July Revolution Research Articles

1952 Revolution Leads to Family Disintegration in <i>Cairo House</i> 2000 by Samia Serageldin: “A Sociological Literary Study”

The study of literature and art is not a sociological one, as some might think. Both are a phenomenon of human social phenomena whose existence and development are linked to the development of culture. This is a human innovation that reveals in its content and form the extent to which human groups understand and understand the universe, the world, and the surrounding environment. The novel of <i>Cairo House</i> by Samia Serageldin, published in English, is a novel that is woven from different braids, from autobiography to the diaspora literature to the existential philosophical narrative, to historical literature and sociological literature. All these factors make it an ideal example of post-colonial literature. It all overlaps to create a harmonious, beautiful braid whose locks do not Alienate, but embrace warm intimacy despite the cruelty of life towards the heroine of the novel Gigi. Samia Sirajuddin, an Egyptian-American, writes an imaginary autobiography unfolding, in vibrant details and fertile fiction, the eras that once were before July Revolution in Egypt 1952. She transfers her readers across a stunning journey through cultures within cultures. The <i>Cairo House</i> is more than just a novel about Cairo though. It is a preface to the changing periods and the stylishness that once was in a pre-Nasserite Egypt.

Поиск оснований русского Просвещения у П.Я. Чаадаева и И.В. Киреевского: к истории «Записки» П.Я. Чаадаева А.Х. Бен­кендорфу

This article analyses Pyotr Chaadayev’s “Note” (1832), a message addressed to Alexan­der von Benkendorf, who served as head of the secret police under Nikolas I. “The Note” is essentially a letter that supports Ivan Kireevsky’s article entitled “The 19th Century”, which Kireevsky published in his magazine – “The European” – and which provoked the secret police to close the magazine right after the publication of the article in 1832. “The Note” is a somewhat enigmatic text because it was signed with Kireevsky’s name, which for a long time made researchers believe that it reflected Kireevsky’s position. However, in the 1930s, researchers proved that the actual author of “The Note” was Pyotr Chaadayev, and that “The Note” contained his thoughts. “The Note” shows that it was the July Revolution of 1830 that temporarily undermined Chaa­dayev’s belief in Europe and made Chaadayev shift from the negative philosophy of Russian history and the Eurocentrism of his “Philosophical Letters” (1829–1830) to­wards the idea of Russia’s historical mission, despite Russia’s backwardness. This back­wardness was later presented in the text “Apology of a Madman” (1837) as the idea of Providence guiding Russia through history. The present article argues that in the early 1830s, Kireevsky did not share Chaadayev’s belief in Providence. “The Note” reads as a very ambivalent text because Chaadayev used it to both vindicate Kireevsky’s article, and to set forth his own philosophy of history. In the present paper, the author separates these two types of arguments and concepts which were tightly interwoven in “The Note”, but were in fact reflections of two different, although unstable and somewhat overlap­ping, positions of two philosophers.

Консервативная оппозиция либеральному режиму июльской монархии во Франции: идеологическое обоснование и политические практики (Conservative Opposition to the Liberal Regime of the July Monarchy in France: Ideological Rationale and Political Practices)

Russian abstract: ХIХ столетие было ознаменовано поступательным развитием и торжеством либеральных ценностей. В это время не просто оформляются категории классического либерализма, но и происходит реализация либеральных принципов на практике. Во Франции в ходе Июльской революции 1830 г. устанавливается либеральный режим во главе с королем Луи-Филиппом Орлеанским, известным своими либеральными взглядами, а к власти приходят его сторонники — умеренные либералы-орлеанисты. Однако распространение либеральных ценностей наталкивалось на серьезное сопротивление как в самой стране, так и за ее пределами. Изучение консервативного сопротивления либеральным принципам Июльской монархии представляет несомненную научную актуальность. Еще один аспект актуальности темы имеет то обстоятельство, что победа либеральных ценностей во Франции была во многом связана с тем, что французский орлеанизм явился примером либеральноконсервативного синтеза. В условиях современных процессов конвергенции либеральных и консервативных идей и отсутствия «чистого» либерализм и консерватизма, изучение этого опыта является весьма актуальным. English abstract: The XIX century was marked by the progressive development and triumph of liberal values. At this time, not only are the categories of classical liberalism formed, but also the implementation of liberal principles in practice takes place. In France, during the July revolution of 1830, a liberal regime led by king Louis-Philippe d'orleans, known for his liberal views, was established, and his supporters — moderate liberal Orleanists-came to power

