Joint Declaration Research Articles

Afar Perspectives on Ethiopia-Eritrea Rapproachment: Two Roads to Assab

On July 9, 2018 Ethiopia and Eritrea signed a Joint Declaration of Peace and Friendship, which committed the two governments “to forge intimate political, economic, social, cultural and security cooperation.” On July 17, 2018 Ethiopia’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs announced that preparations were underway for landlocked Ethiopia to use Eritrea’s port of Assab, and that a task force had been established for implementation. Use of the Assab port has critical economic significance for Ethiopia and Eritrea both. It also has implications for the traditional inhabitants of the port area and surrounding environs – the Afar people. The port and surrounding lands are Afar traditional territory, inhabited by Afar people for almost two thousand years. With respect to these lands, both the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Eritrea and the Commission of Inquiry on Human Rights in Eritrea found that Eritrea engaged in widespread and systematic persecution of the Afar people, including ethnic cleansing – a crime against humanity. The Commission [of Inquiry on Human Rights in Eritrea] collected information that the Afar people have been subjected to extrajudicial killings and enforced disappearance by the Eritrean Government since 2000. These killings have also triggered their displacement from their lands within the country and across borders to Ethiopia and Djibouti....The commission, therefore, finds that Eritrean officials have committed the crime of persecution, a crime against humanity, in a widespread and systematic manner since May 1991. In June, 2018 the SR-Eritrea reported that Eritrea’s crimes are ongoing. On October 24, 2018, the SR-Eritrea reported that the Afar people “have been removed from around Assab ... an area traditionally belonging to or used by them” by force. This paper considers the following questions and proposals: (1) If Ethiopia is now to use the Assab port and surrounding lands without consent of the Afar people, will it be involving itself in Eritrea’s crimes? (2) Approximately 200,000 Eritrean Afar have fled Eritrea and now live as asylum seekers and refugees in neighbouring Ethiopia, Sudan and Djibouti. The UNHCR maintains that “Voluntary repatriation remains the main durable solution” to the world’s refugee crisis. Nobody would voluntarily return to Eritrea today unless they had reliable guarantees of personal security, prophylaxis from indefinite national service, reasonable prospects for the enjoyment of human rights and expectations of a job. These conditions do not now exist in Eritrea. (3) Going forward, Ethiopia must choose between two roads that lead to Assab. One road, simply taking the plunder of Eritrea’s crimes against humanity by paying the criminals to use the Assab port and surrounding lands, is quick, although it is a road reserved for criminals. A second road will take longer to travel and contains many obstacles. As the regional hegemon with newly acquired access, power and leverage in Asmara as a result of the transformed situation, Ethiopia could • work to create the necessary conditions, with appropriate guarantees, that would allow some Afar to return; • try to mobilize Eritrea and interested European governments to participate in training Afar to work in port construction, operations, associated infrastructure and the necessary service industries that will process Ethiopian traffic; • try to negotiate reserving part of its payment for use of the port to restore Afar to their homes, businesses and properties or to replace these in appropriate cases; • engage with European governments to assist these efforts and funding motivated by the EU’s desire to stem the flow of refugees and asylum seekers into EU countries; • engage representative Afar organizations in these processes and seek Afar consent to the negotiated outcome. If Ethiopia is moderately successful in creating the right conditions, and securing pathways for compensating restitution, Afar might be motivated to return home. If they did, this could serve as an example to other Eritrean refugees and asylum seekers now in Europe, Israel, Sudan and elsewhere. The reintegration of significant numbers of educated, trained, employed former Eritrean refugees and asylum seekers, with a stake in employment, housing, and social services could be transformative of the Eritrean dictatorship, a goal the civilized world shares. This second road may be slower and less certain, but it is the only road that leads to the possibility of peace, justice and stability for all the parties concerned.

