Jungle Region Research Articles

El cocaísmo y la alimentación en el Perú

The cocaismo, according to the thesis that is developed in this paper is the result of poor diet of the peoples of the Andean region which prominently has developed. The arguments underlying this thesis are as follows: During the Inca Empire, when the Andean people were very well fed, coca habit was almost unknown, using this drug mainly in religious worship. The Incas banned the use of coca, and this plant crops other than occupy very restricted areas, belonged exclusively to the Inca and temples. Data on cocaismo before the Inca Empire are scarce, but some reveal that the first rulers of Cuzco expelled coqueros primitive peoples to the jungle region. Clearly the coca habit spread considerably after the Conquest of Peru, and the cultivation and the drug trade became much larger proportions to which I had at the time of the Incas. The spread of cocaismo originated around the same time that, because of the war of conquest and change of organization in the country, there was a considerable decline of agriculture and production, and practically almost complete destruction of the early cattle industry Andean region. The latter according to the testimony of all historians, was the main wealth of this region, and its destruction was due to a catastrophic national impoverishment. The occurrence of vagrants and beggars in alarming proportions noted in the same period. Begging, vagabundismo and food shortages were unknown phenomena during the Inca Empire. In addition, some historical data show that the Andean town was subjected to poverty and deprivation of all kinds as a means of passive resistance. The -droga coca acts as a narcotic vital sensations, as suppresses hunger, fatigue weakened organisms, thirst, cold, and the most basic human aspirations - in these circumstances was an essential factor to adapt the organism to so deficient and abnormal living conditions. This drug has acted as a special assistant of the Andean people for four centuries to cope with the most extreme misery. Current research, according to data provided by the story, they also demonstrate the close link between cocaismo and misery, especially among the cocaismo and insufficient food. In regions of increased consumption of cocaine - of 2-4 Kgs. annual per capita average - the daily food ration is 767 grams. for the average of the inhabitants; in regions where the cocaismo is less intense, where it is consumed 1-2 Kgs of cocaine per year, the average food ration is 904 grams per inhabitant.; and in regions where the cocaismo is minimal, 0.1 Kg. Coca annual per capita food ration is 1096 grams. day on average. Food rations prevailing in the provinces of intense cocaismo not provide the minimum calorie indispensable support human life. The number of calories in such portions is less than 2000, the minimum needed to keep working peasant, 3000-4000 calories. Coca, of course, has absolutely no nutritional value v energy. Since in regions of heavy cocaismo no excessive consumption of alcohol, it is likely that at least part of the physiological calories is in certain cases provided by alcohol. Since this is not a food substance and is so toxic and dangerous as cocaine, its toxic effects on the body and inheritance are added to this alkaloid. In all regions of Peru food is poor because they are lower in protein and vitamins, but this deficit is much higher in regions cocaistas. Food in the latter is not only deficient by low energy, but also for poor in protein, fats and vitamins, substances contained in physiological quantities less than minimum. The problem of the relationship between food and cocaismo is worsening 011 alarming and progressive, as can be seen in recent years, while a decline in production and consumption, a considerable increase in production and consumption coca, which is nearly 200.000 to 500.000 Kgs. annual. Is observed at the same time a parallel increase in the production and consumption of alcohol. It is urgent to render immediate action to reduce the production of both toxic substances and avoid an increase in their respective addictions. Whether to replace coca crops and sugar cane for the production of brandy, for food crops is suggested. All plans to combat cocaismo and alcoholism, and drug production behind them, must march coordinated with plans to improve food production and supply of the inhabitants of the Andes, and other necessary steps to improve their living conditions and save him from drug addiction.

P1-S2.08 Geography, mobility, work venue, and sexually transmitted infections among 4100 female sex workers in 20 cities in Peru

ObjectivesTo estimate and compare prevalences of five STI Chlamydia trachomatis (CT) Neisseria gonorrhoeae (NG), Trichomonas vaginalis (TV), T pallidum (syphilis), and HIV infection for female sex workers (FSW) according to...

