Joint Military Exercises Research Articles

China’s Military and Military-Technical Cooperation with Central Asian Countries in the XXI Century

The article analyzes the cooperation between China and Central Asian countries in the military and military-technical spheres which is developing dynamically lately and is of priority importance for China’s foreign policy. The growth of China’s national power and its correlation with foreign policy attitudes are revealed. In foreign policy China adheres to the policy of activating military diplomacy as an integral element of state policy. Traditionally, China is considered a key economic and investment partner of the Central Asian countries but against the background of global transformation processes it is also actively trying to position itself as a guarantor of regional security. The reasons for China’s interest in intensifying military cooperation with all countries of the region in bilateral and multilateral formats are revealed. China is striving to contribute to strengthening the defense capabilities of the countries of the region. In order to stop regional challenges and threats China is increasing arms supplies to the countries of the region, conducting joint military exercises and training military personnel from the countries of the region in its educational institutions. The article focuses on such multilateral mechanisms of China’s cooperation with Central Asian countries as the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) and the “Quadrilateral Mechanism for Cooperation and Coordination” (QMCC). It is predicted that in the conditions of the formation of a new world order as well as the interest of the countries of the region themselves military cooperation between China and the countries of Central Asia will only increase.

The China-Russia strategic relationship: Efforts to limit the United States' influence in Central Asia

During the post-cold war era, China and Russia have recognized the considerable influence of each other and are making attempts for the protection of their own national interests and manipulated strategic partnership. The Chinese and Russian Strategic partnership is comprehensive because both the states have enhanced coordination in regional and international topical issues. Their joint statements for the bilateral, regional, and international issues and joint military exercises are a signal of increasing geopolitical and security cooperation. This Beijing and Moscow coordination scenario provoked Washington D.C. and her political, economic and security interests in Central Asia. The substance of this China-Russia policy is rooted against United States (US) influence and North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) policies in the region. The multifaceted ties between both countries have the potential to limit the US influence in Eurasia. The study evaluates how the China-Russia strategic partnership is fit to key tenets of them and to develop the multi-polarization to counter US hegemonic influence in Central Asia. This paper follows critical look at the open discussion and comparison of both the countries scholars, journalists and experts. The study elucidates that both the Chinese and Russian partnership has certain features and trajectory of their foreseeable future in the region.

Еволюція військового співробітництва України та Польщі

The article investigates the evolution of interstate relations between Ukraine and Poland in the military sphere. The military cooperation between the countries began with the signing of the Agreement between the Ministry of National Defense of the Republic of Poland and the Ministry of Defense of Ukraine in February 1993. The relations between the states reached the level of strategic partnership in 1996, after the signing of a joint declaration by the Presidents of Ukraine and the Republic of Poland. The joint Ukrainian-Polish military unit for participation in international peacekeeping and humanitarian operations under the auspices of international organizations was created in 1997. The military cooperation between the countries increased with Poland’s joining NATO and the EU. The joint military exercises conducted by Ukraine and Poland contributed to the practical assimilation of Western operational standards, modern practices and approaches implemented in the Ukrainian army. It has been found that there were regular bilateral meetings between Ukraine and Poland at the level of the leadership of the defense departments. A number of agreements on military-technical cooperation were signed, and annual internships and training were held in higher educational institutions of the Republic of Poland and Ukraine. It has been found out that over the past 30 years, Polish-Ukrainian cooperation has been built on mutually beneficial terms in the military sphere, and relations have deepened every year. With the beginning of the full-scale war of Russia against Ukraine, military cooperation between the countries reached the highest level of development during the years of independence. Poland, as a member of NATO and the EU, contributes to the establishment of military cooperation between Ukraine and European structures. This cooperation is an example for other countries in the conditions of Ukraine’s war with the Russian Federation.

