John Hope Franklin Series Research Articles

At the Threshold of Liberty: Women, Slavery, and Shifting Identities in Washington, D.C. by Tamika Y. Nunley

Reviewed by: At the Threshold of Liberty: Women, Slavery, and Shifting Identities in Washington, D.C. by Tamika Y. Nunley Elizabeth Wood At the Threshold of Liberty: Women, Slavery, and Shifting Identities in Washington, D.C. By Tamika Y. Nunley. The John Hope Franklin Series in African American History and Culture. (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2021. Pp. xvi, 254. Paper, $27.95, ISBN 978-1-4696-6222-0; cloth, $95.00, ISBN 978-1-4696-6221-3.) Scholars studying African American women before the Civil War have long documented their resistance to slavery and racism but have found it more difficult to elucidate their intimate and interior worlds. In this first study of African American women living in Washington, D.C., from the city's founding through the Civil War, Tamika Y. Nunley draws on a rich body of evidence to reveal clues about how they envisioned their lives beyond slavery and circumscribed freedom. Nunley uses the concept of self-making to examine ways these individuals sought to "define and preserve a sense of self in a society that supported a narrow definition of what it meant to be a black woman" (p. 2). [End Page 378] She argues that navigation was critical to processes of self-making, as women made calculated as well as improvised choices to traverse the sometimes vast physical and ideological distances between their circumstances and their imagined selves. African American women did not achieve equality, even after emancipation, but Nunley demonstrates how their ceaseless claims to liberty in the nation's capital challenge what we know about enslaved women's resistance and laid the foundations for continued self-fashioning and activism after the Civil War. Nunley uncovers an impressive array of women's experiences as she carefully examines federal and municipal records, financial transactions, newspaper articles and advertisements, diaries and private correspondence, and even the words of Black schoolgirls. Though the city was founded to govern a nation shaped by the highest ideals of liberty, African American women's labor was crucial to Washington's early growth; and the nature of urban slavery there, along with a burgeoning slave market, created immense unpredictability through kidnapping, sale, and hiring practices. Nevertheless, enslaved women made the District of Columbia contested terrain as they "carved out pathways of escape" and asserted their identities through practices such as self-naming (p. 42). Other women turned to the courts to pursue their visions of freedom, demonstrating their understandings of kin and community, even as navigating the courts became increasingly complicated. Free African American communities emphasized educating girls to understand moral virtue as a weapon against stereotypes assigned to Black women and as an "expression of racial progress" (p. 106). Outside the middling classes, women turned to economic self-making in the street by more openly engaging in prostitution and leisure culture during the chaos of the Civil War—a practice both lucrative and perilous. Throughout, Nunley reminds readers that claiming liberty was no easy feat, even as emancipation laws were passed, but that Black women articulated their understanding of rights as they transitioned from enslavement to citizenship. Nunley provides nuance and correction to existing scholarship on antebellum Black women and girls. She carefully outlines the parameters of enslavement in the district and cautions us not to overstate the flexibility of urban slavery, since Black women's work as domestics placed them in the intimate spaces of white control. Nunley challenges the understanding that kin obligations prevented enslaved women from taking flight by showing how networks of relatives and friends inspired and facilitated running away. Her chapter on education for African American girls in a slaveholding city adds to a growing body of work on antebellum Black childhood and demonstrates an early community commitment to racial uplift that both shaped girls' self-understandings and prepared them for white hostility to their achievement. Finally, Nunley emphasizes that just as restrictive laws could have limited scope, so could beneficial ones. In the face of enormous obstacles, African American women claimed citizenship and challenged "the notion that liberty stopped at legal emancipation" by growing their institutions and building new ones dedicated to the expansion of freedom (p. 187). At the Threshold...