The Betrayal of the Duchess: The Scandal that Unmade the Bourbon Monarchy and Made France Modern by Maurice Samuels

Reviewed by: The Betrayal of the Duchess: The Scandal that Unmade the Bourbon Monarchy and Made France Modern by Maurice Samuels Robert J. Young The Betrayal of the Duchess: The Scandal that Unmade the Bourbon Monarchy and Made France Modern. By Maurice Samuels. New York: Basic Books, 2020. 383 pages. $19.99 (cloth). Maurice Samuels closes this very fine work with two and a half pages acknowledging the support that he, and the book, have received from a very large field of friends. One of those "friends" is his father, who apparently thought that it was high time for his son to write "something that normal people might actually read" (327). Today, I should think, dad is a very happy man, for The Betrayal of the Duchess is excellent in every respect, including the way it weaves together the biographies of its two principal characters. Because a good number of "normal" people will not be familiar with the story of the Duchess de Berry, a few introductory words may be helpful. Italian by birth, a Bourbon by genes, a widow at 21, her self-defined mission in life was to see her son inherit the throne of France from her uncle, the ruling King Charles X (1824–1830). In fact, this king was pushed off the throne by the July Revolution of 1830, and forced to flee to England when his cousin, Louis Philippe, of the Orléanist line, proclaimed himself "King of [End Page 397] the French." That seemed to scotch the plan to see her son installed as Henri V so, accordingly, the 32 year old duchess and her two children became part of Charles' retinue in England. At least she did so for a while; however, this remarkable lady, now calling herself Marie Caroline, had not given up. Between 1830 and 1832, first from England, then from northern Italy, the duchess managed to rally royalist supporters in southern and western France, people who considered themselves "Legitimists" of the Bourbon line, as opposed to the now ruling Orléanist usurpers. Propaganda, both public and private, was followed by sporadic fighting over the course of several weeks in May and June 1832, particularly in the Vendée, but on a scale that barely supports the common expression "civil war." The government forces of Louis Philippe soon prevailed over a disorganized and disheartened opposition, and in mid-June the duchess was forced to go into hiding in the northwest city of Nantes. It was there that she was betrayed by one of her confidantes, a betrayal that led to her incarceration in several gloomy fortresses, and eventually her eviction from France in June 1833—her hopes now dashed of ever seeing a Bourbon restoration in the form of her son. She died in 1870, having led a comfortable married life in Sicily and Austria. The man who betrayed her to the police services of the Orléanist regime was a German-born Jew whose father, by the 1830s, was the Chief Rabbi of Paris. Simon Deutz, the son, had spent his youth in Paris, living in a Jewish home situated in the Marais quarter. But in 1828, at the age of 26, and without a word to his father, Simon was baptized in Rome and awarded the Christian name of Hyacinthe. That conversion soon opened two doors. One led to the Bourbon-bred and Catholic duchess, who was set on toppling the regime of Louis-Philippe. The other door led to the Orléanist and Catholic regime of Louis-Philippe. Hyacinthe, whom Maurice Samuels continues to call Deutz, was thus in a position to potentially serve two diametrically opposed forces, although any reader would soon conclude that service to anyone but himself was foreign to Deutz. Having turned the duchess over to the police for a substantial financial reward, and having converted back [End Page 398] to Judaism, this remarkable character gets on a ship and basically disappears somewhere in New Orleans, under at least one assumed name. There is no record of the date of his death. That is the skeleton of a story to which Samuels gives flesh. He has been able to do so for three reasons...