Policy Effectiveness: Indonesia-China Defense Cooperation Study

Each country carries out defense cooperation with different levels of commitment. This study aims to analyze the factors that influence KPIT in increasing the readiness of the Indonesian military. As a follow-up, the Indonesian government, in this case the Ministry of Defense, has implemented regulatory and allocative actions. Several rules have been published, socialized, controlled and supervised. The appointment of officials has been carried out and supported by existing resources, so that all activities according to the agreement of the two countries have been carried out. Defense cooperation is hypothesized to be useful and has implications for military preparedness even though it is influenced by the strategic environment. Primary data was collected through a survey of 95 people who had participated in KPIT activities, interviews and focus group discussions with competent parties. Secondary data obtained from various documents. The collected data were analyzed using a qualitative approach supported by quantitative data. The results of the analysis show that KPIT activities have very little impact on military preparedness in Indonesia. However, these activities are very beneficial for the actors and have huge implications for individual alertness. This study also found that KPIT activities contributed to increasing Indonesia's national strength through military preparedness. Exchange of information and the defense industry can improve the quality of organization, doctrine, policies, military education curricula, transfer of defense equipment technology, including the possibility of joint production. Joint military exercises can improve anti-terror capabilities, military self-defence, hostage release, and others.

Strategic Engagement as Means of Conflict Prevention: Pakistan’s Defence Diplomacy towards Russia

In post-Cold War era, defence diplomacy as strategic engagement focuses on a state’s military and defence institutions for a peaceful, non-coercive role to build amicable and cooperative relations with former or potential rivals to prevent and resolve conflicts. This research article argues that Pakistan’s defence diplomacy towards Russia, a former Cold War adversary, has been geared towards reducing hostility and sources of friction to promote and achieve broader foreign policy objectives of Islamabad. It analyzes strategic engagement between Islamabad and Moscow in four categories of defence diplomatic activities: defence agreements, high level exchanges, joint military exercises and port calls. The article concludes that Pakistan’s defence diplomatic efforts (2014-2020) have produced political and strategic-level benefits to prevent conflict and reduce hostility with Russia.

Cooperation between Russia and Kazakhstan as a Vector of Eurasian Integration

The study analyzes the areas of cooperation between Russia and Kazakhstan within the framework of Eurasian integration.Aim. To identify the presence of factors contributing to the strengthening of relations between Russia and Kazakhstan at the present stage and obstacles hindering the deepening of integration processes.Tasks. To analyze the current state of cooperation between the two countries within the framework of the Eurasian Union, to identify obstacles to deepening integration processes, to show forecast scenarios of interaction between Russia and Kazakhstan. To analyze how these scenarios will affect the relationship between the two countries, and what consequences will be if each of them is implemented.Methods. The article uses general scientific methods of analysis and synthesis, a systematic approach, as well as an empirical method of expert evaluation.Results. The study showed that there are strong relations between the two countries in the economic sphere within the framework of the EAEU. Russia is the main trading partner of Kazakhstan. Projects related to the Caspian Sea are being developed and look very promising. Joint military exercises and supplies of Russian weapons are of great interest to Kazakhstan. Russia acts as a guarantor of Kazakhstan’s security in the region and its main partner in the Eurasian space. The Collective Security Treaty Organization also plays an important role in the relations between the two countries, which proved its effectiveness in the January 2022 events, contributing to the resolution of the political crisis and preventing extremist actions of armed terrorist groups. At the same time, the role of Kazakhstan as its closest neighbor and ally is also important for Russia, especially in the context of escalating international tensions.Conclusions. Both Russia and Kazakhstan are interested in further cooperation in the economic, military and cultural spheres. At the same time, the further deepening of integration processes is hindered by the absence of large joint investment projects and the multi-vector nature of Kazakhstan’s foreign policy. In the context of the information war of the West against Russia and the increasing international tension, it is extremely important to deepen cooperation between the two countries.