Radical Black Theatre in the New Deal by Kate Dossett

Reviewed by: Radical Black Theatre in the New Deal by Kate Dossett Craig Peariso Radical Black Theatre in the New Deal. By Kate Dossett. John Hope Franklin Series in African American History and Culture. (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2020. Pp. xx, 338. Paper, $34.95, ISBN 978-1-4696-5442-3; cloth, $90.00, ISBN 978-1-4696-5441-6.) Much has been written about the Federal Theater Project (FTP), a part of the United States government's Works Progress Administration that from 1935 to 1939 paid out-of-work writers, actors, directors, and crews to stage theatrical productions. The segregated "Negro Units" within the FTP, however, have received less attention. In Radical Black Theatre in the New Deal, Kate Dossett offers a rich archival history of a number of Negro Unit productions, setting aside the question of white leadership within the Negro Units and highlighting the political complexity of Black-authored works produced by the FTP. As political opposition to Franklin D. Roosevelt's New Deal increased, its programs actually gained acceptance among many African American writers and activists for their potential to ensure at least a minimum standard of living for all Americans. For that reason, among others, the Negro Units were embraced by a number of playwrights as an opportunity to give form to a variety of political content. Through close study of manuscripts from local productions of Black-authored (or coauthored) plays, Dossett weaves an engaging narrative of the ways authors and performers (though her emphasis is clearly on the authors) used the theater to envision "radical paths to the future" (p. 39). [End Page 358] Dossett's study opens with a chapter on the 1934 play Stevedore, a play about the lives of working-class Blacks produced by members of New York's Theatre Union, a group of white leftist playwrights and directors. Though the play would seem to fall outside her specific focus on federally funded and Black-authored works, it is nevertheless important to her history, as it not only served as an important model for many in the FTP looking to produce socially and politically relevant work, but also "became important to a community of black theatre critics, audiences, and performers who were willing, skilled, and increasingly able to adapt white dramas in order to develop a politically useful black theatre" (p. 41). Having established Stevedore as a type of precedent, she goes on in the next chapter to discuss Black-authored works such as Stars and Bars (1937–1938) and Liberty Deferred (1937–1938), which adapted the Living Newspaper form as a means of "subjecting white spectators to the black gaze" (p. 121). With these first two studies in place, Dossett proceeds to devote the second half of the book to the various representations of Black heroism found in Negro Unit plays. She first offers a comparison of the characters of John Henry in Natural Man (1937) and Bigger Thomas in the stage adaptation of Native Son (1941) and then, in a different register, a consideration of Theodore Ward's Big White Fog (1937–1938). Looking to move beyond the now clichéd narrative that portrays Big White Fog as a "'pro-communist'" drama—noting that its labor politics are actually relatively anodyne—she chooses instead to focus on the play's gender politics, offering it almost as a partial counterpoint to the overwrought masculinity of Natural Man and Native Son (p. 165). Finally, she turns to Haiti (1938) and Go Down Moses (1938), two productions offering what she seems to see as a more hopeful model of Black male heroism by rooting it, respectively, in the Haitian Revolution and the American Civil War and Underground Railroad. As a whole, Dossett's study makes an excellent contribution to our understanding of the history of African American theater, and American theater more generally. At a time when, as she notes, calls to improve and acknowledge the importance of Archives for Black Lives have become common on multiple social media platforms, Dossett returns to some of those archives to remind readers of their richness and intricacy. Craig Peariso Boise State University Copyright © 2021 The Southern Historical Association

