Joint Military Exercises Research Articles

Government Collaboration in Enhancing National Defense

Security dynamics in the Southeast Asian region have increased, influenced by many factors, ranging from internal member states, regional situations, to security dynamics in the Asia Pacific region and beyond. This article will review the security conditions of the ASEAN region through a government collaboration literature study approach. As a result, the implementation of joint military exercises of ASEAN countries plays an important role in creating regional security. There are at least several benefits obtained: First, joint military exercises can improve state defense capabilities and regional security. Second, through joint exercises, the forces of ASEAN countries will be better prepared and able to respond to any threats that disrupt regional security and sovereignty. Third, joint military exercises provide a space for productive discussions and consultations to discuss the security situation of member states and the Southeast Asian region, resulting in a common formula in maintaining regional security. Fourth, joint military exercises can serve as a mediation platform for ASEAN countries in conflict with other ASEAN countries to find a constructive middle ground for regional security stability

Diplomatic Ukraine in the international arena: miscalculations and gains in wartime conditions

Abstract. The peculiarities of the formation of a comprehensive program of international military and economic support of international partners, which will effectively strengthen Ukraine's defense capabilities and ensure the possibility of effective resistance to Russian aggression, are substantiated. Special attention is paid to strengthening Ukraine's defense capabilities by supplying modern military equipment, organizing joint military exercises and improving the qualifications of Ukrainian servicemen. A comprehensive post-war recovery plan has been developed, which will include international financial, technical and expert assistance to rebuild the damaged infrastructure and restore the country's economic potential, ensuring stability, economic growth and raising the standard of living of Ukrainians. In addition, the plan envisages the reform of state institutions, the introduction of modern technologies, the improvement of the health care system, as well as the development of small and medium-sized businesses. These measures are aimed at creating a solid foundation for long-term recovery, economic growth, and ensuring the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine.A number of scientific methods were used during the research: methods of analysis and synthesis, systematic, comparative, historical, method of expert evaluations, as well as a logical method for formulating conclusions.

Redefining alliances: Exploring the emergence of the China-Russia military axis

The article explores the development of Sino-Russian military cooperation since the end of the Cold War. It focuses on the evolution of their geopolitical alignment, military interactions, arms trade, joint military exercises, and ally dynamics. The research reveals the driving forces behind the emergence of a China-Russia military axis and its underlying synergy. It concludes that China and Russia have redefined the notion of alliance beyond its traditional understanding, creating a new paradigm of allied relations in international affairs.

Analysis of the Impact of U.S.-South Korean Military Activities on the DPRK's Nuclear Test Process

After the end of World War II, the Korean Peninsula was divided into two, and then the Korean War broke out, and the two Koreas were still in a state of "armistice." The North Korean nuclear issue and the large-scale U.S.-South Korean joint military exercises that have lasted for decades have made the situation in Northeast Asia, which is already in a security dilemma, even more complicated and volatile. By analyzing the timing of North Korea's nuclear tests and their backgrounds, it is easy to find that North Korea has never stopped researching nuclear weapons. However, every nuclear test has been conducted against the background of large-scale U.S.-South Korea joint military exercises. On the issue of resolving the DPRK's nuclear crisis, it is worth rethinking the way of resolving the DPRK's nuclear issue through sanctions and pressure. A study of the relationship between the DPRK's nuclear test and the U.S.-South Korea joint military exercises will help to ease the security dilemma between the two sides as well as the security situation in Northeast Asia. It will also serve as a reference for other nuclear proliferation issues in the international arena.

Regional Dynamics and Counterterrorism: Pakistan-Russia Collaboration in Central Asia

Pakistan and Russia face threats from terrorist organizations such as the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan (IMU), the Turkistan Islamic Party (TIP), the East Turkestan Liberation Organization (ETLO), and the Grey Wolves, which have extended their influence into Central Asia. These groups pose serious security challenges for Pakistan, particularly in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Balochistan, with Pakistani intelligence often tracing terrorist incidents back to these organizations. This study explores the geostrategic dynamics and security challenges in Central Asia and the potential for a strategic partnership between Pakistan and Russia. To investigate the potential and implications of a strategic partnership between Pakistan and Russia for regional security and stability. The research involves a comprehensive literature review and analysis of efforts by the Counter Terrorism Implementation Task Forces (CTITF) under the United Nations and the United Nations Center for Regional Preventive Diplomacy for Central Asia (UNCRPDCA). It examines their impacts on Russia-Pakistan relations within the context of regional dynamics and strategic interests. The study finds that a Pak-Russia strategic partnership could enhance regional security and stability through improved counterterrorism efforts, including intelligence sharing and joint military exercises. It highlights the mutual challenges and geopolitical tensions that may affect this partnership. The paper provides valuable insights into the potential strategic partnership between Pakistan and Russia to address shared security threats and the role of international organizations in facilitating counterterrorism initiatives in the region.