NATO - EU Collaboration on Hybrid Threats

This article analyzes the current state of collaboration between NATO and the EU, with particular reference to the hybrid conflict sector. There has always existed a close relationship of interdependence between the two organizations. In 2016, this interdependence experienced a collaborative surge with the signing of a joint declaration at the Warsaw Summit. Since then,NATO and the European Union have actively collaborated in various sectors, including hybrid warfare. In the future, both organizations will need to improve the exchange of information and intelligence collaboration. However, this analysis aims to point out that NATO and the EU, if they wish to limit the scope of their opponents’ manoeuvrability, since hybrid conflict tends to develop below the threshold of what is generally accepted as the definition of armed conflict, will have to work together to outline a new legal framework that redefines the definition of armed conflict.

Church communication highlights 2019

The year 2019 was one of the hardest for Francis’ pontificate, and in terms of communication one of the most complicated given the difficulty and variety of the questions he has addressed. Necessarily limited, this selection of ten news stories is not based on their immediate repercussion but on their consequences for this papacy. The order is mainly chronological so as to show the development of the papacy from an informational perspective. As a working methodology, after choosing ten stories together, each author has described five of them. In our opinion, the ten most relevant Catholic news stories of 2019 are: World Youth Day in Panama 2019; the signing of a joint declaration with Islam; the February summit on child abuse in the Church; the attacks on Christians in Sri Lanka; relations with Vladimir Putin and the Orthodox world; the changes in the Vatican Press Office; the Vatican denouncement of pressure from China; the Synod on the Amazon; the migrants’ crisis; and the ‘formal’ reform of the Curia.

Incredible Christianity: Toward a Post-Liberal Apologetic for the Historical Christ

Incredible ChristianityToward a Post-Liberal Apologetic for the Historical Christ Thomas A. Baima My purpose with this essay is modest. I want to apply the central insight which gave birth to the ecumenical movement over one hundred years ago to the present moment in history and to argue that ecumenism is just as vital a project today as one hundred years ago. My thesis will be that the present moment represents an opportunity to engage again the original task of the ecumenical movement, articulated at its beginnings in 1910. The original task of ecumenism was ending the scandal of Christian division. The first ecumenists were drawn together around a single insight, that the evangelizing mission was being frustrated by the division of Christians. That's right: the motive for ecumenism was evangelism. It had become impossible to convert the world because of our sad divisions. Those preaching the Gospel were not credible witnesses. The full import of this insight was captured best, in my opinion, in the Collect for the Unity of the Church in the 1976 Book of Common Prayer (BCP), which reads: O God the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, our only Savior, the Prince of Peace: Give us grace seriously to lay to heart the great dangers we are in by our unhappy divisions.1 This spiritual insight is a unique gift of the Anglican Communion. There is no equivalent prayer in the Roman Missal, either in beauty of prose or [End Page 1079] theological depth. The BCP rightly names division as a spiritual danger, an occasion of peril. To be clear, this is not a personal problem, solved by our warm feelings towards each other. No, it is a global problem, for the world refuses to believe, and they refuse because of us. Christianity, to most people today, is incredible—in the most negative sense of that word—not believable! If I might be allowed to paraphrase the famous communication between Apollo 13 astronaut Jack Swigert and Mission Control in Houston—"Church, we've had a problem."2 We have had a problem for the two thousand years of Christianity's existence, and although the ecumenical movement for the past one hundred years (or fifty for Catholics, who were late to the effort) has worked tirelessly to overcome divisions, the movement itself is divided. It is divided over the place of traditional doctrine in the work of unity and over several contemporary controversies. Each of the several predecessor bodies of the World Council of Churches (WCC) represents a different idea about the purpose and method of ecumenism.3 Among them, the Faith and Order movement, supported strongly from the beginnings by the Anglican Communion, has been the segment of the WCC most attractive to the Catholic Church. This is because we realize that Christian division is, fundamentally, about doctrine. The way forward to unity requires the resolution of doctrinal divisions. Indeed, this is the only way, given the nature of a revealed religion. At the same time, we cannot wait for doctrinal agreement. The agreement we have in the traditional doctrines found in the Apostles and Nicene Creeds provide a sufficient basis for an apologetic to a skeptical world for the Christian faith. Dr. John Armstrong has helpfully called this approach "missional ecumenism."4 Since 1910 we have seen a Joint Declaration on the Doctrine of Justification between the Catholic Church and the Lutheran World Federation.5 [End Page 1080] We have also seen the dialogues with the Oriental Orthodox and the Assyrian Church of the East resolve serious doctrinal divisions between the Alexandrian and Antiochian schools.6 At the same time, new errors have developed which open new divisions between us. These new divisions are as deep as what separated Nestorius and Cyril or Luther and Zwingli—accompanied by the same amount of tension as in the fourth or sixteenth centuries. Fortunately, the skills we have developed working out agreements concerning the ancient heresies could offer us a path to resolve the new errors, if we have the fortitude for the task. I mention fortitude as an ecumenical virtue because the new errors at the root of the contemporary divisions are of...