Game of Privilege: An African American History of Golf by Lane Demas

Reviewed by: Game of Privilege: An African American History of Golfby Lane Demas Kathleen McElroy Game of Privilege: An African American History of Golf. By Lane Demas. John Hope Franklin Series in African American History and Culture. (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2017. Pp. xx, 363. $30.00, ISBN 978-1-4696-3422-7.) Lane Demas's exhaustive book Game of Privilege: An African American History of Golfreveals that a sport considered the epitome of whiteness played a significant role in shaping the black experience in the United States. Golf courses were not just physical spaces for black leisure and racial uplift—they were strolling battlegrounds in the African American freedom struggle. The competing interests often, in golf parlance, left an uneasy lie. "Like the dread and forbidden topic of intermarriage, the golf question makes everyone uncomfortable," remarked the white wife of Walter White, the fair-skinned NAACP leader (p. 206). National civil rights leaders ebbed and flowed in their support for integrating municipal golf courses, so local black men and women usually led the fight to access what Demas calls "the largest swath of white-only space," especially in southern cities (p. 181). African Americans who were passionate about golf—a pastime the black press eagerly promoted—built private courses, played on sometimes subpar black-only public courses, and competed on the United Golfers Association (UGA) tour, similar to the American Tennis Association for black tennis players. Demas recounts the exploits of male golfers thwarted by the Professional Golf Association's "Caucasian clause," which lasted until 1961 (p. 117). Demas, a history professor at Central Michigan University, obligatorily ends Game of Privilegewith a thoughtful discussion about Tiger Woods, race, money, and the superstar's lasting contribution to America. To Demas, that contribution certainly is not to American golf, where the black presence has shrunk since Woods's dominance at the turn of the twenty-first century. Instead, Demas concentrates on proving that African Americans made significant contributions to golf (such as dentist George Franklin Grant, who in 1899 [End Page 1053]patented the golf tee) and that integrating the sport was more than a middle-class folly. Doing so held the threat of jail, as was the case for six black golfers in Greensboro, North Carolina. Demas argues—somewhat convincingly—that the Supreme Court victories in Simkins v. City of Greensboro(1957) and Holmes v. City of Atlanta(1955) were as or more significant to integrating public spaces than Brown v. Board of Education(1954). Trying to upheave civil rights legacies he cannot budge, Demas also calls a seminal 1941 protest round of golf through a segregated Washington, D.C., public course more meaningful than Marian Anderson's 1939 concert at the Lincoln Memorial. More troubling is his correct but loose usage of the word "militancy" in describing both the actions of black activists who used legislative means to desegregate courses and those who murdered eight white people at a St. Croix golf club (pp. 201, 189). Ignore Demas's insistence that the first African American to compete in the fledgling U.S. Open, John Shippen in 1896, should be as remembered as Jackie Robinson. Instead, appreciate Demas's narratives about the ways Robinson and Joe Louis elevated golf's significance in America. Shortly before Robinson reintegrated Major League Baseball, the black press touted golf as more tolerant than baseball because of one big-money, integrated event. By 1952, Louis, who backed UGA tournaments, declared "'war on Jim Crow in golf '" (p. 120). After retiring in 1957, Robinson could not join any of the prestigious country clubs in the New York area, failed in business ventures to develop an integrated course, and declared golf the "'only sport in which a Negro does not have an equal chance today'" (p. 127). Demas's research, use of images, extensive footnotes, and historical tables make Game of Privilegeinvaluable for researching leisure, African American and southern history, and, of course, golf itself. As he hopes, Game of Privilegeindeed should start conversations—academic and, one hopes, during rounds of golf—about the ways Americans think about the sport's influence on race, and vice versa. Kathleen McElroy...

Colored Travelers: Mobility and the Fight for Citizenship before the Civil War by Elizabeth Stordeur Pryor

Colored Travelers: Mobility and the Fight for Citizenship before the Civil War. By Elizabeth Stordeur Pryor. The John Hope Franklin Series in African American History and Culture. (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2016. Pp. xviii, 218. $34.95, ISBN 978-1-4696-2857-8.) Antebellum travel inherently involved vulnerability. Outside the protective walls of secure homes, travelers placed themselves at the mercy of litany of dangers: exploding railroad engines, fire-engulfed steamships, precarious suspension bridges, and capricious weather. For African Americans, however, travel entailed additional hazards: racialized threats of verbal vitriol, physical violence, and contested attempts to criminalize and curtail black mobility. It is this perilous world of African American mobility that historian Elizabeth Stordeur Pryor examines in Colored Travelers: Mobility and the Fight for Citizenship before the Civil War. Making use of print sources including slave narratives, interviews, letters, slave songs, sketches, abolitionist lectures, journals, and newspaper articles, Pryor contends that travelers--that is, free and financially capable people of color who resided in the antebellum North--believed that uninhibited travel constituted a crucial component of U.S. citizenship and that protesting against segregation, colored travelers identified the cars, compartments, and cabins of public conveyances as critical sites for equal rights century before Rosa Parks and the famous Montgomery Bus Boycott of 1955 (p. 2). Pryor focuses her analytical gaze on the methods of curtailment imposed on colored travelers. The author asserts that whites invoked the word nigger (I follow Pryor's deliberate lead here by avoiding the use of quotation marks around the word and the euphemism n-word) to menace colored travelers and inhibit black movement. In fact, Pryor situates her etymology of nigger within broader recognition of the burgeoning free black population of the North--a people increasingly accomplished, socially poised, and physically mobile. Indeed, it was this social and physical mobility that inflamed antiblack sentiment. Moreover, Pryor deftly delineates the polysemous usage of the word nigger. Rather than identify the word solely as pernicious epithet fraught with terror, Pryor demonstrates that, contingent upon social class and context, African Americans used the word nigger as vehicle for protest and as signifier of social identity. …