Geography, Health Status, and Health Investments: An Analysis of Peru

The study examines the influence of natural geography on human health in Peru, a country that has performed rather poorly, in the Latin American context, in terms of reducing its infant and maternal mortality rates. We measured natural geography through rainfall, temperature, altitude, longitude, and latitude. We also analyzed the effect that natural geography may have on the effectiveness of government health investments. We find evidence that geography has an important and independent influence on the infant mortality rate (IMR) and the child malnutrition rate (CMNR). As latitude and longitude increase (i. e. , as one moves towards the southwest) the IMR drops. Also, higher levels of rainfall (as in the Jungle region), and higher latitudes increase the CMNR. Lower temperatures, such as those observed in the Mountain region, seem to cause higher rates of child malnutrition. Geography also appears to affect the effectiveness of government health care investments. As latitude increases towards the south, thereby reducing the IMR, health centers and posts see their effectiveness reduced. Likewise, as longitude increases towards the west, thus helping to reduce the IMR, government health centers and posts become less effective in curtailing infant mortality. These results point to a decreasing marginal productivity of government health care spending. Several variables other than geography also affect health status. For example, we find that an increase in the illiteracy rate from 10 percent to 50 percent would bring about an increase in the IMR from 40 to 75 deaths per 1,000 live births. Female illiteracy has an important influence on the IMR as well, with higher levels of illiteracy being associated with a higher IMR. A policy of increasing general and female education through public spending thus appears to be an effective way of improving infant and child health. The government of Peru has invested heavily in ambulatory facilities in areas of high IMR. These new investments may have had a positive impact on child health. However, whatever this impact, so far it appears to be mild, and not enough to overcome the low health status that led to these new investments in the first place. While endogeneity problems have kept us from measuring the effectiveness of public investments in ambulatory care infrastructure, we find that the number of doctors working in public facilities has a positive influence on child health and nutritional status. We are able to show through simulations how new public resources devoted to new facilities and doctors could be allocated among the provinces to reduce regional inequality in health status. Finally, we find that natural geography exacerbates inequality in health status, as do existing regional differences in the availability of public services, such as potable water, sewerage, electricity, and in education. Public investments aimed at reducing or eliminating such differences would help to improve equity in health status.

Serologic Evidence of Human Ehrlichiosis in Peru

A serosurvey for human ehrlichiosis caused by Ehrlichia chaffeensis and Anaplasma phagocytophilum was performed in different regions of Peru by using indirect immunofluorescence assays (IFAs). Regions included an urban community in a shantytown in Lima (Pampas) and three rural communities located on the northern coast of Peru (Cura Mori), in the southern Peruvian Andes (Cochapata), and in the Peruvian jungle region (Santo Tomas). An overall E. chaffeensis seroprevalence of 13% (21 of 160) was found by IFA. Seroprevalences in females and males was 15% (16 of 106) and 9% (5 of 53), respectively. Seroprevalences in Cura Mori, Cochapata, Pampas, and Santo Tomas were 25% (10 of 40), 23% (9 of 40), 3% (1 of 40), and 3% (1 of 40), respectively. Seroprevalences in Cura Mori and Cochapata were significantly higher than in Santo Tomas or Pampas (P < 0.01). No sera were reactive to A. phagocytophilum. These findings suggest that human infection with E. chaffeensis occurs in Peru. Further studies are needed to characterize Ehrlichia species in Peru, their vectors and their clinical significance.

A rubella serosurvey in postpartum women in the three regions of Peru

To determine the proportion of postpartum women aged 15-49 in Peru who are susceptible to rubella, in order to help address strategies to eliminate rubella and to prevent congenital rubella syndrome (CRS) in the country. A cross-sectional survey was conducted during March and April 2003 in six main regional hospitals, in the three geographic regions (coast, mountain, and jungle) of Peru. For the postpartum women who provided written informed consent, a questionnaire was administered and a blood specimen was collected. Sera were tested for rubella immunoglobulin G (IgG) antibody, using a commercial enzyme-linked immunosorbent serologic assay (ELISA) kit. Univariate, bivariate, and multivariate analyses were carried out to assess risk factors for susceptibility. In total, 1 236 postpartum women were enrolled. The overall proportion of IgG-antibody negative women was 12.8% (95% confidence interval (CI): 10.9%-14.6%). Bivariate analysis found the following variables associated with susceptibility: living in the jungle region (odds ratio (OR) = 1.65; 95% CI: 1.13-2.42); age < 19 years (OR = 2.02; 95% CI: 1.35-3.03); being a housewife (OR = 1.69; 95% CI: 1.12-2.55); and having < or = 11 years of education (OR = 2.12; 95% CI :1.20-3.75). Multivariate analysis found the following variables were associated with susceptibility: living in the jungle region (OR = 1.67; 95% CI: 1.13-2.46); age < 19 years (OR = 1.62; 95% CI: 1.07-2.47); having < 4 children born alive (OR = 1.85; 95% CI: 1.00-3.40); and having < or = 11 years of education (OR = 2.07; 95% CI: 1.16-3.71). The proportion of postpartum women at the study sites who were found to be susceptible to rubella was 12.8%, placing Peru among the countries facing a moderate level of risk for the occurrence of CRS cases. The findings suggest the need to also provide the rubella vaccine to other population groups, especially women of childbearing age.