Investigation of the understanding on tropical infectious diseases and oral health among dental professionals in China

BackgroundWith the increasing exchange of domestic and international personnel, local infections of tropical infectious diseases are continuing in tropics and imported infections are emerging in non-tropics, some of which are accompanied by oral manifestations. Therefore, it is essential for dental professionals to identify the related oral manifestations, who are working for domestic medical service, international medical assistance, peace-keeping medical service or medical support of international joint military exercises. This study aims to investigate the attitude and knowledge of Chinese dental professionals on tropical infectious diseases and oral health, and to explore the difference between different genders, education backgrounds, professional identities, professional titles and tropics working experience.MethodsNetwork questionnaire was used to evaluate the knowledge and attitude of 236 Chinese dental professionals towards tropical infectious diseases and oral health.ResultsThe scores of the participants on tropical infectious diseases and oral health were quite low. Although working experience in the tropics partially affected the understanding, there was no difference between different genders, education backgrounds, professional identities and professional titles.ConclusionThe understanding of dental professionals on tropical infectious diseases and oral health was insufficient. It is necessary to improve the clinical education and management specified with tropical infectious diseases and oral health.

QUEST-ORIENTED ASSESSMENT AT THE ESP CLASS

The problem of finding the most appropriate, sophisticated or innovative approach, technology and method of teaching English for specific purposes has always drawn the specialists’ attention. Nowadays a promising graduate of any educational institution is to be able to establish professional communication not only in the native language, but also in a foreign one. A graduate of a military academy is not an exception. Peacekeeping operations, joint military exercises, international exhibitions, war games require military specialists, who are able to react to standard and non-standard professional communicative situations. The author focuses on the necessity of professionally oriented approach to language teaching and the definition of the language for specific purposes. Special attention is paid to the notion of assessment and its peculiarities at the ESP class. Apart from being communicative, systematic, diagnostic, developing and educational, assessment is also to be professionally-oriented, so existing methods of it should be modified to meet the requirements of the future profession. This research paper is aimed at identifying the advantages of quest-oriented form of assessment over the traditional one and proving with the help of the experiment that quest is one of the most appropriate forms of evaluating the students’ progress at the ESP class. The methods of the research include observations on language competency development (80 students were observed throughout two years); comparative analysis of examination results. The experiment has shown that quest-oriented assessment creates the situations of professional communication in the most realistic way. Such designed situations of profession-oriented communication enable a teacher to assess the level of skill development and enhance students’ motivation. The author presents the models of tasks involving all language skills that can be adapted to other professional spheres. The outcomes of this research may be of high value to teachers who are dedicated to creating appropriate and effective assessment for ESP classes.

ИНДОНЕЗИЙСКАЯ АРМИЯ: СОВРЕМЕННАЯ ПОЛИТИЧЕСКАЯ РОЛЬ

The evolution of the Indonesian Army political role in the society reflects the problems arising before the democratic reforms in Indonesia since 1998. Generals Andika Perkasa and Dudung Abderachman appointed in 2021 respectively Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces and the Chief-of-Staff of the Land Forces repeatedly expressed their intention to limit the Army’s role to merely defense problems. But remaining real threat of Islamic radicalism and terrorism as well as armed separatist movement in Papua provinces become the reason and pretext for the army’s involvement in internal problems including religious ones. Some Indonesian analysts consider it to be a threat to democratic process. The military leaders express their intention to use political approach to face separatism in Papua, but separatist leaders are not yet inclined to dialogue. Indonesia – US military cooperation is rising including series of joint military exercises. Considerable measures are taken for technical re-equipment of the Armed Forces, especially Air Forces.