Toward an Intellectual History of Black Women ed. by Mia Bay, Farah J. Griffin, Martha S. Jones, and Barbara D. Savage

Toward an Intellectual History of Black Women. Edited by Mia Bay, Farah J. Griffin, Martha S. Jones, and Barbara D. Savage. John Hope Franklin Series in African American History and Culture. (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2015. Pp. xii, 308. Paper, $27.95, ISBN 978-1-4696-2091-6.) Toward an Intellectual History of Black Women offers a compelling exploration of black women's diverse intellectual labors and contributions. The volume is organized into four chronological sections that span the period from Phillis Wheatley's writings to the present day; the collection's focus lies within and beyond the United States, and it draws on numerous academic traditions. This border-crossing impetus shapes the collection's content and foci as well as its methods. It is historical in scope and interdisciplinary in approach, stretching the terms of what counts as history, who counts as a knower, and what constitutes an adequate historiographical method or source. Because the volume approaches intellectual history from beyond the usual bounds, it was a bit surprising to find no reference to some foundational interdisciplinary volumes documenting black women's ideas, such as Beverly Guy-Sheftall's edited collection Words of Fire: An Anthology of African-American Feminist Thought (New York, 1995) and Ann Allen Shockley's Afro-American Women Writers, 1746-1933: An Anthology and Critical Guide (Boston, 1988). Nevertheless, the volume's interdisciplinary reach adds many new insights to the extant literatures focused on tracing and analyzing black women's distinctive intellectual traditions. The authors illustrate that bringing together seemingly disparate sources is necessary to illuminate this rich history, given the partial and often fragmented nature of the historical archive vis-a-vis black women's lives. The contributors explore diverse genres of knowing across time, place, and circumstance, including novels, poetry, prose, spiritual autobiographies, letters, journalism, church registers, cloth, colonial archives, mission reports, church newsletters, trial records, public depositions, diaries, social media, speeches, the blogosphere, and various forms of activism, organizing, and protest. Many contributors also examine sites of reluctance, backlash, withholding, silence, and self-censure, underscoring that the expressive nature of the unsaid, the erased, and the untellable is in and of itself a pivotal means for tracing genealogies of black women's intellectual history, in terms of both epistemic and historical politics. Given my own work on Anna Julia Cooper, an early black feminist scholar, educator, and activist, 1 was drawn to the essays that highlighted black women's strategies for pivoting dominant frames of knowing (though, for full disclosure, I had hoped to find some engagement with Cooper's 1925 Sorbonne dissertation on the Haitian and French revolutions, which anticipated black Atlantic studies and predated W. …

Cooking in Other Women’s Kitchens: Domestic Workers in the South, 1865–1960

Book Review| July 01 2015 Cooking in Other Women’s Kitchens: Domestic Workers in the South, 1865–1960 Cooking in Other Women’s Kitchens: Domestic Workers in the South, 1865–1960. By Rebecca Sharpless. John Hope Franklin Series in African American History and Culture. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2013. 304 pp. $24.95 (paper). Cecily Barker McDaniel Cecily Barker McDaniel Search for other works by this author on: This Site Google Journal of American Ethnic History (2015) 34 (4): 108–110. https://doi.org/10.5406/jamerethnhist.34.4.0108 Cite Icon Cite Share Icon Share Facebook Twitter LinkedIn MailTo Permissions Search Site Citation Cecily Barker McDaniel; Cooking in Other Women’s Kitchens: Domestic Workers in the South, 1865–1960. Journal of American Ethnic History 1 January 2015; 34 (4): 108–110. doi: https://doi.org/10.5406/jamerethnhist.34.4.0108 Download citation file: Zotero Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu toolbar search search input Search input auto suggest filter your search All Scholarly Publishing CollectiveUniversity of Illinois PressJournal of American Ethnic History Search Advanced Search The text of this article is only available as a PDF. Copyright 2015 by the Board of Trustees of the University of Illinois2015 Article PDF first page preview Close Modal You do not currently have access to this content.