Network Context and the Effectiveness of International Agreements

Abstract Why do some international agreements yield more cooperation than others? I argue that the network context of agreements conditions their effectiveness. I focus on bilateral defense cooperation agreements (DCAs), which promote defense activities like joint military exercises, peacekeeping, arms trade, and the sharing of classified information. Because DCAs emphasize ongoing cooperative actions, they offer an ideal setting to assess treaty effectiveness. The analysis shows that when agreements are embedded in transitive “friend of friend” relations, characterized by extensive ties to common third parties, they generate higher levels of cooperation. I argue that this network effect is the result of policy convergence. When states share ties with common third parties, their own policies become more closely aligned, and this alignment in turn reduces the costs and increases the benefits of cooperative actions. The theory and findings developed here apply to a wide array of cooperative interactions across multiple issue areas. The effectiveness of international agreements depends on network context.

Prospects for interaction between the shanghai cooperation organization and the collective security treaty organization

The article evaluates the prospects for interaction between the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and the Collective Security Treaty Organization. Based on a descriptive and explanatory analysis of their common interests and tasks in the field of ensuring security and stability in the region, the authors come to the conclusion that issues of cooperation between the two associations seem to be more of a formal side of the issue, which in practical terms has already been largely resolved through active bilateral contacts and joint military exercises, which only emphasizes the importance of developing this format in the future.

Looking under the hood of joint naval exercises: motives and perceived benefits for Japan

Joint naval exercises (JNEs), an increasingly prominent sub-set of joint military exercises (JMEs) between states, vary across a range of dimensions. Yet insufficient attention has been given to comprehending their underlying purpose and the perceived advantages that states, along with their representatives, believe they gain from organizing or taking part in such exercises. This article delves into the objectives and perceived advantages of Japan’s JNEs in the Indo-Pacific to shed theoretical light on why states jointly exercise. With great power rivalry intensifying in the Indo-Pacific, the findings contribute to policy and issues related to the region’s emerging security dynamics.

Decoding the Duterte Doctrine: Understanding Strategic Changes in Philippine Foreign Policy during Duterte Administration

This article employs a sophisticated neoclassical realist framework to conduct a comprehensive analysis of the intricate landscape of Philippine foreign policy under the administration of former Philippine President Rodrigo Roa Duterte, elucidating the contours of the so-called “The Duterte Doctrine”. This encompasses a nuanced exploration of the nation's role as a middle power, focusing on the pillars of national security, economic diplomacy, and the safeguarding of overseas Filipinos. Employing an analytical lens that intricately weaves systemic pressures and domestic imperatives, the study meticulously unravels the historical trajectory of Philippines-USA relations and the evolving dynamics in the Philippines-China relationship. Methodologically, a discerning review of historical events, policy decisions, and diplomatic maneuvers is undertaken to unveil discernible patterns and strategic recalibrations within the nation's foreign policy landscape. The main findings underscore a diplomatic chess game in the Philippines-China relationship, marked by a strategic departure in defense posture with the cessation of joint military exercises with the U.S. Economic diplomacy, encapsulated in the Duterte Doctrine, manifests as a fervent pursuit of diversified economic partnerships, concurrently raising cogent concerns about potential economic dependence. The analysis accentuates the adaptive resilience of Philippine foreign policy in response to the evolving global landscape, thereby substantively contributing to regional stability. As a middle power, the Philippines astutely leverages its agency amid great power competition while assiduously upholding principles of international law and justice, necessitating nuanced and context-specific approaches to maintain a delicate balance between traditional alliances and emerging economic partnerships.