Восточноазиатская модель реформ

After the collapse of the colonial system, the countries began to be divided into the first world, comprising capitalist countries, the second world — the countries of socialism, and the third world — the countries that freed themselves of colonial dependence, but not yet determined the path of social development. But it was not so long ago that several of the third world countries made a breakthrough from peasant pre-industrial countries to industrial countries at different stages of development. Accordingly, new industrial countries (NIS) of the first, second, third, and fourth generations emerged. New industrial countries have appeared in different regions and on different continents, they have both specific and common features inherent in the main trends in the development of the world economy. But in this case, the research will be focused on the NIS in the Asian region, which made the "leap" from the third world to the first. Because of this "leap" they are often called "Asian tigers". These are South Korea (Republic of Korea), Singapore, Taiwan (Republic of China), and Hong Kong. Hong Kong is a former British colony, which in accordance with the Sino-British Joint Declaration came under the jurisdiction of the PRC in 1997 and became its special administrative region (SAR). At the same time, Hong Kong lost the right to conduct foreign and defense policy, retaining the right to have its own political and economic system for 50 years. In China, such a model is called "one country-two systems", and Beijing expects to offer it to Taiwan, which it considers to be an integral part of China. Of the four "Asian tigers", Singapore and South Korea are of particular interest to scholars and specialists. How could these initially extremely backward and resource-poor countries become prosperous states in a short span of time? The value of this article is that the author points to the experience of NIS, which could be used in Russia.

Seculosity: How Career, Parenting, Technology, Food, Politics, and Romance Became Our New Religion and What to Do about It by David Zahl

Reviewed by: Seculosity: How Career, Parenting, Technology, Food, Politics, and Romance Became Our New Religion and What to Do about It by David Zahl Sarah Hinlicky Wilson Seculosity: How Career, Parenting, Technology, Food, Politics, and Romance Became Our New Religion and What to Do about It. By David Zahl. Minneapolis: Fortress, 2019. 250 pp. Lutherans have not been terribly adept at agreeing on justification (see the process leading up to the Formula of Concord … and everything that has happened in Lutheranism since the Formula, for that matter) or communicating it to the outside world (see the failed effort at the 1963 Helsinki assembly of the Lutheran World Federation to do exactly that). Despite our confessional ferocity, we seem to do better articulating the article on which the church stands or falls when another Christian body enters the discussion (see the 1999 Joint Declaration on the Doctrine of Justification with the Roman Catholic Church, subsequently subscribed by the World Methodist Council and the World Communion of Reformed Churches and affirmed by the Anglican Communion). So, it should probably come as no surprise that while Lutherans in North America have continued to divide and conquer ourselves, a handful of Episcopal clergy, affiliated with Mockingbird Ministries, is making justification by faith sexy again. Case in point is the new book by David Zahl, a college and young adult minister and pundit born into an Episcopal dynasty. The book's thesis is one of those things that is so compelling and obvious, once you see it, you wonder why you did not see it before. Americans are not actually less religious than before, Zahl argues. True, the matrix and stage of our religion has shifted away from church and synagogue. But if religion is that which gives life meaning, defines community, make us good in the eyes of ourselves and others, and convinces us that we are enough, then religion is far from gone. In fact, it has metastasized. And the new religion definitely does not justify by faith, in Jesus or any other gracious presence. It is hardcore law all the way. [End Page 212] Zahl proceeds to illustrate the hypothesis in nine areas of American culture, mentioning that one could easily add many more. He starts with the virtue-signaling (twenty-first-century English for "works righteousness") of being "so busy"; cycles through the soulmate myth of romance and its sequel, the "parenting-industrial complex"; moves on to technological addictions, work-as-identity, righteous vacationing, and even more righteous eating; proceeds all the way to the toxic tribalism of partisan politics; and finally circles back for a self-critical look at Christianity itself. The reader will enjoy alternating bouts of spiritual skewering and smug selfrighteousness, depending on her own selective capitulation to these rival religions. What then to do about it, when the whole problem is our frenetic doing? Zahl suggests we learn this simple truth: "We are almost never not in church." Legalistic church, at that. The antidote is faith that turns to the source of grace—and while Zahl supposes some might try to generate their own grace-based religions, the chances of success are next to nil, quite apart from the inherent problem of not being true. Real churches worshiping the real Lord of life then probably need to talk more to God, and in turn let God talk back to us, specifically about death, a lot more than we would like to hear. Such churches' discipleship would turn their attention not on external manifestations of "Enoughness" but on the internal bondage of their heart—equally recognizing that release comes not through technique or effort but only through Christ and the "good news that nothing that needs to be done hasn't already been done." We cannot fix our seculosity. We can only be saved from it. And only by Jesus. This is a handy manual for anyone, professional religious or otherwise, bemused by the escalating cultural conflicts in the United States. But I dare say it could even serve to get the word "justification" back on the lips of our dwindling Lutheran faithful. Having taught the doctrine from its Reformation setting countless times—and always having to start...