GretchenLong. 2012. Doctoring Freedom: The Politics of African American Medical Care in Slavery and Emancipation. The John Hope Franklin Series in African American History & Culture. Waldo E.Martin, Jr. and PatriciaSullivan, eds. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. $37.50. pp. 248. Cloth. ISBN: 978‐0‐8078‐3583‐8.

Review of Doctoring Freedom: The Politics of African American Medical Care in Slavery and Emancipation

Luther Adams . Way Up North in Louisville: African American Migration in the Urban South, 1930–1970 . (The John Hope Franklin Series in African American History and Culture.) Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. 2010. Pp. xiv, 272. $49.95.

Luther Adams . Way Up North in Louisville: African American Migration in the Urban South, 1930–1970 . (The John Hope Franklin Series in African American History and Culture.) Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. 2010. Pp. xiv, 272. $49.95.

Rebecca Sharpless . Cooking in Other Women's Kitchens: Domestic Workers in the South, 1865–1960 . (The John Hope Franklin Series in African American History and Culture.) Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. 2010. Pp. xxix, 273. $35.00.

Rebecca Sharpless . Cooking in Other Women's Kitchens: Domestic Workers in the South, 1865–1960 . (The John Hope Franklin Series in African American History and Culture.) Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. 2010. Pp. xxix, 273. $35.00.

Lisa Levenstein . A Movement without Marches: African American Women and the Politics of Poverty in Postwar Philadelphia . (John Hope Franklin Series in African American History and Culture.) Chapel Hill : University of North Carolina Press . 2009 . Pp. xvi, 300. $45.00.

Lisa Levenstein . A Movement without Marches: African American Women and the Politics of Poverty in Postwar Philadelphia . (John Hope Franklin Series in African American History and Culture.) Chapel Hill : University of North Carolina Press . 2009 . Pp. xvi, 300. $45.00.

Blair L. M. Kelley . Right to Ride: Streetcar Boycotts and African American Citizenship in the Era ofPlessy v. Ferguson. (The John Hope Franklin Series in African American History and Culture.) Chapel Hill : University of North Carolina Press . 2010 . Pp. xii, 256. $59.95.

Blair L. M. Kelley . Right to Ride: Streetcar Boycotts and African American Citizenship in the Era of<i>Plessy v. Ferguson</i>. (The John Hope Franklin Series in African American History and Culture.) Chapel Hill : University of North Carolina Press . 2010 . Pp. xii, 256. $59.95.

Graham Russell Gao Hodges . David Ruggles: A Radical Black Abolitionist and the Underground Railroad in New York City . (The John Hope Franklin Series in African American History and Culture.) Chapel Hill : University of North Carolina Press . 2010 . Pp. 266. $30.00.

David Ruggles has long remained little known to most students of antebellum America other than for the role he played in 1838 in helping fugitive slave Frederick Douglass escape from New York to safety in Massachusetts. Graham Russell Gao Hodges's biography of Ruggles will go a long way toward making Americans aware of this long-neglected reformer. He was in fact a significant black abolitionist who helped as many as 600 former slaves to freedom. As the founder of the New York Committee of Vigilance, he practiced direct confrontation with slaveholders and their many northern allies. He thus assured the safety of free blacks who might be kidnapped into slavery and of fugitives escaping from slavery. He led the fight against the racist attitudes and actions of white New Yorkers. Yet in describing Ruggles's life, Hodges may be guilty of too much speculation and of claiming too much for his subject.

Leslie A. Schwalm . Emancipation's Diaspora: Race and Reconstruction in the Upper Midwest . (The John Hope Franklin Series in African American History and Culture.) Chapel Hill : University of North Carolina Press . 2009 . Pp. xii, 387. Cloth $65.00, paper $24.95.

