased to be its central theme and was replaced by the images of Soviet-inspired national heroes, and fighters for independence. At the same time, given the fact that building an independent Azerbaijan coincided with the Karabakh conflict, it is quite natural to expect that these events would have had an impact on the texts included in the history textbooks which, in their turn, are intended to rear patriots of their country capable of discerning “one’s own” from “others” and ready to take part in yet another conflict when and if the need arises. A number of ethnic myths have sneaked into the textbooks during the process of reviewing school programs and getting rid of the “dark stains” in Azerbaijani history.

Иранское посредничество в карабахском конфликте как фактор ирано-азербайджанских отношений

Иранское посредничество в карабахском конфликте как фактор ирано-азербайджанских отношений

SELF-DEFENSE IN KARABAKH CONFLICT?

Use of force is one of the principles of international law that has been banned by the UN Charter and modern constitutions. However, since the enforcement of the UN Charter, self-defense has become the preferred excuse for states to justify their use of force. Applying self-defense, however, requires some conditions. Immediacy is one of the important conditions of self-defense. This is defined as the timeframe between armed attacks and reaction to it. This situation requires self-defense immediately after the armed conflict or during a reasonable timeframe since its occurance. In this respect, emerging Karabakh Conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan in the 1990s is important. In this article, by comparing two different approaches (strict and board interpretation) of the temporal link between the measures of self-defense and the armed attacks (immediacy), the temporal link between the self-defense countermeasures of Azerbaijan and attacks by Armenia in Karabakh Conflict will be examined.

International Law and the Nagorno–Karabakh War: Opinion on Political Aspects

The opinion report considers relations between international norms, Azerbaijan’s national legal system and political understandings of the Nagorno–Karabakh conflict. It discusses classification of Armenian actions in a context of the international law’s development and an impact of international regulations on national criminal codes. Therefore, it presents the Azerbaijani perspective on major political aspects of the Nagorno–Karabakh War and international response to Armenian occupation of Azerbaijan’s territories. Moreover, it evaluates Armenian actions in the region with reference to the definition of genocide and international policy of its prevention. In general, the opinion report shows how the Azerbaijani society understands the conflict and how it may be classified on the basis of the Soviet law (as acts of terror has started in the late 1980s), the international law and the contemporary Criminal Code of the Republic of Azerbaijan. As a result, it is not only a report that introduces the Azerbaijan’s perspective on the issue, but it can also be recognised as an interesting source to understand how the Azerbaijani people label actions of their neighbouring nation.

Painful collective memory: Measuring collective memory affect in the Karabakh conflict.

Painful collective memory: Measuring collective memory affect in the Karabakh conflict.

Self-Defense in Karabakh Conflict?

Use of force is one of the principles of international law that has been banned by the UN Charter and modern constitutions. However, since the enforcement of the UN Charter, self-defense has become the preferred excuse for states to justify their use of force. Applying self-defense, however, requires some conditions. Immediacy is one of the important conditions of self-defense. This is defined as the timeframe between armed attacks and reaction to it. This situation requires self-defense immediately after the armed conflict or during a reasonable timeframe since its occurance. In this respect, emerging Karabakh Conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan in the 1990s is important. In this article, by comparing two different approaches (strict and board interpretation) of the temporal link between the measures of self-defense and the armed attacks (immediacy), the temporal link between the self-defense countermeasures of Azerbaijan and attacks by Armenia in Karabakh Conflict will be examined.

Ukraine, Protracted Conflicts and the osce

Aspects of the Ukraine crisis present enormous problems for the future of osce and other international conflict mediation. Annexation, “hybrid” warfare, the proliferation of non-recognized separatist polities, the absence of a shared baseline of facts and, therefore, the sharp divergence of narratives, and perhaps most of all, the development of fortress mentalities – all of these have challenged the “Helsinki acquis” on which the osce is based. Developments in the protracted conflicts – greater Russian control over three of the separatist polities to the point of crypto-annexation and the spread of the idea that democracy and human rights are no more than tools of Western imperialist domination – affect the way in which the osce and its mediators are perceived. The cycle of Russian assertiveness and Western response has created a self-reinforcing spiral that consolidates alliances among those who share a fortress mentality, is used to justify past actions, discourages “weakness” in the face of pressure, and encourages ever more aggressive responses to it. In the face of this discouraging picture, osce mediators should build on the remaining areas of co-operation – especially on the Karabakh conflict – and emphasize osce impartiality. The osce has always been a “big tent,” a forum of diverse equals, none of whom has a perfect record on democracy and human rights. Criticizing and being criticized is not, therefore, a “double standard,” but a dialogue that enriches all participating States.

Self-Defense in Karabakh Conflict?