The European Union-Turkey Cooperation on Migration matters: Towards a Review of the Migratory Statement of 18 march 2016

Cooperation between the European Union (EU) and Turkey on migration matters is an essential element in the migration policy of the European Union. This controversial cooperation has been reformulated within the framework of the response to the migration crisis, one of its central elements being the EU-Turkey statement, 18 March 2016. Regardless of the questionable content of the Statement, it is particularly controversial that an agreement of this relevance has been exclusively included in a press release of a Joint Declaration between the EU and Turkey. In this way, the procedure for negotiating and signing international treaties, provided for in the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union, has been avoided; in particular, the participation of the European Parliament and the intervention of national parliaments. On February 28, 2017, the General Court has dismissed three annulment actions against this Statement. The Court, in an excessively formal interpretation, declares its lack of competence to hear the merits of the matter. Thus, the Court considers that the Statement is not an act of the EU, but rather an act adopted by the Heads of State and Government; therefore, it is not competent to rule on the legality of an international agreement concluded by the Member States. The Court is not aware that the aforementioned Statement contains genuine legal obligations for the EU itself, as can be seen from its execution during the period in which it is being applied. In similar terms, the Spanish Supreme Court has avoided making a ruling on the merits and content of the Statement. As of March 2020, at a time of significant tensions between the EU and Turkey, a process of reflection on EU-Turkey cooperation on migration has begun, which should conclude with the review of the commitments contained in the Statement of 2016. In of March 2020, at a time of significant tensions between the EU and Turkey, a process of reflection on EU-Turkey cooperation on migration has begun, which should conclude with the review of the commitments contained in the Statement of 2016.