For a region including few blacks, the Upper Midwest states of Iowa, Minnesota, and Wisconsin in the late nineteenth century have yielded a rich historiographical lode to the persistent and wide-ranging explorations of Leslie A. Schwalm. Tracing the fortunes of the African-American migrants who arrived during the Civil War, this study sheds new light on Reconstruction as a national phenomenon, race relations in a supposedly racially liberal society, and gender relations within the communities the migrants created. The book begins by demonstrating that, while the 1787 Northwest Ordinance in theory defined freedom as the normative status in the antebellum Upper Midwest, white racism made a form of bondage for blacks too often the practice. Through a heritable form of indentured servitude, slave-owning privileges for army officers, and loose adoption laws, whites succeeded in holding African Americans to long terms of service. All three states disfranchised blacks and banned them from jury service; Iowa also adopted statutes prohibiting black settlement, testimony against whites, militia service, practice of law and intermarriage with whites, and requiring school segregation. “Racism,” Schwalm concludes, “was not imposed on Midwestern whites by outsiders; it was integral to the region's history and development” (p. 29).

An Examination of African American Women's Lives in Postwar Philadelphia

An Examination of African American Women's Lives in Postwar Philadelphia Lisa Krissoff Boehm (bio) Lisa Levenstein . A Movement Without Marches: African American Women and the Politics of Poverty in Postwar Philadelphia. Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 2009. xvi + 199 pages. Illustrations, tables, maps, appendix, bibliography, and index. $35.96. This work, a part of the prestigious John Hope Franklin Series in African American History and Culture, edited by Waldo E. Martin and Patricia Sullivan, makes a noteworthy contribution to the growing yet still underserved field of African American women's urban history. Levenstein's work is heartening on a number of levels, and we need more scholars to consider undertaking projects of this type. As I have argued in the Journal of Urban History's special January 2010 edition on teaching ("Adding Gender to American Urban History"), urban historians ought to produce works that cross subfields with greater frequency. Urban historians tend to craft books aimed at a narrow audience and seem hesitant to make theoretical or narrative leaps between genres. This hesitancy denies the field greater readership and historiographical impact. Urban history can be successfully merged with political, economic, environmental, gender, labor, immigration, African American, and other types of history. A Movement Without Marches is simultaneously a book about poverty, African American women, public policy, and postwar Philadelphia. The book openly draws inspiration from the likes of Thomas Sugrue's Origins of the Urban Crisis: Race and Inequality in Postwar Detroit (1996) and Arnold R. Hirsch's Making the Second Ghetto: Race and Housing in Chicago, 1840-1960 (1998). Levenstein makes a very important contribution by studying what she terms "the gendered construction of racialized urban poverty" (p. 5). Levenstein writes about African American women in poverty, a topic that has proved onerous for many academics due to the stereotypes that must be confronted. Levenstein rejects the term "underclass," which "not only paints a false portrait of poor women's goals and values, but it also severely misconstrues their work habits. Regardless of their employment status, women who sought and retained assistance from public institutions were workers, first and foremost, because they labored to care for their households and [End Page 556] their families with few financial resources" (p. 24). Levenstein is upfront about addressing the ways in which the women may have exhibited traits commonly attributed to the underclass, admitting that the women "received public assistance, became pregnant unintentionally, suffered from depression, or used drugs and alcohol" (p. 24). Levenstein could point out here that these traits can be applied to a broad number of Americans—middle class as well as working class—especially when one considers how many Americans have relied on unemployment assistance at some time in their lives or made use of child tax credits or other financial relief. The author notes on page twenty-six that any study of African American women in poverty runs the risk of misinterpretation, given the broad range of negative stereotypes attributed to these women. The nature of the book necessitates a thorough exploration of the women's personal lives, and the author must divulge some unflattering stories. Extensive reliance on court records unearths very sensitive tales; however, Levenstein approaches her work with the utmost sensitivity and need not worry about being misinterpreted. In a clearly prepared table, Levenstein notes how the black population of Philadelphia expanded from 219,599 in 1930 to 529,239 by 1960. Much of this notable increase is due to the movement known as the Second Great Migration, which Levenstein does not refer to by name but mentions fleetingly in a few places in the book. The economic, cultural, and political aspects of the city that lured hundreds of thousands of southern migrants to settle there ought to be contrasted with the startling conditions the migrants encountered in their daily lives in Philadelphia. As return migration remained low, the North must have remained preferable in some ways. Migration studies and narratives, although there are relatively few focused strictly on women, have been a staple of postwar urban and African American history and ought to be further incorporated into this work. Reference to the conclusions of sociologist Stewart Tolnay, who refutes...