Earning community trust in Ecuador

Land seismic crews have to adapt to working in every kind of environment around the world. In this illustrated article Gehrig Schultz and Norberto Soto describe how one PGS Onshore operation found the solution to carrying out seismic acquisition in a jungle region of Ecuador in the face of objections, local and international. At the edge of the Amazon jungle a short flight east of the cool mountain valley where the Andean capital, Quito, sits surrounded by high snow capped peaks and a smoking volcano, PGS Onshore’s Crew 360 has been busy meeting the challenge of seismic acquisition in the jungle and the special local conditions that govern such surveys. The crew is acquiring its second 3D survey in Ecuador’s oil rich Oriente Basin for state oil company, PetroProduccion, as part of a project to redevelop the mature Sacha Field. Discovery of the Sacha Field and other nearby giant fields attracted immigration to the area by poor peasants called ‘colonos’ pursuing economic opportunities and free land. The colonization, in turn, led to commercial development, including logging, mining and agriculture. In Ecuador, as in any developing nation, forested lands were cleared to support this growing population. Today, the oil boom’s economic opportunities have been replaced by increasing poverty as the ‘colonos’ can now only operate marginal cattle ranches and small struggling coffee, cocoa and oil palm plantations. The poor jungle soils only produced profitable crop yields for three or fours years, until minerals were depleted from the thin jungle soils. The worldwide collapse of coffee prices has eliminated the main source of income for many small farmers. Small groups of traditional indigenous tribes still inhabit the remote, undisturbed jungle areas, living very much in the way they have for centuries. Environmental damage during the early years of oil field development has led local farmers and indigenous groups to distrust the petroleum industry. This distrust led local stakeholders and international non-governmental organizations (NGOs) to actively challenge oil exploration activity in the area, with demands for reclamation of damaged areas and a share in the benefits from the production. The biggest challenge in executing a 3D survey in Ecuador’s Oriente region is operating a high quality seismic crew safely and efficiently in this complex and turbulent social environment. Evidence of the complex social environment is demonstrated by recent job delays and cancellations in the area. One major international seismic company finally declared force majeure on a project and closed its Ecuadorian operation after repeated protests and even temporary confinement of its field crews. Six months of standby due to constant permit problems and conflicts with NGOs on the block adjacent to Sacha, where PGS Onshore is present, caused another competitor to cease operations. Other contractors have been delayed months and reportedly have had thousands of dollars of seismic recording equipment destroyed by sabotage.

Conocimientos y actitudes de la pareja hacia la práctica de la planificación familiar en la Selva del Perú