IMPLEMENTATION OF THE NOSTRIFICATION PROCEDURE IN THE EU COUNTRIES AND UKRAINE

ThearticleanalysesthenostrificationprocedureintheEUandUkraine,describestheconceptualandterminological apparatus for nostrification, outlines the theoretical, organizational, substantive and procedural principles for nostrification in the EU and Ukraine. The regulatory framework for the implementation of the nostrification procedure in the EU countries and in Ukraine is described. In particular, such normative legal documents regulating the issues of nostrification as the Lisbon Convention, the Sorbonne Declaration, the Bologna Convention (Joint Declaration of the Ministers of Education of Europe) and additional legal documents on their interpretation are considered in detail. The legislative base of Ukraine in the field of recognition of foreign documents on education is also studied: strategic documention on education, namely, the State National Program which is called “Education” (Ukraine of the 21st century), resolutions of the Chamber of Ministry of Education and Science of Ukraine: “Improving the efficiency of education and science as an effective factor” (Improving the efficiency of education and science as an effective factor of development and integration into the European community: Resolution of the Chamber of the Ministry of Education and Science of Ukraine, 2004, № 3 / 1-4 https://zakon.rada.gov.ua/rada/show/v01- 4290 -04 # Text), “On deepening the integration of science and education in modern conditions” (2006), “Higher education in Ukraine — the European dimension: status, problems, prospects” (Higher education in Ukraine — the European dimension: status, problems, prospects: Resolution of the Chamber of the Ministry of Education and Science of Ukraine, 2008, № 3 / 1-4, https://ips.ligazakon.net/document/MUS7507), the Law of Ukraine “On Higher Education” released on 01.07.2014, and the Decree of the Ministry of Education and Science of Ukraine № 504 released on 05.05.2015 (registered by the Ministry of Justice of Ukraine on 27.05.2015, № 614/27059) “Some issues of the recognition for the foreign documents on education in Ukraine”, which approved the Procedure for recognition of higher education frames obtained in foreign higher education establishments. The peculiarities of the nostrification procedure in such EU countries as Poland and the Czech Republic are considered. The main shortcomings and prospects of improving the procedure for recognition of educational documents in Ukraine through the use of international experience are identified.

아베시대 일·러 영토교섭 -1956년 일소공동선언을 중심으로-

On September 2018 at the Eastern Economic Forum in Vladivostok, Russia President Vladimir Putin proposed to sign a peace treaty with Japan “no preconditions by the end of the year.” Prime Minister Shinzo Abe appreciated Putin’s remarks as an indication of his willingness to conclude a peace treaty. Finally, at the November 2018 summit meeting between Japan and Russia, Abe agreed to accelerate negotiations on the conclusion of a peace treaty based on the Japanese-Soviet Joint Declaration in 1956. This means changing the negotiation policy by returning two islands. As a result, the territorial disputes between the two countries seemed to move realistically.BR However, despite the positive resumption of negotiations between Japan and Russia, the two countries have confirmed only the differences in their positions over the two islands. Russia argues that the return of the two islands is not detailed in the 1956 Japanese-Soviet Joint Declaration, and that it is necessary to discuss how to lead the two islands. In particular, the issue of sovereignty is considered as a subject of discussion, but Japan sees that sovereignty will be restored by two islands.BR In addition, after returning under the Japan-US Security Treaty, Russia warned that US military bases were set up on these islands, and held the position that it would be difficult to hand over the sovereignty of the two islands to Japan. In this way, in the process of territorial negotiations between Japan and Russia, negotiations on the conclusion of the peace treaty have not made any progress since November 2018 due to differences in views on historical perceptions and security issues between the two countries. In addition, public opinion showing a strong position on the two islands lead also has a negative impact.BR Eventually, Prime Minister Abe set the initial goal related to the conclusion of the Japan-Russia peace treaty by the Osaka G20 Summit in June 2019, and led the general agreement at this meeting, but the goal was not achieved. Abe’s the strategy of drawing out a certain degree of concession to return two islands from Russia should be reviewed.BR This paper will discuss several things. First, this paper will analyze the position of the two countries that decided to accelerate negotiations for the conclusion of a peace treaty based on a joint declaration between the two countries in November 2018. Second, this paper will examine the differences between the two countries in relation to the territorial issue showing the negotiation process through the remarks of government officials. Third, this paper will try to find out why the peace treaty negotiations are delayed and how the territorial negotiations issue should be solved.