La Jaquerie: une tragédie romantique juste avant la « fin de l’histoire »

The Jaquerie is one of the lesser-known dramatic works of Prosper Mérimée. However, it is a very important work to understand the aesthetic and political stakes of romantic theatre on the eve of the July Revolution. The Jaquerie also helps us to understand the cul-de-sac of the theatre of French liberalism which had, however, dominated the theoretical debate about a new dramatic form during the 1830s.

الدور الوطنی للمرأة العراقیة (1920-1958م)

شارکت المرأة العراقية إلى جانب الرجل في النشاط الثوري المطالب باستقلال العراق والرافض للاحتلال البريطاني ، وکان لها دور مشهود في ثورة العشرين، حيث کانت تعمل على إثارة غيرة الرجل وحماسته للدفاع عن الوطن ، وکذلک کان لها موقف من المعاهدات العراقية البريطانية ، وعلاوة على ذلک يتناول موقف المرأة العراقية من حرکة مايس/مايو 1941، و ظهر دور المرأة واضحا في انتفاضة بورتسموث عام 1948م ، حيث شارکت بجانب الرجل للتنديد بالاحتلال، وکذلک کان لها دور في انتفاضة تشرين الثاني/نوفمبر1952م ، بالإضافة إلى معارضتها لأشتراک العراق في حلف بغداد ، کما أسهمت في ثورة 14 تموز/يوليوعام 1958م ، ولقد کانت هذه الثورة نقطة انطلاقة کبرى للمشارکة السياسية للمرأة، وفى آذار/مارس عام 1958م أصدرت الحکومة العراقية قوانين جديدة لتطور العراق السياسي والاقتصادي، ومنح المرأة حق ممارسة حقوقها السياسية بعد أن حرمت منها زمنا طويلا. Iraqi women have joined men in the revolutionary activity demanding Iraqi independence and rejecting Britsh occupation. Iraqi women also played a prominent role in the revolution of the twentieth, enthusing men’s jealousy and enthusiasm for defending the nation, and took part in the Iraqi and British treaties. In addition, this chapter addresses the position of Iraqi women in the revolution of May 1941. This role of women was evident in the Portsmouth uprising of 1948 when she participated alongside men to condemn the occupation, in the uprising of November 1952, in its opposition to Iraq’s participation in the Baghdad Pact, and in its contribution to the revolution of July 14, 1958, which was a major breakthrough in woman’s political participation, In March 1958, the Iraqi government passed new laws on Iraqi’s political and economic development, granting woman the right to exercise their political rights, which they had been denied for so long.

THE DISCOMFORT OF THE JULY MONARCHY WITH DAUMIER’S GARGANTUA

Gargantua, a lithograph created by Honoré Daumier in 1831, portrayed the French king Louis-Philippe as a gluttonous giant who devours the labor of his people while sitting in a toilet-like throne, and attacked the king’s person and his government with a satirical manner. Apart from its portrayal of the king as a social cannibal, Gargantua also had a scatological humor by representing the king in defecating. For this reason, this lithograph was by no means tolerated by the July Monarchy that struggled to control over the press by censorship throughout its reign. In this research paper that aims to study the meanings and reasons behind Daumier’s portrayal of king Louis-Philippe as a ravenous giant in Gargantua, it will be discussed why this caricature, which the government both censored and sentenced Daumier to imprisonment and fine penalty, discomforted the king and his government so much. In this context, it will be briefly reviewed the political, economic and social conditions in France before and after the 1830 July Revolution in order to get a better understanding on the political atmosphere during the time when Daumier started to draw satirical caricatures for the journal, La Caricature. Later, it will be discussed Gargantua’s literary references, its implications to king Louis-Philippe and his government, the domestic politics in 1831, and the impact of lithography on increasing power of the press in France. Keywords: Honoré Daumier, Gargantua, lithography, political caricature, printmaking

Развитие Военно-морских сил Ирака в 1958-1973 годах и Кувейтские кризисы

Статья раскрывает особенности развития и развития военно-морских сил Ирака от Июльской революции 1958 г. к концу второго кувейтского кризиса в феврале-марте 1973 г. Приведены сведения о всех боевых кораблях и катерах, поставленных в Ирак в указанный период, коротко описана деятельность некоторых его командующих и описаны действия ВМС Ирака в ходе первого и второго кувейтских кризисов 1961 и 1973 годов.