The Enduring Sino–Russian Strategic Relations of Mutual Dependence—The Attribute of Military Cooperation

ABSTRACT Beijing’s relatively ambiguous response to the Ukraine War has tested how firm the Sino—Russian strategic partnership is. This article aims to decipher the endurance and complexity of Sino-Russian strategic relations by evaluating the nature and dynamics of Sino-Russian defense cooperation amid the worsening international environment against both countries. By examining two Sino-Russian Joint Exercises and analyzing their joint military patrols, exercises, and technological projects, this article argues that the general Sino-Russian military collaboration has been enhanced. Beijing and Moscow have gradually strengthened the combat orientation of their military cooperation to deter the perceived third-party threat, solidify their strategic partnership and against the challenges posed by conflicting interests in the overall bilateral interaction. Both Beijing and Moscow consistently remain vigilant against the risks of abandonment and entrapment, emphasizing the importance of maintaining strategic autonomy and refraining from formal alliances. However, they confront the worst-case scenario of being simultaneously dragged into two separate armed conflicts by a shared adversary. Therefore, align with their own national interests, the ability of Beijing and Moscow to achieve a delicate equilibrium between avoiding entrapment and preventing abandonment will determine the vitality and long-term trajectory of their strategic partnership.

Юго-Восточная Азия и США: параметры взаимодействия

The article analyzes the factors influencing the nature of cooperation between Southeast Asian countries with the United States and the directions of its implementation in the context of the escalating rivalry between the United States and China, who seek to influence them. The US interest in the region is primarily determined by the tasks of containing China and strengthening its position in the Indo-Pacific region by expanding ties with partners and allies. The approach of the Southeast Asian countries towards cooperation with the United States is motivated by two considerations – strategic and economic. In the context of growing concerns about China’s expansion in the region and the persisting territorial disputes with it in the South China Sea, the United States in the eyes of these states is considered a stabilizing factor of the regional security system. The article points out that despite the fact that the Southeast Asian countries are interested in the presence of the United States in the region, the anti-Chinese orientation of American policy limits the potential of their strategic interaction. Case studies of individual Southeast Asian countries confirm their commitment to the principle of inclusiveness in foreign policy, which excludes choosing one party over the other. Despite the fears inherent in Southeast Asian countries about the expansion of China’s influence, they prefer to pursue a hedging policy, which in reality manifests itself in the desire to balance between competing parties in order to neutralize risks and preserve strategic autonomy. This explains the dualism of the Southeast Asian countries’ policies and affects their cooperation with the United States in the field of security, which, despite the intensification of diplomatic activities of Biden’s administration and the conclusion of a comprehensive strategic partnership agreement, is developing slowly, except for the ongoing joint military exercises and arms purchases. In general, the Southeast Asian countries are – and contribute to – solving problems they consider important, primarily in the field of economy. Contrary to the prevailing idea of China’s economic dominance in the region, the economic relations of the Southeast Asian countries with the United States have been stable for a decade, developing in an upward direction, and beneficial for the Southeast Asian countries themselves. Economic cooperation remains a priority of their interaction with the United States, despite the importance of developing security relations. Pragmatism and the acknowledgement of the emerging geopolitical situation in the region determines the parameters of interaction between the Southeast Asian countries and the United States.

The Formation of a Strategic Partnership between China and Thailand: the Role of Belt and Road Initiative

This article attempts to consider the features of formation the strategic partnership between the PRC and Thailand, by tracing bilateral relations from mutual hostility in the 1950s–1960s, establishing official contacts in the 1970s amid the changes in international politics and during the Cambodian crisis, as well as deepening cooperation on a bilateral and multilateral levels in the post-Cold War era. The important role of Thailand in the process of bridge-building between China and ASEAN is noted. The article notes that there is a consensus among the Thai elite on the need to strengthen cooperation with China, which gives Thailand new opportunities for economic growth. China is a major trading partner and key investor for Thailand and provides significant opportunities in realizing Thailand's ambitions to develop advanced technology and infrastructure. An important component of Thai foreign policy is balancing between Great Powers. However, after the 2014 coup d'etat amid deteriorating relations with the United States, Thailand's military elite significantly expanded its strategic partnership with the PRC. This is evidenced by the growing supply of Chinese military equipment and the scale of joint military exercises. Particular importance in strengthening cooperation is the development of the China–Laos–Thailand transport corridor within the framework of the Belt and Road Initiative, which provides countries with new logistics opportunities. The article notes that in negotiations with China, Thailand follows a policy of economic independence and consistently defends its national interests, which cause delays in the implementation of the project, but China is forced to reckon with this.