726. Operational Impact of Infectious Disease Threats During Military Travel

BackgroundWe evaluated the incidence and operational impact of travelers’ diarrhea (TD), influenza-like illness (ILI) and undifferentiated febrile illness (FI) in US active duty (AD) personnel traveling outside the continental U.S for deployment (DEP), joint military training exercises (EXR) or other military travel (e.g. Temporary Duty Travel) (TDY). MethodsAD personnel traveling for ≤ 6.5 months were prospectively enrolled between 2010-2019. Participants completed a post-travel survey regarding risk behaviors, illnesses and impact on daily activities. Trip purpose was categorized into DEP, EXR, TDY and syndromic definitions were used to identify cases of TD, ILI and FI based on symptoms. A multivariate logistic regression model with backward selection was used to determine the odds ratio associated with partial or complete incapacitation due to infections (a composite endpoint of either TD, ILI or FI). Results1822 servicemembers were enrolled: 36.2% traveled on DEP, 36.2% for EXR and 27.7% for TDY (Table 1). 83.5% of personnel traveling for DEP were Special Operations and Marine units, and 82% of the EXR group participated in Pacific Pathways. Overall, 19% of US personnel experienced infections associated with partial or complete incapacitation (median duration of incapacitation- TD: 1 day; ILI: 4 days; FI: 3 days). DEP personnel had a longer travel duration and the highest rate of partial or complete incapacitation due to TD, ILI or FI (Figure 1 and 2). Risk factors associated with partial or complete incapacitation due to infections were non-adherence with malaria chemoprophylaxis (OR: 1.7 [95%CI:1.2-2.4]), close contact with locals (OR:1.7 [95%CI:1.3-2.2]), inability to clean hands regularly before meals (OR: 1.7 [95%CI: 1.3-2.3]), fresh water or rodent exposure OR: 1.4 (95%CI:1.1-1.9) and consuming street vendor food (OR:1.8 [95%CI:1.3-2.4]).Table 1. Demographic and travel characteristics of AD personnel traveling outside the continental US. Proportion of AD servicemembers that experienced TD, ILI or undifferentiated febrile illness during DEP, EXR, TDY (p<0.05 for the comparison of each illness between DEP, EXR and TDY).Figure 2. Proportion of AD personnel with partial or complete incapacitation due to TD, ILI or FI during DEP, EXR or TDY (p < 0.05 for the comparison of each illness between DEP, EXR and TDY).ConclusionInfectious disease syndromes are common during overseas military travel. TD had the highest negative impact on military travel especially among DEP personnel. We identified several modifiable risk factors associated with incapacitating infections which can be used to inform preventive and treatment strategies.Disclosures All Authors: No reported disclosures

Trends in Military Diplomacy Between Kenya and Britain, 1963–2017

Military diplomacy incorporates measures adopted by a country to enhance its defence and security capabilities. States engage in military diplomacy to share intelligence, equipment, and resources necessary to safeguard their interests. This study examined trends of Kenya-Britain military diplomacy under four regimes. The focus was on the critical areas of military diplomacy, cooperation and assistance between Kenya and Britain, trends of trade in military equipment and the factors that have influenced military diplomacy and trade in military hardware and software between Kenya and Britain from 1963 to 2017. The study was based on two theories – interdependence liberalism and realism. The study used the historical research design to trace the nature of cooperation and momentous events influencing military diplomacy. Purposive sampling was used to arrive at a sample size of 70 derived from the target population comprising the military, ministry of foreign affairs, and experts in international relations. Field data were collected through oral interviews and Focused Group Discussions. Secondary data was sourced from conference papers, books and journals. Collected data were grouped, corroborated, and presented using content analysis. The study concludes that Kenya and Britain have engaged in military diplomacy for a long time. After Kenya attained independence from Britain, the latter immediately became instrumental in forming a military and laying necessary security and defence structures in her former colony. Britain, therefore, became Kenya's long-standing defence and security partner. Britain and Kenya signed several agreements to cement these relations that enabled the British Army to train in Kenya and conduct joint military exercises to offer military assistance to their Kenyan counterparts. Moreover, Britain supplied Kenya with military equipment and arms. But military cooperation between Kenya and Britain has shifted over the four regimes. Geopolitics and globalization have made Kenya open the doors of her militaries to more countries, especially in acquiring its military equipment. Consequently, volumes of trade imports in military equipment from Britain to Kenya have declined. This trend has been influenced by economic and political sanctions levelled on Kenya in the advent of multiparty democracy in the early 1990s and the look-east policy adopted by Kenya to cushion her from the stringent measures on funding from the West. As a result, China, Oman and Jordan are emerging as Kenya's new trade partners in military equipment. This notwithstanding, Kenya still enjoys close business ties with Britain in military circles. The recommendations point that Kenya should strengthen its military diplomacy with Britain to enhance its national security and access to military capacity. Further research needs to be done on emerging military capacity, especially in intelligence gathering and sharing.