Leslie Brown . Upbuilding Black Durham: Gender, Class, and Black Community Development in the Jim Crow South.(The John Hope Franklin Series in African American History and Culture.)Chapel Hill : University of North Carolina Press . 2008 . Pp. xiii, 451. Cloth $34.95, paper $24.95.

Leslie Brown . Upbuilding Black Durham: Gender, Class, and Black Community Development in the Jim Crow South.(The John Hope Franklin Series in African American History and Culture.)Chapel Hill : University of North Carolina Press . 2008 . Pp. xiii, 451. Cloth $34.95, paper $24.95.

Black Religious and Political Cultures of the Southern and Northern United States - After Redemption: Jim Crow and the Transformation of African American Religion in the Delta, 1875–1915. By John M. Giggie. New York: Oxford University Press, 2008. xviii + 317 pp. $21.95 paper. - Grassroots Garveyism: The Universal Negro Improvement Association in the Rural South, 1920–1927. By Mary G.

Black Religious and Political Cultures of the Southern and Northern United States - After Redemption: Jim Crow and the Transformation of African American Religion in the Delta, 1875–1915. By John M. Giggie. New York: Oxford University Press, 2008. xviii + 317 pp. $21.95 paper. - Grassroots Garveyism: The Universal Negro Improvement Association in the Rural South, 1920–1927. By Mary G.

African Cherokees in Indian Territory: From Chattel to Citizens

Journal Article African Cherokees in Indian Territory: From Chattel to Citizens Get access African Cherokees in Indian Territory: From Chattel to Citizens. John Hope Franklin Series in African American History and Culture. By Naylor Celia E.. (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2008. xii + 360 pp. Illustrations, maps, appendix, notes, bibliography, index. $55.00.) Linda W. Reese Linda W. Reese East Central University Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar Western Historical Quarterly, Volume 40, Issue 3, Autumn 2009, Pages 374–375, https://doi.org/10.1093/whq/40.3.374 Published: 01 August 2009

Book ReviewsAnthony E. Kaye. Joining Places: Slave Neighborhoods in the Old South. John Hope Franklin Series in African American History and Culture. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2007. 376 pp.; 3 maps, appendix, notes, bibliography, index. $34.95.

Previous articleNext article No AccessBook Reviews Anthony E. Kaye. Joining Places: Slave Neighborhoods in the Old South. John Hope Franklin Series in African American History and Culture. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2007. 376 pp.; 3 maps, appendix, notes, bibliography, index. $34.95.Kathleen HilliardKathleen HilliardIowa State University Search for more articles by this author Iowa State UniversityPDFPDF PLUSFull Text Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by Winterthur Portfolio Volume 43, Number 2/3Summer/Autumn 2009 Published for the Henry Francis du Pont Winterthur Museum, Inc. Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1086/599850 Views: 59Total views on this site © 2009 by The Henry Francis du Pont Winterthur Museum, Inc. All rights reserved. For permission to reuse, please contact [email protected]PDF download Crossref reports no articles citing this article.

:Joining Places: Slave Neighborhoods in the Old South.(John Hope Franklin Series in African American History and Culture.)

:Joining Places: Slave Neighborhoods in the Old South.<i>(John Hope Franklin Series in African American History and Culture.)</i>

CELIA E. NAYLOR. African Cherokees in Indian Territory: From Chattel to Citizens. (The John Hope Franklin Series in African American History and Culture.) Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. 2008. Pp. xii, 360. Cloth $55.00, paper $22.50

CELIA E. NAYLOR. African Cherokees in Indian Territory: From Chattel to Citizens. (The John Hope Franklin Series in African American History and Culture.) Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. 2008. Pp. xii, 360. Cloth $55.00, paper $22.50