The Relations Between Pakistan and China

Pakistan and China are exemplary friends and their friendship has laid down indelible imprints on the sand of time. the geographical proximity and mutuality of interest are the key features to promote bilateral relations. Pakistan and China assisted each other in different sectors to strengthen their friendship bond. Pakistan and China have a deep-rooted strategic partnership that spans several decades. This partnership is based on shared interests and mutual trust. Both countries have consistently supported each other on various international issues. Economic cooperation is a cornerstone of the Pakistan-China relationship. China has invested significantly in Pakistan through various infrastructure projects, including the China- Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), which aims to connect China's western region to Pakistan's Gwadar Port through a network of roads, railways, and pipelines. This project is seen as a game-changer for Pakistan's economy. Pakistan and China have a growing trade relationship. China is one of Pakistan's largest trading partners, and the two countries have signed several agreements to enhance trade and reduce trade barriers. Pakistan exports various products to China, including textiles, agricultural goods, and seafood. Pakistan and China have a long history of military cooperation. they conduct joint military exercises and have a history of arms sales and technology transfers. the collaboration in the defense sector is an important aspect of their relationship. Both countries often support each other diplomatically in international forums. there are cultural exchanges and cooperation in education and tourism between the two countries. This helps foster people-to-people connections and a better understanding of each other's cultures. the Pakistan-China relationship has significant geopolitical implications, particularly in the context of South Asia. It provides China with a strategic foothold in the region and access to the Arabian Sea through Gwadar Port. It also has implications for the balance of power in the region, particularly in relation to India.

US “Outposts” in Latin America: Military-Technical Cooperation, Military Bases and Joint Exercises

The authors analyze the forms of interaction between the United States and Latin America in the military sphere. The relevance of studying this issue is due to the aggravation of relations between the collective West and Russia, as well as between the United States and China, within the framework of which Latin America acts as a zone of competition between the world powers. In this regard, the analysis of Latin American vector of US policy in the military aspect from the point of view of Russia’s strategic interests is particularly important. The lack of domestic scientific research on this problem greatly adds to its relevance. As for the novelty, based on the review of the world market of arms and military equipment (AME), this article determines the dynamics and the share of the American producer in the total volume of arms trade. In the context of military-technical cooperation (MTC), the authors also consider the peculiarities of the American military power projection on Latin America, which is a zone of exclusive interests of the United States. Among the key formats of interaction and projection of influence, the authors include the following: arms and military-technical supplies to the armies and security services of the states of the region; training of military personnel in Latin American countries; financing of armies and military units; cooperation programs to optimize the managerial and organizational functions of the Latin American armed forces, establishment and maintenance of various types of military bases, conducting joint military exercises. Using new factual material, we examine each of the listed forms and show the systematic and geostrategic nature of the US influence on the Latin American region in the military aspect. As for military trade, the authors identify the main partners of the United States in South America.

North Korea’s reaction to ROK-U.S. Joint Military Exercises and negotiation behavior

North Korea unilaterally suspended inter-Korean dialogue several times under the pretext of the ROK-US combined military exercise. This study aims to reveal that North Korea intends to engage in negotiating behavior to secure leverage in negotiations. To this end, this study analyzed the cases of inter-Korean negotiations during the ROK-US combined military exercise by dividing into cases of inter-Korean negotiations and cases of normal progress. The ROK-US combined military exercises were limited to large-scale joint exercises (such as FS and UFS). We set the analysis period was divided into Kim Il-sung, Kim Jong-il, and Kim Jong-un’s reign in consideration of the influence of North Korea’s supreme leaders. As a result, we derived the following four lessons. First, North Korea carried out inter-Korean negotiations even during the same ROK-US combined military exercise period or sometimes engaged in inconsistent negotiation behavior. Second, North Korea used inter-Korean negotiations, which were suspended during the joint military exercise, as a means of buying time by resuming them after the military exercise, but after a considerable period of time. Third, North Korea tends to suspend inter-Korean negotiations more than it does during the ROK-US combined military exercise since its first nuclear test in 2006. Based on these four lessons, we believe that North Korea has used the ROK-US combined military exercise as a leverage for negotiations.

THE OPERATIONAL IMPACTS OF THE U.S. – INDONESIA STRATEGIC PARTNERSHIP ON THE JOINT MILITARY EXERCISES GARUDA SHIELD

Indonesia's increasingly strategic condition in the region has made the U.S. interested in cooperation that can better accommodate the two countries' national interests. Both countries established a Strategic Partnership which one of the objectives stipulated in the defense cooperation implemented through bilateral military exercises. Of the many militaries’ cooperation, the two countries have carried out, the author takes the case study of the Joint Military Exercise Garuda Shield, which is increasingly transforming from a peace operation training activity into a form of a military operation that tends to increase operationally. Through qualitative method, the research data were obtained from informants that had been previously determined. The result shows that the national interest of both countries was influenced by domestic and international factors, resulting in a shared interest that was projected in the Indo – Pacific region. The Strategic Partnership acts as the medium for both states to reach these interests, one of which by conducting bilateral military exercises. The U.S. – China rivalry factor has also driven Indonesia and the U.S. to interact in defense cooperation closer.