Chinese Scholars on the Progress and Outcomes of the Military Reforms in Russia (from the 1990s till Present)

Since the early 1990s, Russia and China have come a long way in developing military cooperation. It began with an exchange of delegations, the reduction of troops along the border, the adoption of confidence-building measures, and, by now, has transformed into a strong partnership. Two countries annually conduct several joint military exercises and develop military training cooperation. In this regard, the Chinese assessments of the Russian military policy after the collapse of the USSR are of particular interest. The survey of specialized publications shows that Chinese scholars commenced studies on the Russian military reforms in the mid-1990s. The author notes that there was a spike of research activity on that matter in 2009 soon after the start of radical reforms of the Russian Armed Forces. Chinese scholars usually identify four waves in the Russian military reforms, each determined by a combination of domestic and external political and economic factors. Chinese military and academic experts assessed these reforms both in terms of their impact on the global balance of power in the military-political sphere and their potential relevance to similar reforms in China. The first two phases of the Russian military reforms (from 1992 to 1997 and from 1997 to 1999) are usually assessed negatively. The general failure of military reforms is attributed to the economic challenges, the lack of political will, and the absence of an adequate theoretical and methodological basis for such transformations. Subsequent reforms (from 2001 to 2004, and, particularly, after 2008) are generally assessed positively. In that regard, Chinese experts emphasize the importance of the processes of political power consolidation and economic recovery that took place in Russia in that period, as well as the role of lessons learned by the Russian military from local wars and armed conflicts. Nevertheless, according to Chinese assessments these reforms still have certain drawbacks, particularly, associated with hasty and misguided attempts to copy the Western military models at the turn of the 2000s — 2010s. In general, Chinese civilian and military experts conclude that throughout a long and difficult process of military reforms Russia has made a significant progress in rearmament and increasing the combat potential of its armed forces. Moreover, such reforms could serve as a valuable source of experience and an example for further development and modernization of the People’s Liberation Army of China (PLA).

Deterrence and Restraint: Do Joint Military Exercises Escalate Conflict?

Multinational military exercises are among the most notable demonstrations of military cooperation and intent. On average, one is initiated every 8.9 days. But it has often been argued that joint military exercises (JMEs) increase the risk of war. Using a relational contracting approach, we claim that formal military alliances mediate the effect of JMEs. Exercises and alliances serve complementary functions: The former allows targeted responses to military provocations by adversaries, while the latter provides institutional constraints on partners and establishes a partnership’s overall strategic limitations. In combination, alliances dampen the conflict escalation effects of exercises, deterring adversaries while simultaneously restraining partners. We test this theory using a two-stage model on directed dyadic data of JMEs from 1973 through 2003. We find that JMEs in general do not escalate conflict, and that JMEs conducted with allies in particular reduce the probability of conflict escalation.

Vietnam’s Regional Security Perceptions and Priorities: Role of India

Over the past several decades, India and Vietnam have consolidated their relationship through bilateral engagements, which have been complemented by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN)-led multilateral mechanisms such as the East Asia Summit, ASEAN Regional Forum, ASEAN Defence Ministers’ Meeting Plus, and the India-led Mekong-Ganga Cooperation (MGC). Building up on their traditionally strong relations, India and Vietnam have widened and deepened their defence and strategic links in recent years, which is manifested in joint trainings, military exercises and defence Lines of Credit offered by India. Since the 1990s, especially over the last decade, both India and Vietnam have made strategic readjustments to elevate their respective bilateral ties with like-minded countries bringing about new commonalities in their politico-strategic visions and policies. Like India, Vietnam too is trying to bring the multilateral and multi-dimensional Indo-Pacific agenda to the mainstream of its foreign policy calculations, facilitated by greater warmth in ties with Japan and the US. Vietnam’s embracing of the Indo-Pacific is also in sync with ASEAN’s Outlook on Indo-Pacific. It also aligns well with Vietnam’s longstanding policy of ‘Three Nos’, expanded to four in its 2019 Defence White Paper. While recent developments in the South China Sea have exacerbated Vietnam’s growing anxieties vis-à-vis China, considering its trade interlinkages and dependence on China (and Russia), it is apparent that Vietnam is not yet ready to uproot its multi-layered linkages with China and get on board the ‘Quad plus’ initiative that is perceived as an overtly anti-China coalition of democracies. India–Vietnam ties, therefore, must rely on the bilateral plank along with ASEAN-linked mechanisms, MGC, and the Indo-Pacific construct, while trying to develop concerted actions through deeper cooperation with Japan and the US. In short, any initiative to include Vietnam in a Quad Plus mechanism without sufficiently developing synergies with individual countries would not yield desired outcomes. This article argues that India–Vietnam ties would benefit most by attaching their bilateral pillar of relationship with the ASEAN- and Indo-Pacific-centred inclusive multilateral mechanisms while gradually engaging the US, Japan and other potential partners in suitable frameworks.