Joint Declaration of Korea-Japan Partnership and Security Cooperation

1998년 성립된 김대중 정부의 새로운 대일 정책은 김대중 대통령 자신의 대일 인식과 북한 핵위기로 촉발된 한반도 정세의 변화, 그리고 탈냉전 이후 미국의 동북아 안보정책의 변화가 종합적으로 반영된 결과물이다. 특히 탈냉전 이후에도 국민 감정상 일본과의 안보협력이 어려웠던 상황에서 북한 위협은 한일 양국의 안보 관련 정책결정자 및 전문가들에게 한일 안보협력의 필요성을 느끼게 만들었다. 1998년 김대중 정부 출범 이후 한일 안보협력의 필요성을 전략적인 관점에서 바라보고 있던 김대중 대통령은 ‘한일 파트너십 공동선언’에 한일 안보협력 분야를 포함시켰다. 한일 파트너십 공동선언에서 안보협력 분야에서 나타난 가장 큰 특징은 한일 간 안보협력을 위한 ‘신뢰’ 구축과 이에 기반한 한일 협력의 ‘제도화’ 추구였다. 또한 한일 간 안보분야에서의 다자주의와 비전통 안보, 국제협력은 한일 양국 간에 한국의 대일감정과 일본의 평화헌법이라는 국내제약 요인을 감안하여 실질적으로 진행 가능한 분야를 선택했다는 점에서 의의를 찾을 수 있다. 향후 한국의 대일 안보 협력은 ‘한일 파트너십 공동선언’의 정신을 계승하면서 다음과 같은 방향으로 진행되어야 한다. 첫째, 한일 안보협력의 신뢰 구축과 제도화가 필요하다. 둘째, 다자주의 안보 협력을 추구해야 한다. 셋째, 비전통 안보 분야 등 국제협력에 중점을 둬야 한다.The Kim Dae-Jung government’s policy towards Japan, inaugurated in 1998, reflected collectively his perception of Japan, and changes both in the political situation on the Korean peninsula triggered by North Korea’s nuclear crisis and in U.S. security policy towards Northeast Asia after the Cold War. In a situation where security cooperation with Japan was difficult because of strong resentment, the North’s threat made security-related decision-makers and experts feel the urgent need for security cooperation between South korea and Japan. Since the inauguration of Kim Dae-Jung, he has sought security cooperation between Korea and Japan from a strategic perspective to cover security cooperation in the Joint Declaration of a New Korea-Japan Partnership for the 21st Century. The key features for security cooperation in the partnership are ‘trust-building’ between Korea and Japan and the ‘institutionalization’ of bilateral cooperation based on trust. Considering Korea’s resentment towards Japan and the constraints of Japan’s pacifist Constitution, it is worthwhile that the partnership has been focused on the practically applicable fields of multilateralism, non-traditional security and international cooperation. The Korean government should pursue security cooperation with Japan while upholding the partnership as follows. First, it is necessary to build trust and institutionalize for security cooperation between Korea and Japan. Second, multilateral security cooperation should be pursued. Third, international cooperation such as non-traditional security should be focused on.

Ethiopia-Eritrea Rapproachment

Abstract On July 9, 2018 Ethiopia and Eritrea signed a Joint Declaration of Peace and Friendship. On July 17, 2018 Ethiopia announced plans for landlocked Ethiopia to use Eritrea’s port of Assab. Ethiopia’s proposed use of Assab has implications for the indigenous Afar people who have lived in the port area for two thousand years. The United Nations Special Rapporteur on the situation of Human Rights in Eritrea and the United Nations Commission of Inquiry on Human Rights in Eritrea found that Eritrea engaged in widespread persecution of the Afar people, including evicting them from the port area of Assab without any compensation. Both UN entities found that this persecution amounted to crimes against humanity. This paper considers the legal consequences for Ethiopia and Ethiopian officials if they use the Assab port area taken from the Afar by criminal means: will they be involving themselves in Eritrea’s crimes? The paper then considers alternative arrangements from the perspective of where the interests of Ethiopia, Eritrea and the Afar are anticipated to converge. It concludes with proposals to resolve the present untenable situation.