Challenges of Diplomacy in Securing External Defense Arrangement in Nigeria (2007-2022)

Nigeria defense strategy has since combined soft and hard diplomacy to negotiate, persuade and induce both global and regional allies to support her counter terrorism fight. This study examined challenges of diplomacy in securing external defense arrangement in Nigeria between 2007 and 2022. The study adopted mixed research design using both qualitative and quantitative methods. The study relied heavily on secondary sources such as books, journals, articles, periodical, government reports and publications, magazines, unpublished manuscript, and conference papers; also, on primary sources such as interviews and questionnaires. It was found out that a lot still need to be done to improve the strategies and methods of securing diplomatic arrangements in a way that will favor Nigeria in dealing with the challenges encountered in diplomatic defense relations to combat the effect of terrorism both locally and regionally. The study recommended that Nigeria must intensify efforts at holding regional security summits for defense diplomats while intensifying joint military exercises for regional states in the Multi-national Joint Task Force to promote unity, improve communication and information sharing; and that the state must improve defense budgeting while joining multiple counter terrorism coalition both regionally and globally.

Improvement Efforts Of Indonesia's Defense Diplomacy Performance Via Deterrence Strategy In Dealing North Natuna Sea Conflict (2016-2021)

One of Indonesia's most actual maritime border disputes is the border dispute between Indonesia and China in the North Natuna Sea. This research focuses this on examining how to improve the performance of Indonesia's defense diplomacy through deterrence strategies in dealing with conflicts in the North Natuna Sea. This research uses qualitative-descriptive. The location of this research was carried out in Jakarta, in this case the Ministry of Defense of the Republic of Indonesia. Research time for six months. The research subjects were six sources. The object of this research is about improving the performance of defense diplomacy through deterrence strategies in the North Natuna Sea. The primary data collection technique is an in-depth interview method, while the secondary data collection technique uses a literature study. The results show that the performance of Indonesia's defense diplomacy in the North Natuna Sea for the 2016-2021 period is still relatively weak, especially if it is related to the potential threat from the Chinese side. Indonesia's deterrence strategy in the North Natuna Sea for the 2016-2021 period has so far been carried out with external policies, namely cooperating with foreign parties, both bilaterally, regionally, and globally. Indonesia's efforts to improve defense diplomacy in the North Natuna Sea through a deterrence strategy can be carried out with at least 10 items of deterrence strategy, including conducting joint military exercises; enhance joint surveillance and patrols; increase the discussion of maritime issues in regional and international forums; and increase advocacy for the law of the sea.

Challenges of Diplomacy in Securing External Defense Arrangement in Nigeria (2007-2022)

Nigeria defense strategy has since combined soft and hard diplomacy to negotiate, persuade and induce both global and regional allies to support her counter terrorism fight. This study examined challenges of diplomacy in securing external defense arrangement in Nigeria between 2007 and 2022. The study adopted mixed research design using both qualitative and quantitative methods. The study relied heavily on secondary sources such as books, journals, articles, periodical, government reports and publications, magazines, unpublished manuscript, and conference papers; also, on primary sources such as interviews and questionnaires. It was found out that a lot still need to be done to improve the strategies and methods of securing diplomatic arrangements in a way that will favor Nigeria in dealing with the challenges encountered in diplomatic defense relations to combat the effect of terrorism both locally and regionally. The study recommended that Nigeria must intensify efforts at holding regional security summits for defense diplomats while intensifying joint military exercises for regional states in the Multi-national Joint Task Force to promote unity, improve communication and information sharing; and that the state must improve defense budgeting while joining multiple counter terrorism coalition both regionally and globally.

The Philippines’ Surprising Veer West

Many observers expected Philippines President Ferdinand Marcos, Jr, to maintain a hedging approach towards the United States and China following his mid-2022 election. Instead, he has highlighted differences with Beijing and sought closer ties with Washington, completing a long-awaited expansion of the Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement with the US and authorising unprecedentedly large joint military exercises between the two countries. While China’s coercive behaviour towards the Philippines in the South China Sea is a major factor, Marcos has proven to be instinctively pro-American; the Armed Forces of the Philippines have generally supported the US alliance; and the US has worked harder to engage Manila. Unless Beijing dials back its activities in the South China Sea, Manila and Washington’s rejuvenated security relationship looks likely to endure as long as Marcos is in office.