ВІЙСЬКОВИЙ ПОТЕНЦІАЛ РЕГІОНАЛЬНИХ ОБ’ЄДНАНЬ

At the beginning of the third decade of the 21st century, large-scale interna-tional conflicts and wars between groups of individuals, unrecognized international actors and countries continue to unfold. In the context of globalization, the issue of forming and strengthening the military potential of the country largely depends on its international integration policy and participation in regional alliances. Relations between the members of regional organizations are formed in the spheres of trade, finance, technical and political cooperation, among which the most important issue is military cooperation, which strengthens their military potential on the world stage. The study found that in existing regional organizations, the degree of military interaction between countries differs significantly. The authors grouped regional organizations according to the power of military cooperation into three groups. The first group is regional integration organizations that do not have joint military forces, military programs and coordination structures. This group includes the vast majority of regional organizations. The second group is regional integration organizations, which have a small amount of military cooperation, conduct joint military exercises, carry out force programs and are able to solve problems with a consolidated military force. This group includes and studied: Union of South American Nations (UNASUR), Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), Economic Community of West Africa (ECOWAS), Southern African Development Community (SADC), African Union (AU). The third group is regional alliances, which have a strong military potential. These integration organizations have: an extensive system of international agreements; unified standards; joint military units; joint development programs; coordinating structures; carry out joint exercises and military operations. This group includes: North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS), European Union (EU). Based on the author's analysis of the military potential of regional organizations, recommendations for countries have been developed. For the countries of the first group it is necessary to determine the expediency of strengthening the military potential of the country by strengthening the integration process: within the membership of existing integration organizations; joining other integration organizations; creation of new integration organizations. For the countries of the second group, it is advisable to continue to support military formations, increase spending on the protection and defense of life and health of their citizens from terrorist groups and other illegal actions that may endanger the government and civilians. For the countries of the third group it is recommended to maintain cooperation in the military sphere, to increase the costs of improving military equipment and weapons. Conduct more joint exercises to gain new experience and skills in different conditions of use of military resources in civilian and military spheres. These most powerful regional alliances have an advantage in the military field precisely because of the number of troops, the number of weapons, military equipment, and joint military bases. And the main goal of these regional organizations is to create security for their citizens and the world as a whole, through the development of new effective mechanisms for global interaction.

РОССИЯ И КИТАЙ В ПРОТИВОДЕЙСТВИИ ТЕРРОРИЗМУ: ЭТАПЫ И НАПРАВЛЕНИЯ СОТРУДНИЧЕСТВА

The purpose of the article is to determine the main prerequisites for the development of Russian-Chinese anti-terrorist cooperation, to study the international treaty base that determines the priority areas of bilateral interaction, based on the dynamics of joint anti-terrorist activities, to propose a periodization of interaction between the two countries in the area under study. The research methodology is based on a systematic analysis of bilateral cooperation between Russia and China in countering terrorism. In the course of the study, the authors analyzed the treaty base within the framework of this topic, the UN reports on terrorism and the FATF recommendations for Russia and China. As a result, on the basis of the proposed periodization, it is demonstrated that Russian-Chinese bilateral cooperation in the fight against terrorism is of an applied systemic nature and is fine-tuned in the areas of holding consultative meetings, countering the financing of terrorist activities and organizing joint military exercises. The authors revealed that the problematic area of interaction is the exchange of operational information in the framework of terrorist financing, associated with the unwillingness of the Chinese side to provide relevant information at their disposal. In conclusion, it is proved that it is advisable to expand cooperation between Russia and China in the fight against international terrorism in the direction of countering non-standard challenges and threats to the information space, biological origin, chemical impact and environmental nature.