To assess the association of knowledge and attitudes about family planning (FP) with its practice in couples of the Peruvian jungle region.A cross-sectional study was carried out in the jungle region in Peru (Pucallpa and Tarapoto), among 600 couples. Males were > or = 15 years old and females between 15 and 49 years old, who had resided in the area for at least two years. A questionnaire was used to determine FP practices (defined as the use of modern contraceptive methods (MCM) for > or = 12 months), as well as attitudes and knowledge regarding FP. Frequencies were compared using the chi-squared test. Logistic regression was used to assess the association between demographic variables and MCM knowledge as well as MCM utilization. The association between sociodemographic variables and attitudes toward MCM was assessed with linear regression models.Males with primary education or with no formal education were twice as likely to have no knowledge about MCM compared with males with professional education (OR: 2.18, 95% CI: 1.05, 4.50). Females with a catholic partner were more likely to know about MCM than those whose partners did not practice any religion (OR: 0.60, 95% CI: 0.37, 0.97). Partner's lower education, older age of women, and rural background of males were all factors associated with a less favorable attitude toward FP practices. Couples in which the man did not know about contraceptive methods were more likely not to use MCM than couples where the man knew about MCM (OR: 1.57, 95% CI: 1.07, 2.30). Couples where the man had an intermediate level of acceptance towards FP were more likely not to use MCM than those where the man had a high level of acceptance (OR: 1.90, 95% CI: 1.03, 3.48). The strength of association was higher when the man had a low level of acceptance toward PF (OR: 2.23, 95% CI: 10, 4.51).Knowledge of contraceptive methods and attitudes toward FP among men are associated with the practice of FP by couples. Study findings show that male acceptance of MCM and FP is a necessary, important, and influential factor in FP promotion and practice. The English version of this paper is available at:http://www.insp.mx/salud/index.html.

Redefined Nationalism in Building a Movement for Indigenous Autonomy in Southern Mexico

This paper discusses the differential historical meanings of indigenous autonomy in eastern Chiapas and in central and eastern Oaxaca. In the Lacandon jungle region, historical circumstances have given way to a model of indigenous autonomy focused on the creation of pluri‐ethnic autonomous regions. In Oaxaca, a tradition of autonomous indigenous municipios and animosity between indigenous communities has resulted in a model of mono‐ethnic autonomy realized variously in different settings. The paper also analyzes the way that pueblos indios with different historically‐based understandings of “autonomy” come together. The critical factor is a shared sense of reconstructed nationalism as created through local and regional histories generated from below which claim a place in Mexican national culture.

Tuberculosis control program in the lacandon jungle region of Mexico (1982–1992)

Tuberculosis control program in the lacandon jungle region of Mexico (1982–1992)

Seroprevalence of hepatitis C antibody in Peru

The prevalence in Peru of antibody to hepatitis C virus (anti-HCV) was determined in a survey of populations living in the northern jungle region and in groups at high risk of parenterally and sexually transmitted diseases. All sera were initially screened for anti-HCV using commercial first and second generation ELISAs; repeatedly reactive sera were further verified with a second generation immunoblot assay. Serum samples were also tested by ELISA for HBsAg, anti-HBs, and anti-HBc. None of 2,111 sera obtained in the survey of jungle residents was positive for anti-HCV by immunoblot assay. Twelve of 16 HIV-1 antibody positive hemophiliacs, one of 103 HIV-1 antibody positive homosexuals, and three of 602 HIV-1 negative registered female prostitutes were positive for anti-HCV. A high prevalence of total markers of hepatitis B infection was found in all subjects, especially in older subjects and groups at high risk of parenterally and sexually transmitted diseases. The findings of this study indicate that seropositivity for hepatitis C virus antibody is uncommon in Peru except in high risk groups and suggest that the epidemiology of hepatitis C differs substantially from hepatitis B.

Hazard Analyses of Foods Prepared by Inhabitants Along the Peruvian Amazon River

Hazard analyses of food preparation practices were conducted in two households in Indiana (a settlement along the Peruvian Amazon River), in a household in a cluster of about a half dozen houses up river, and in three households in Belen (a district near Iquitos), Peru. These analyses consisted of watching all steps of the operation, recording temperatures throughout all these steps, and collecting samples of food and testing them for common foodborne pathogens and indicator organisms. Foods prepared included rice, plantains, yuca, dry fish, fresh fish, beef, and chicken. During cooking, foods attained temperatures of at least 93.3°C; they usually boiled. Such time-temperature exposure would kill vegetative forms of foodborne pathogenic bacteria, but not heat-resistant spores. When cooked foods were leftover, they were kept either on tables or on the unheated stoves or grills on which they were cooked. During this interval, at the prevailing ambient temperature and high humidity of the jungle region, conditions were such that considerable microbial growth could occur. Time of exposure, however, limited counts to the 105–106 level. In the evening, foods were only mildly reheated, if reheated at all, so temperatures were not attained in the center regions of the food that would have killed microorganisms that had multiplied during the holding period. Hence, the primary critical control point is holding between cooking and serving, but cooking and reheating are critical control points also.