Lady Justice or the golden calf? The “China factor” in Hong Kong’s legal system

PurposeDespite the preservation of “One Country, Two Systems” for 50 years under the Sino-British Joint Declaration and Basic Law, changes are palpable due to the emergence of a real contest between liberal and pro-China actors in the legal profession and the legal environment in Hong Kong. After celebrating the twentieth anniversary of Hong Kong’s sovereignty transfer from Britain to China, it is valuable to study how the sovereign power influence the rule of law in its semiautonomous city by non-legal measures. This paper aims to offer a preliminary research on China’s political economic strategy, which is regarded as the “China factor”, in the legal system of Hong Kong, and its political, economic and legal-cultural impacts on the rule of law.Design/methodology/approachThis paper argues that China exerts its influence over the legal system of Hong Kong in four domains, including ideology, political elections, legal organization and cross-border political economy. Based on media research and content analysis over published materials of various legal associations and institutions, it is found that China attempts to consolidate its control in Hong Kong by producing alternative legal ideology and discourse of the rule of law and by co-opting the legal profession under China’s united front strategy.FindingsWhile there are liberal lawyers and legal scholars vocally engaging in defense of human rights and the rule of law in Hong Kong, a network of legal profession promoting socialist and authoritarian legal values has become prominent. Hong Kong’s legal culture will continue to be shaped in accordance with authoritarian characteristics and will adversely affect developing the rule of law in this international city.Originality/valueThis paper contributes to the study of China’s influence over the legal profession of Hong Kong and in general Hong Kong’s jurisdiction by offering an example to the international community that contributes towards understanding how China adopts different strategies to expand political significance beyond its border.

FORMATION OF ACADEMIC MOBILITY FOR FUTURE BACHELORS IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS: THE CONTEXT OF BOLOGNA'S REFORMS

Among the peculiarities of the professional training of future bachelors in international relations in NAU are the following: a focus on a high level of fundamental and practical training; formation of general and specific competences of a future specialist in the field of international economic, legal and information activity; providing up-to-date knowledge of the basic principles and norms of international business and law; providing deep knowledge of the theory and practice of international relations, acquiring the skills to successful advancement into the world markets with the competitive national products, analysis of market conditions, formation of foreign language competence. Analysis of the documents of the Bologna process, including the Bologna Joint Declaration (Italy, 1999), the Copenhagen Declaration (Denmark, 2001), the Bergen Communiqué (Norway, 2005), the London Communiqué (United Kingdom, 2007), the Leuven Communiqué (Belgium, 2009), Budapest The Vienna Declaration (Hungary Austria, 2010), the materials of the Bucharest Conference and the Third Bologna Forum (Romania, 2012), the Paris Communiqué (France, 2018), indicate that mobility is one of its important goals and tools. The documents of the Bologna Process, as well as the legislative and legal support of Ukraine, create the basis for the formation of academic mobility of NAU students, including bachelors in international relations.

On the responsible use of armed drones: the prospective moral responsibilities of states

ABSTRACT In 2016 the United States and 44 other countries issued a Joint Declaration for the Export and Subsequent Use of Armed or Strike-Enabled Unmanned Aerial Vehicles (UAVs). This arms control agreement, the first to focus specifically on drones, includes a commitment to discuss how these are ‘used responsibly’ by states. However, the exact meaning of responsible use in this context remains uncertain. This article addresses the uncertainty by raising important questions for policymakers: regarding the use of armed drones, to whom does a state have a responsibility? What is the moral basis for that responsibility? What purpose is a state therefore responsible for pursuing? And what could it mean in practice for a state to take prospective moral responsibility for preventing injustice? These questions are discussed by reference to five objects of responsibility that a state committed to using armed drones responsibly should consider: (1) other states; (2) its own citizens; (3) the intended victims of drone use; (4) the unintended victims of drone use; and (5) its military personnel (including drone operators). The intention is to provide a structure according to which policymakers could better understand the meaning of responsible drone use and thereby improve drone-specific arms control.

Certified Reference Materials and Metrological Traceability for Mycotoxin Analysis

Abstract In the past decade, with the signing of the joint declaration by the International Bureau of Weights and Measures (BIPM), the International Organisation of Legal Metrology, the International Laboratory Accreditation Cooperation, and the International Organization for Standardization, and the issuing of new international standards such as ISO/IEC 17025 and ISO 13528, metrological traceability has become more and more important for the mutual recognition of measurement results. It is found that the important factors for ensuring the accuracy of results are not only relevant to calibrants but also to the analysis procedure. This paper focuses on the analysis of key factors that affect measurement results, such as analytical methods, reference materials (RMs), and proficiency testing of mycotoxins. The Capacity Building and Knowledge Transfer Programme for mycotoxins, led by the BIPM, which aims to establish a global measurement system traced to the Système International d’Unités (SI), is well illustrated. Furthermore, this paper suggests to stakeholders that great effort is needed to promote the effective use of certified RM resources that are traced to the SI and globally recognized by the International Committee for Weights and Measures to finally realize “one measurement, global recognition.”