Republican monarchy in the 1830 revolutions: from Lafayette to the Belgian Constitution

ABSTRACTThe Belgian Constitution of 1831 marked a decisive step in the continental evolution from Restoration constitutional monarchy, based on the monarchical principle, towards the establishment of parliamentary constitutional monarchy. At the time, the new balance of power desired by the Belgian revolutionaries was captured by the phrase ‘republican monarchy’. It is remarkable that this concept, despite being so central to the founding fathers’ deliberations, has hardly been commented upon by later historians and public lawyers. This article aims to reconstruct the origin, meaning and uses of this concept in the context of the 1830 revolutionary wave. French revolutionary veteran general Lafayette was responsible for popularizing republican monarchy in the July Revolution, although the term’s origins went back to eighteenth-century debates on the reform of absolute monarchy. Lafayette used it to summarize the institutional demands of the republican movement vis-à-vis king Louis Philippe. Its transnational migration to the Belgian context subsequently entailed a shift in meaning which will be charted through an analysis of the Belgian constituent and public debates. Finally, the reasons for the concept’s sudden disappearance from the political stage will be addressed.

Religion, Revolution, and the Dangers of Demagogues: The Basel “Troubles” (Wirren) and the Politics of Protestantism, 1830–1833

In 1833, the Swiss city-republic of Basel separated into two distinct cantons. During the three-year period known as the “Troubles” (Wirren), landowners in the countryside, inspired by the French July Revolution of 1830, rebelled against the city government. The roots of the division, however, run deeper in Basel's religious and theological culture and also reflect the outgrowth of the German Confederation's “persecution of demagogues.” This article examines these neglected aspects of the cantonal division, showing the importance of Christianity, and the complex politics of Protestantism, in Europe's revolutionary century.

The Young Turk revolution: comparisons and connections

This article consists of a comparative analysis on the one hand, and an attempt to trace influences and connections, on the other. In the comparative part, it seeks to determine the place of the Ottoman constitutional revolution of July 1908 in the global wave of revolutions in the decade before the First World War. It accepts that there is a high degree of similarity in the liberal constitutionalist ideology of the revolutionary movements, but emphasizes the differences in the social bases of the revolutionary movements. In the part on connections, the influences on the Young Turks' ideology, organisation and revolutionary methodology are traced, as well as the influence they exerted on other revolutionary movements.

POLITICAL RELATIONS BETWEEN IRAQ AND EGYPT IN THE PERIOD OF GAMAL ABDEL NASSER AND NOURI AL-SAID (1955-1958)

The research point out on the most prominent issues that emerged in the Arab region following the Cold War between the United States and the Soviet Union in the 1950's, which both Iraq led by Prime Minister Nuri al-Said and Egypt led by President Gamal Abdel Nasser had his own position. Furthermore, the issue of political differences between Egypt and the Western countries that led to the tripartite aggression against it in 1956 and the position of Iraq, as well as the position of Egypt from the revolution of July 14, 1958 in Iraq.

Fenrisulven sluppet løs - Grundtvig og det revolutionære demokrati i 1830

Often characterized as the founding father of Danish national culture and democracy during the 19th century, N.F.S. Grundtvig also formulated remarkably radical and explicit criticisms of democracy as a revolutionary and ungodly principle, against which he defended principles of strict hierarchical social order and unflinching obedience towards the absolutist monarch. These thoughts were expressed most clearly in his pamphlet Political Considerations regarding Denmark and Holstein, published in 1830-31 as a polemic against the July Revolution in France and its supporters in the Danish public sphere. However, this pamphlet also contained significant elements of unresolved contradictions pointing towards very different political modes, including democratic modes of legitimization.