Use of force is one of the principles of international law that has been banned by the UN Charter and modern constitutions. However, since the enforcement of the UN Charter, self-defense has become the preferred excuse for states to justify their use of force. Applying self-defense, however, requires some conditions. Immediacy is one of the important conditions of self-defense. This is defined as the timeframe between armed attacks and reaction to it. This situation requires self-defense immediately after the armed conflict or during a reasonable timeframe since its occurance.In this respect, emerging Karabakh Conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan in the 1990

From “frozen conflict” to enduring rivalry: reassessing the Nagorny Karabakh conflict

This article draws on international relations theory to attempt a reframing of the Armenian–Azerbaijani conflict in Nagorny Karabakh as an enduring rivalry (ER): a particular kind of interstate conflict known for its longevity and stability. The article begins by identifying a number of conceptual deficits circulating around this conflict, notably the notion that it is a “frozen conflict,” before introducing the ER framework and its analytical dividends for this case. Different layers of the ER between Armenia and Azerbaijan are then explored at systemic, interstate, domestic, decision-maker, and temporal levels, with a view more toward identifying directions for future research than conclusive findings. Among the article's tentative conclusions are the primacy of endogenous over exogenous factors in explaining the durability of the rivalry between Armenia and Azerbaijan, the impacts of the passage of time on the human and physical geography of the territory under dispute, and the convergence of conflict dynamics across disparate levels.

Emotions, loss and change: Armenian women and post-socialist transformations in Nagorny Karabakh

Based on empirical data obtained from ethnographic fieldwork in Nagorny Karabakh (NK), the article analyses gender as one fundamental but neglected dimension of post-conflict society. In particular, this article examines changing gender relations as a result of the political transformations occurring during and after the Karabakh conflict (1990–2000). The focus is on two groups of women residing in Martuni, a small town in NK. The first group includes local Armenian women, the second Armenian women from Azerbaijan, forced to resettle in Martuni. In this way, the article not only explores how the status of these women and their dependency has changed as a result of the political transformations, but also how gender roles and identities are negotiated when the region of resettlement is not completely unfamiliar to new arrivals. The article concludes by highlighting these Armenian women’s contradictory, yet similar experiences in terms of prevalent gender constructions. In doing so, the article expands research on gender and political transformations in post-socialist regions and beyond.

The Stone Dreams scandal: the Nagorny Karabakh conflict and Armenian-Azerbaijani relations in contemporary literature

This article analyses the scandal that broke out in Azerbaijan after the publication of Stone Dreams, a novel by Azerbaijani writer Akram Aylisli. Stone Dreams depicted and condemned the persecution against the Armenian population in Baku and Sumgait in 1988–1990, as well as the early twentieth century massacre of the Armenian community in the writer’s home village, Aylis in Nakhichevan. Akram Aylisli touched on a taboo and in a context with weak civic and democratic institutions, the discussion of such traumatic events in Azerbaijan’s recent past proved unacceptable to both society and the ruling elite. This article reaches beyond contemporary debates, however, to cover earlier and less well-known works with Armenian-Azerbaijani themes such as Evgeniy Voyskunskiy’s novel Maiden Dreams, Seymur Baycan’s Gugark, Maria Martirosova’s Photos To Remember Me By and Levon Javakhian’s short story “Kirve”. These works are reviewed here in terms of how they address issues of conflict, reconciliation and responsibility. This article underscores the importance of literary works dealing with conflict, as they usually reach a much broader audience than academic books.

Dreams in the ‘black garden’: Literature and the Nagorny Karabakh conflict

(2014). Dreams in the ‘black garden’: Literature and the Nagorny Karabakh conflict. Caucasus Survey: Vol. 2, No. 1-2, pp. 41-41.

Emotions, loss and change: Armenian women and post-socialist transformations in Nagorny Karabakh

Based on empirical data obtained from ethnographic fieldwork in Nagorny Karabakh (NK), the article analyses gender as one fundamental but neglected dimension of post-conflict society. In particular, this article examines changing gender relations as a result of the political transformations occurring during and after the Karabakh conflict (1990-2000). The focus is on two groups of women residing in Martuni, a small town in NK. The first group includes local Armenian women, the second Armenian women from Azerbaijan, forced to resettle in Martuni. In this way, the article not only explores how the status of these women and their dependency has changed as a result of the political transformations, but also how gender roles and identities are negotiated when the region of resettlement is not completely unfamiliar to new arrivals. The article concludes by highlighting these Armenian women’s contradictory, yet similar experiences in terms of prevalent gender constructions. In doing so, the article expands research on gender and political transformations in post-socialist regions and beyond.

Dreams in the ‘black garden’: Literature and the Nagorny Karabakh conflict

Dreams in the ‘black garden’: Literature and the Nagorny Karabakh conflict

The Stone Dreams scandal: the Nagorny Karabakh conflict and Armenian-Azerbaijani relations in contemporary literature

This article analyses the scandal that broke out in Azerbaijan after the publication of Stone Dreams, a novel by Azerbaijani writer Akram Aylisli. Stone Dreams depicted and condemned the persecution against the Armenian population in Baku and Sumgait in 1988-1990, as well as the early twentieth century massacre of the Armenian community in the writer’s home village, Aylis in Nakhichevan. Akram Aylisli touched on a taboo and in a context with weak civic and democratic institutions, the discussion of such traumatic events in Azerbaijan’s recent past proved unacceptable to both society and the ruling elite. This article reaches beyond contemporary debates, however, to cover earlier and less well-known works with Armenian-Azerbaijani themes such as Evgeniy Voyskunskiy’s novel Maiden Dreams, Seymur Baycan’s Gugark, Maria Martirosova’s Photos To Remember Me By and Levon Javakhian’s short story “Kirve”. These works are reviewed here in terms of how they address issues of conflict, reconciliation and responsibility. This article underscores the importance of literary works dealing with conflict, as they usually reach a much broader audience than academic books.