Oil and U.S.-Mexican Relations

The Aztecs discovered petroleum in Mexico and used it before the arrival of the Spanish in 1519. They burned it in tribute to their gods, caulked their canoes with it, smeared it on their bodies as a medicine, and utilized it as a dye and a glue. Over three centuries elapsed before an effort was made to turn black gold into cash. Ten years after Edwin L. Drake drilled his famous well near Titusville, Pennsylvania, in 1859, a group of Mexicans unsuccessfully attempted to produce oil on the “Furbero” hacienda near Papantla in Vera Cruz state. It was not until May 1901 that Edward L. Doheny, a wily product of the rough-and-tumble American oil industry in which he had amassed a fortune, struck oil in Ébano, a jungle region of San Luis Potosí. Another pioneer in the development of Mexico's petroleum industry was Weeman Pearson, later Lord Cowdray, a Yorkshire entrepreneur who formed the fabulously profitable Mexican Eagle (Aguila) Company after discovering the “Golden Lane” fields in 1908 (Bermúdez, 1963; Sampson, 1975: 83-85; Grayson, 1978a).

Cashibo I: Phonemes

Previous articleNext article No AccessCashibo I: PhonemesOlive A. ShellOlive A. Shell Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUS Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by International Journal of American Linguistics Volume 16, Number 4Oct., 1950 Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1086/464089 Views: 2Total views on this site Citations: 4Citations are reported from Crossref PDF download Crossref reports the following articles citing this article:Piotr Żelasko, Siyuan Feng, Laureano Moro Velázquez, Ali Abavisani, Saurabhchand Bhati, Odette Scharenborg, Mark Hasegawa-Johnson, Najim Dehak Discovering phonetic inventories with crosslingual automatic speech recognition, Computer Speech & Language 74 (Jul 2022): 101358.https://doi.org/10.1016/j.csl.2022.101358Erwin H. Frank Von der Zivilisierung der „Schlechten Menschen” Eine Episode in der Akkulturationsgeschichte ostperuanischer Indianer, (Jan 1990): 227–251.https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-322-87738-3_9LILA WISTRAND ROBINSON SOME GENERATIVE SOLUTIONS TO PROBLEMS IN CASHIBO PHONOLOGY, ().https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110800432.287William L. Wonderly, Eugene A. Nida Linguistics and Christian Missions—Iii, The Bible Translator 15, no.44 (Oct 1964): 154–166.https://doi.org/10.1177/000608446401500402

Research Items

Ethnology of Mysore The Baron von Eichstedt, who himself has recently visited Mysore, contributes an introductory chapter on the racial history of Mysore in relation to that of India to “The Mysore Tribes and Castes”, vol. 1 (Bangalore: Government Press). Mysore, like India as a whole, presents a fundamental contrast of open landscape and preponderantly mountainous jungle districts. Here also there is the same racial parallel: in the open country, settlements of a people of a progressive type, who are fair in the north of India and dark in the south and in certain refuge areas; and in the jungle districts primitive peoples who are fair in the western areas and dark in the eastern. Thus in India as a whole there are three main groups, each subdivided into two:—(1) The racially primitive peoples of the jungle region, the Ancient-Indians or Weddid racial group, divided into the Gondid race, a dark-brown curly (wide) haired people with totem-istic mattock-using culture; and the Malid type, a black-brown curly (narrow) haired people with originally ancient culture. (2) The racially mixed group Black-Indians, or Melanids, divided into the black-brown progressive people in the most southern plains with strong foreign matriarchy, the southern Melanids; and a black-brown primitive people of the northern Deccan with strong foreign (totemistic and matriarchal) influence, the Kolid type. (3) The racial progressive people of the open regions, New Indians or Indid group, divided into a gracile-brown people with enforced patriarchy, Gracile-Indid race; and a coarser light brown people with possible original patriarchal herdmanship, the North Indid type. So in Mysore is found the best preserved and most primitive of the primitive inhabitants of India, the Malids, with the later Gondids intruding, pre-Aryan North Indid herdsmen in the remnant of the Todas and traces of North-Indids all over the State, mixing with the older and partly younger intruders foreign to India, Palæomongolids, ‘West-Brachids’ and orientaloid Mohammedans.