Pojęcie „socjalizmu” w myśli politycznej Alexisa de Tocqueville’a

The article presents an analysis of an original conception of socialism outlined in the works of Alexis de Tocqueville. The author begins with a brief presentation of historical context in which the views of French thinker were shaped, referring to his experiences from the period of the July Revolution of 1830 and the February Revolution of 1848. The author goes on to detailed analysis of his definition of socialism, making an indispensable reference to his republican conception of freedom and the role of a citizen in democracy. Finally, the author looks at Tocquevillian vision of genesis of socialist ideas, associated by him with anxiety, which democratic system inevitably generates.

IMPACT OF THE ENVIRONMENTAL DIMENSION ON THE ELEVATIONS DESIGN OF RESIDENTIAL BUILDINGS FOR MIDDLE CLASS IN BAGHDAD STREET _ HELIOPOLIS

The elevations of residential buildings for middle class in Heliopolis area was affected with many design directions during five periods from the 20th century to the beginning of the 21th century. The first and second periods in the first half of 20th century were affected by the Europian designs at this time, the trend was going to revive the historical models, as well as to the direction of modern architecture, the most important architectural configuration attributes in this period is interest in aesthetic values and decorations of the westward civilization. The third period in the second half of 20th century and after the July Revolution in 1952, the elevations designs turned to high apartment buildings and were similar in outer shape. Then the fourth period in the end of 20th century, the construction sector saw a big mutation as a result of the spread of the new construction materials, and had a tendency to exotic designs, so there were many directions for residential buildings elevations in this period don't achieve human values or environmental or occupational standards. Finally the fifth period in the beginning of the 21th century, the decorations and ornaments and cornices returned to appear again with a lot of quotation from the classic of Western models. So it was necessary to learn the most important architectural design basics and aesthetic standards for the residential buildings elevations in Heliopolis area and examine their compatibility with the surrounding environment, so that we can achieve a beter felling of satisfaction and happiness into the people who see and visit this buildings. So we choose (Baghdad Street) in Heliopolis because it contains many architectural styles that shows clearly the environmental impacts on the residential buildings elevations during the 20th century until the beginning of 21th century.

Why Lenin Chose the October Revolution But Not the July Revolution?

ABSTRACTSome people maintain Kautsky came up with a socialist premature birth theory and believe it has been somewhat verified. Actually, the premature birth theory conceived by Kautsky referred to the premature birth of socialism in Russia. Kautsky did not mean socialism was prematurely born. Socialism was not born insufficiently mature, but rather overdue. And even for the Russian socialism, the premature birth theory was of no eloquence. Actually, in Lenin’s theses, he absolutely ensured himself against skipping over the peasant movement, which had not outlived itself, or the petty-bourgeois movement in general, against any playing at “seizure of power” by a workers’ government, against any kind of Blanquist adventurism. He emphasized in the theses the need for patient and persistent “explanatory” work “adapted to the practical needs of the masses.” In July of 1917, the workers and the troops and sailors in Petrograd spontaneously held a mass demonstration, which showed a tendency to grow into a July Insurrection. Although the bourgeoisie provisional government could and should be overthrown, Lenin halted the mass demonstration because the revolution could only succeed when the working class attained the majority in the Soviets. In September of 1917, having attained a majority in the Soviets of Workers’ and Soldiers’ Deputies of both Petrograd and Moscow, Lenin stated the Bolsheviks “can and must take state power into their own hands.” Thus, with Lenin’s insistence, the masses of Russia overcame various interferences and won the victory of October Revolution.

Balzac à la charge. Ecriture journalistique et théorie de la caricature en marge dela Comédie humaine

Like most writers of his age, the young Balzac tries to become well known to the reading public and earn his living by devoting himself to the non-political petite presse. From 1824 to 1830 he wrote for several journals and newspapers. However, the weekly magazines la Silhouette and la Caricature are particularly interesting, because they give us important information on his early aesthetic tendencies. He chooses, in fact, a new and still undervalued journalistic genre, which had come into the forefront as a consequence of the spreading of lithography. La Silhouette and la Caricature, both of them founded in the years of the July Revolution, are characterized by an interweaving of text and image, seen as an effective way to describe contemporary events. Satire may thus become the outstanding descriptive code, marking the primacy of the Parisian caricature at it was taken to its top by Philipon's journals and by Grandville, Daumier and Cham's plates. Through a close analysis of the texts published by Balzac in these magazines, this paper aims at understanding if this experience and the use he made of satirical and caricatural languages drove him to reflect upon his writing style as the Comedie humaine was taking shape in his mind. Pioneering as it undoubtedly was, Balzac's output in this period also permits to figure out the relationship between literature and caricature in the France of XIXth century, which was to be developed in the following years by Gautier, Baudelaire, Champfleury and Valles.