Justification VindicatedJustification: Volume One, MichaelHorton, Zondervan, 2018 (ISBN 978‐0‐310‐49160‐6), 400 pp., pb £39.99Justification: Volume Two, MichaelHorton, Zondervan, 2018 (ISBN 978‐0‐310‐57838‐3), 528 pp., pb £39.99

AbstractWriting from a classical Reformed perspective, Horton reviews the entire history of ‘Justification’ and then sharply criticizes many fashionable movements in theology that he sees as a betrayal of the doctrine. These include ‘the new perspective on Paul’, the Finnish School of Tuomo Mannermaa, Radical Orthodoxy, and even the Lutheran–Roman Catholic Joint Declaration of 1999. Writing with theological and pastoral passion, Horton is a formidable polemicist who never loses sight of his central concern, so that his book is both an exciting debate and a moving witness to the Pauline, Lutheran, and Calvinist Gospel.

Data citation in linguistics publications

The creation and dissemination of reproducible research is receiving ever-growing attention in discussions on best practices in publication and education. A key element of these practices is appropriate citation of data sources. In this presentation we describe one scholar-led initiative to increase awareness of the value of data citation in scholarly communication across the discipline of linguistics. 
 Practices in linguistics are varied; it is primarily a data-driven social science, in which inferences about the properties of language, human cognition, cultures and societies are drawn from observations of language. The primary data sets underlying the field are records of these observations in the form of, for instance, texts, audio/video recordings and annotations. While linguists have always relied on language data, they have not always facilitated access to those data in publications (Berez-Kroeker et al. 2018). A great deal of published linguistic research is therefore not reproducible, either in principle or in practice.
 A primary factor hindering reproducible research in linguistics is the lack of standards for data citation in scholarly publishing. Lacking such standards, the field continues to emphasize linguistic analyses over linguistic data, and as a result, linguists have little incentive to make the data behind research publications accessible.
 Funded by the US National Science Foundation, since 2015 we have endeavored to develop and promote standards for citing data. We are an international (Norway, US, Canada, Australia) team of scholars including linguistic data practitioners, scholarly communication librarians, and digital archivists.
 In this presentation we discuss our coordinated efforts over the past four years, including:
 Network building
 
 3 international workshops to identify technical and sociological barriers to research data citation in linguistics publications;
 The formation of the Linguistics Data Interest Group (https://rd-alliance.org/groups/linguistics-data-ig) within the Research Data Alliance, with nearly 100 members from the international linguistics scholarly community.
 
 Outreach activities
 
 Short-form technical courses and presentations offered through the Linguistic Society of America.
 
 Deliverable products
 
 An open-access position paper (Berez-Kroeker et al. 2018).
 The Austin Principles of Data Citation in Linguistics (http://linguisticsdatacitation.org), which annotates the FORCE11 Joint Declaration of Data Citation Principles (Data Citation Synthesis Group 2014) for linguistic scholarship.
 Guidelines for citing linguistic data to be shared in late 2019 with linguistics journal editors and stylesheet curators.
 The open-access Open Handbook of Linguistic Data Management (MIT Press Open, est. publication date 2020). 
 
 With this presentation, we aim to encourage practitioners in other fields to initiate similar advancements, and to encourage decision-makers and publishers to actively collaborate with and support scholar-led initiatives working toward better research practices.

Book Review: Mapping the Differentiated Consensus of the Joint Declaration

Book Review: Mapping the Differentiated Consensus of the Joint Declaration

1990년대의 한일관계와 한일공동선언 ─ 한일관계의 구조변동에 의한 탈냉전기 협력과 제도화 시도 ─

1990년대의 한일관계와 한일공동선언 ─ 한일관계의 구조변동에 의한 탈냉전기 협력과 제도화 시도 ─

The Catholic trouble with justification: comments on Scott Hahn’s Romans

Despite the Catholic–Lutheran Joint Declaration on the Doctrine of Justification, justification by faith is a troublesome doctrine to Catholics. Scott Hahn’s Romans is used to illustrate four inadequate ways of explaining (away) Paul’s doctrine of justification.