Sort Of Job Research Articles

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Greatest hits

The Challenge for Counsellors: Understanding and Addressing Indigenous Secondary Students' Aspirations, Self-concepts and Barriers to Achieving their Aspirations

Indigenous students are not attaining the same educational and employment outcomes as non-Indigenous students. Psychological constructs have been demonstrated by research with non-Indigenous Australians to impact upon desirable educational outcomes; however, there is a dearth of Aboriginal education research that has identified psychological constructs of salience to Indigenous students. The purpose of this study was to: (a) evaluate the self-concepts of Indigenous secondary students; (b) identify Indigenous students' aspirations; (c) elucidate Indigenous students' perceptions of barriers faced in attaining their aspirations; and (d) compare and contrast the pattern of results for Indigenous students to results for non-Indigenous students from the same schools. A total of 1686 students (517 Indigenous and 1151 non-Indigenous) from urban and rural regions from three Australian States participated. Indigenous students displayed statistically significantly lower academic (school, maths, verbal) self-concepts in comparison to non-Indigenous students. Significantly more Indigenous students in comparison to non-Indigenous students aspired to leaving school early, attending Technical and Further Education (TAFE) institutions and were less likely to know much about what sort of job or further education and training they could pursue after leaving school. Indigenous students also rated nine potential barriers with significantly higher scores compared to non-Indigenous students in regard to limiting or stopping them from achieving what they want to do. The results have important implications for career education and counselling interventions in educational contexts.

Wages, Sorting on Skill, and the Racial Composition of Jobs

Wages for black and white workers are substantially lower in occupations with a high density of black employees, following standard controls. Such correlations can exist absent discrimination or as a result of discrimination. In wage level equations, the magnitude of the correlation falls sharply after controlling for occupational skills. Longitudinal estimates accounting for worker heterogeneity indicate little if any wage change associated with changes in racial composition. Results support a quality sorting explanation, with racial density serving as an index of unmeasured skills. Although past discrimination helps determine the present pattern of job sorting, current discrimination cannot explain the relationship between wages and racial density. Current discrimination reflected in racial wage gaps occurs within occupations or across occupations in a manner uncorrelated with racial composition.

Book Review

Book Review

Atypical work in the European experience

The persistent employment crisis that dogged all of the countries of the European Community, with the exception of Luxembourg, throughout the 1980s has led to the spread of all sorts of jobs which cannot be compared with full-time, life-time work: part-time employment; temporary employment; jobs created by the public authorities; and work experience schemes for young people, as well as jobs with varied or unusual schedules. The present study follows the evolution of the principal forms of atypical employment during three periods (1983–1985, 1985–1990 and 1990–1994), revealing the constants and the variations, as well as the national divergences in the development of the methods of flexibility and of organisation of working time. The first part looks at divergences and convergences, whilst a second highlights the localisation of the types of atypical employment in certain segments of the labour market

The White Stone: Six Choices

What sort of jobs? What sort of companies? What sort of capitalism? What sort of society? What sort of education? What sort of life? Starting with mundane statistics of GDP growth and job creation, this article moves on to explore the relationship between business and some of the major issues of human life. It is based on a speech to London Business School Alumni.

La vie professionnelle des immigrés originaires du Portugal

Occupational Activity of Portuguese Immigrants in France Taking advantage of the important needs of skilled labour force in the industrial sector during the sixties, native men of Portugal easily found a first job in France. 90 percent of them were employed as workers, half as unskilled ones. The structure of their jobs has been changed, between their arrival and 1992, like whole labour force in France : less workers, especially unskilled ones, and more middle management employees. About 10 percent of them, may be expecting to avoid unemployment, have turned self employed. Many of the native women of Portugal have employment, but they seem more confined to their condition. Their present jobs have been mainly domestic ones. The important net of relationships (both family and compatriots) inside the Portuguese community provides them a great help for that sort of job. As regards the 20-29 year-old people, either immigrants or born in France, they meet the same difficulties in finding a job as those the whole youth meet. Their mainly characteristics are in the choice of short studies and in their job structure quite similar to the one of their parents. Both adult or young natives of Portugal seem to have professionally well enough integrated the French society