PHILOSOPHIE DER ZUKUNFT ODER EINE ZUKUNFT OHNE PHILOSOPHIE? LUDWIG FEUERBACHS PRAKTISCHE PHILOSOPHIE IM SPIEGEL DES REVOLUTIONÄREN VORMÄRZ

The period between 1830 (July Revolution in France) and 1848 (March Revolution in Germany) is not only a period of political upheavals, not only the beginning of the so called Industrial Revolution in Germany, but also an extraordinary philosophical era characterized by Hegel’s scholars. The so called Vormärzphilosophie (pre-March philosophy) was dominated by two different schools of Hegelianism. There was one faction which saw in the continuation of Hegel’s speculative system philosophy the intellectual fundament of a modern constitutional state. On the other side stood those “philosophers of the future” like the brothers Ludwig and Friedrich Feuerbach or Karl Marx who worked on a complete break with Hegel’s system of science because of its theological roots. Going back to the idea of an absolute spirit meant from this perspective going back to a non-enlightened school of thinking. The philosophy of future was a philosophy with a strong practical accent as Marx had put into words in his 11th thesis on Feuerbach. First step of this practical program was the secularization, which was first of all an educational program, since the church (theological faculties) educated the teachers, wrote the school books and prevented any enlightenment of the people. In the consequence people were not only treated as bad sinners, but also as eternal subject with no right of political participation. So the break with Hegel and the Hegelian theory of a Christian state opened the door to a united and democratic Germany. The way to democracy and unity was long. It took – seen from 1848 – 100 years to give Germany a lasting constitution and 140 years to unite.

“Robert le Diable” as a political metaphor of July monarchy

The paper is devoted to the political meaning of the opera Robert le Diable by G. Meyerbeer, E. Scribe, G. Delavigne in the context of social and political changes that followed the 1830 July Revolution. Robert le Diable was the first new staging in L’Academie royale de musique after administrative and economic reform. The new government of “illegitimate” King Louis-Philippe and a new administrative system of the Opera whose management was delegated to an entrepreneur were sharply criticized by the legitimistes. They argued that the Bourbons patronized the arts, therefore the Opera flourished, and the deposition of the legitimate King Charles X led to the fact that cultural institutions became effete. Consequently Orleaniste elite considered a luxury setting of Robert le Diable as a way to appease political opposition’s dissatisfaction with new regime. The opera became a success due to the novelty of the music, magnificence and showiness of performance. The authors of the opera and theater administration made every effort to avoid any inflammatory allusions in the text and in the staging. However, contemporaries interpreted it as a political metaphor reflecting the contradictions of the new government which followed both the monarchical and liberal principles.

The Pantomime Repertoire of the Théâtre des Funambules

Many aspects of the Théâtre des Funambules and its star performer, Deburau, suggest that they deserve significant critical attention by modern scholars: not only their contemporary notoriety, but also Deburau’s subsequent influence on the history of mime. Yet the subject suffers from two difficulties: the lack of documentary evidence and the excessive attention Deburau has received at the expense of the theatre in general. This article seeks to tackle both these matters, first by considering manuscript sources scarcely used by scholars, and second by making a theatrical study rather than a biographical one revolving around Deburau. The article considers a short period of four years spanning the July 1830 Revolution, because the rapidly changing political landscape made more obvious the theatrical practices and aspirations of the Théâtre des Funambules. The article centres on three synopses of pantomimes which are representative of three distinct eras in the theatre’s existence: a ‘pantomime-arlequinade’ from the mute era before March 1828, a partly spoken pantomime from the subsequent hybrid era and a spoken and sung production from the era of freedom after the July Revolution in which only Deburau mimed.