SOME CONSIDERATIONS ABOUT KARABAKH CONFLICT SETTLEMENT IN THE FORMAT OF THE MINSK GROUP

?he separated monitoring of the Nagorno–Karabakh conflict and the intended policy for peaceful regulation are very important in the system of providing national security of the Republic of Armenia in more acceptable format of the Minsk Group. During the regional visits of the Minsk group co–chairs are being realized regular controlling and monitoring the contact line of the conflicting forces. Tryaing to satisfy the conflicting parties, the Minsk Group offers a compromise according to the international norms, in which are some obvious discrepancies (The right of nations to self–determination and The territorial integrity). Recently, the regulation process of the Nagorno–Karabakh conflict remains in the active level, which, however, does not lead to substantial progress in the peace process. The Armenian part keeps giving priority of the intermediary activity to the OSCE Minsk group. Because of the negative position of the Azerbaijan part all intermediary initiatives are not leading to serious practical results. The freedom has the main place in the European value system, which can be the key for the regulation of the Nagorno–Karabakh conflict.

Implicit measures of attitude change via narrative intervention in the Karabakh conflict

Based on the narrative approach to interethnic conflicts, the article examines the effect of different types of narratives on Azerbaijani attitudes toward Armenians. Narrative effects were assessed using implicit attitude measures based on the sequential evaluative priming technique. Taking into account the current state of conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan over Nagorno Karabakh, we expected negative implicit attitudes in reaction to a picture of the President of Armenia. Surprisingly, Azerbaijanis who had been displaced by Armenians showed generally less negative implicit attitudes than non-displaced participants. Indeed, a narrative of common suffering elicited from displaced persons a small attitude shift towards positivity that might indicate a latent “reconciliatory” potential of this type of narrative. Discussion emphasizes the potential of research on narrative transformation for both peace-building and better understanding of implicit attitudes.

Analysis of Russian-Armenian Relations and its Influence on the Political - Security Future of the Caucasus after September 11 Attacks

The Caucasus, from the distant past, whether as part of a land or as the sphere of influence has always attracted Russia’s attention. Regarding that it cannot remove all its rivals from the Political arena of Central Asia particularly the Caucasus in these new conditions, Moscow’s policy and influencing has been directed towards the path in through which has established strong relations with countries such as Armenia in the Caucasus region. Also, regarding this issue, this country is trying to use its own superior economic, political and military position in the region in order to control the conducts and foreign policies of Caucasian republics in line with fading the existence of factors which are incompatible with Russian interest and national security, hereby it can delay or prevent the convergence of countries of the region having western political and security structures. Armenia, because of strategic objectives like removing economic siege, being out of geopolitical isolation, responding to the local crisis and achieving regional security, tend to improve the relation with Russia. Such changes could alter the balance of power in the region. The changes of geopolitical components in the Caucasus include changes in regional alliances and the emergence of new regional order, evolution of mechanisms and security arrangements, influence on Karabakh conflict and particularly the economy of energy, and energy security as well as economic cooperation in the region.

В связи с переходом на другое место жительства: коллективная межэтническая кооперация в ситуации карабахского конфликта

Sevil Huseinova and Sergey Rumiantsev suggest new ways to approach the political/nationalist conflicts that accompanied the dissolution of the USSR. In their research, they seek ways to overcome mythologizing, historicizing (rooting into the past), and essentializing narratives of the so-called ethnic conflicts, by changing the scale of their analysis from the macro level to a microanalysis. If the first approach presents political conflicts as a clash of homogeneous and coherent groups, the second approach is inspired by Rogers Brubaker's criticism of the "realism of the group." It privileges decentralized, nonstate and local mechanisms of everyday intra-ethnic cooperation along the lines conceptualized by James Fearon and David Laitin. This methodological approach is applied to the case study of a peaceful collective population exchange between two villages during the Armenian−Azerbaijani conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh. The long-term research included participant observation and the collection of biographical interviews. As a result, the authors deconstruct the broad net of local interethnic cooperation that is usually invisible in a macro-level analysis. They trace the escalation of the conflict and its perception on a local level, the emergence of the idea of the population exchange and stages of its implementation, the changes in individual and collective understandings of belonging (to a territory, a region, a state, a nation), the transfer of collective traditional practices and rituals, and so on. Huseinova and Rumiantsev conclude that the Karabakh conflict, as many other similar cases that resulted from the dissolution of the USSR, should be analyzed as new and modern conflicts and contextualized at a micro level. Overall, their research undermines the validity of approaching the post-Soviet ethnic conflicts as having "resumed," as incidents of historical and lasting struggles and disagreements.