China–Pakistan Conventional Arms Trade: An Appraisal of Supplier's and Recipient's Motives

This paper posits that the conventional arms trade between China and Pakistan is the most durable aspect of their relationship since the mid‐1960s. It carries out a succinct review of the relations to identify changes in key areas compared to continuity in the arms trade. The paper then looks into China's key motives as a supplier and Pakistan's as a recipient while focusing on political, economic, and technological factors; conversely, it excluded geopolitical reasons. This paper found that a mutuality of interests supports this arms trade. In return for its arms exports to Pakistan, China gained access to Western defense technology, earned revenue, and gained entry into the Islamic world. In addition, Pakistan proved itself as a marketer and testing ground of Chinese weapons. Islamabad initially approached Beijing to make up for the disruption caused by abrupt US sanctions but soon found China the trustiest supplier that also transferred technology, granted licenses for local production, trained engineers, and assisted in building defense industries to gain autarky. Both countries have become irreplaceable allies. The trajectory, marked by joint productions, joint military exercises, and advancement in China's weapon systems, coupled with congruence on regional security issues, indicates further strengthening of this arms trade.

Joint Military Exercises and Crisis Dynamics on the Korean Peninsula

A number of proposals for reducing tensions with North Korea have discussed alterations to the program of joint military exercises (JMEs) that South Korea holds. North Korea has also repeatedly called for a reduction or secession of JMEs. Would limiting or halting JMEs be a useful concession for securing a reduction of tensions on the peninsula? We argue that JMEs do not deter North Korea but, instead, provoke provocative rhetoric and actions, demonstrating that North Korea views JMEs as a serious threat to its security. In this paper, we establish a relationship between JMEs and North Korea’s actions. In response to a JME, North Korea can issue warnings or threats as well as take costly signals such as conducting missile or nuclear tests. Using new data on JMEs and North Korean behavior, we find that North Korea systematically responds with aggression to South Korean JMEs. Moreover, we find that the intensity of North Korea’s responses to JMEs is driven by the severity of the threat particular exercises pose, indicating that North Korea responds to JMEs as serious security threats.

Indonesia's Defense Diplomacy through the United States: Case Study of Cooperation a Float Readiness and Training (CARAT) 2019 Joint Exercise

Global dan regional constellation shows a rapid dynamic after the cold war ended. Global polarity turned to multipolar at the same time the center of gravity of international relations has shifted to Asia-Pacific. Indonesia geographically and strategically in the central position regarded to the reality above. US rebalancing policy brings Indonesia to a geopolitical rivalry among great powers. Indonesia committed to Free and Active policy which means do not side to any political blocs but keep active to prevent conflict in the international system by cooperation approach. This research aimed to discuss Indonesia's defense diplomacy to US through joint exercise of Cooperation Afloat Readiness and Training (CARAT) by 2019. The research is qualitative research with a case study approach. Depth exploration conducted by the researcher over the case of CARAT exercise supported by the main analysis tool of defense diplomacy theory which explaining that joint exercise is one of the activities aimed to reach a confidence-building measure (CBMs) and defense capability building. To describe Indonesia's foreign policy towards US within the contemporary political environment, this writing uses the theory of foreign policy and theory of strategy. As an initial conclusion, the joint military exercise of CARAT 2019 successfully strengthening mutual trust and mutual understanding between Indonesia and US in addition to improving Indonesia's military skill which is crucial in the current global political situation.

North Korea in 2019

This was a year of transition in North Korea, as leader Kim Jong Un held firm to his strategic shift of putting “all efforts” into economic development in the face of ongoing international sanctions. Kim’s summit diplomacy with the US and South Korea stalled, while ties improved markedly with China and modestly with Russia. The US and South Korea resumed downsized joint military exercises and North Korea resumed short-range missile testing.