The Diary of Wm. O. Douglas

The Diary of Wm. O. Douglas edited by Philip E. Urofsky* March 19, 1939 - When I returned to my house about 4 p.m. from a game of golf I ascertained that the White House had been trying to reach me by telephone all afternoon. I telephoned at once and was told that the President was anx­ ious to see me. I arranged to go down at 4:30 p.m. He was alone in his study when I was ush­ ered in. He greeted me in his inimitable manner and after a few gracious words of greeting became quite serious and said: “Bill, I have a new job for you.” On an earlier occasion I had told the President that I would like to return to private life in June 1939 when my SEC commis­ sion expired; that I felt that would be a good time to leave as my SEC program was well underway; that I doubtless would be offered the deanship ofYale Law School which I thought I should accept etc. The deanship had been ten­ dered me a few weeks prior to March 19-. Hence when the President referred to a “new job,” I concluded that he was going to shift me to another governmental agency in an effort to keep me in Washington. The agency which I con­ cluded he had in mind was the Federal Commu­ nications Commission, since that agency had been poorly administered and needed renovation. While I felt I should return to private life, never­ theless I knew that if the President “turned on his charm” and commanded me to stay awhile longer, I would not be able to resist. I was too devoted to him to withstand that personal plea. So I replied, “Well, Mr. President, I had planned to leave soon, as you know. But if you insist on drafting me, I will stay, provided it’s a real tough job.” “The job I have for you,” he said, “is just that. It is one of the toughest jobs in Washing­ ton. Furthermore, it is a thankless sort of job with long hours. And it is dreary, confining, and uninteresting. The fact this newjob ofyours is something like being injail.” I then suspected that he was talking about the vacancy on the Su­ preme Court. He went on to say, “I want you to succeed Louie Brandeis.1 I am sending your name to the Senate tomorrow noon.” I was quite overcome — dazed, to be more accurate.2 That had always been my ambition, as I suppose it is with most lawyers. I thanked the President. And then we talked for an hour, not about the work ofthe court but about its per­ sonalities — past & present. At one point he said, “You know, I think that Louie Brandeis is right on this problem of big business.” He was referring to Other People’s Money3 & The Curse ofBigness.4 At another point, he referred to the Chief Justice5 in terms that only one versed in the art of politics would appreciate. He spoke with especial warmth of Felix6 and Hugo7. And he spoke with some admiration ofStone.8 I told him that in my opinion the C.J. was the craftiest politician on the contemporary scene & I said that in so saying I did not intend to belittle his own (the President’s) talents in that line. He laughed heartily and approvingly, I felt. DOUGLAS DIARY 81 March 20, 1939 — Shortly before my name went to the Senate I despatched a letter to Brandeis (who was still in Wash. DC) telling him of the appointment (or rather the nomination) and of the feeling of awe and humility which it created in me — not merely because I was being nomi­ nated to the Court but because I was being named to fill his shoes. Shortly after my nomination reached the Senate a note came back from Brandeis saying that my letter brought him the first “news” and that he was “delighted.” March 26. 1939 -- I saw Brandeis at his apart­ ment and he told me something which gave me as great a thrill as the nomination itself. He said “You were my personal...

The costs and benefits of inward investment: The case of Plymouth

Outline Inward investment has long been regarded in the UK as the major method of restructuring the economies of depressed regions. The value of such investment has long been contentious. Those in favour argue that inward investment provides a number of benefits including the provision of good employment opportunities, diversification of local economies, demand for local raw materials, components and services, improved R & D and productivity and support of local communities. Those against tend to argue that inward investment provides the wrong sort of jobs in the wrong sort of production units and question whether many of the above alleged benefits are realised. This article examines these issues through a detailed analysis of the impact of inward investment in one city, Plymouth. The evidence suggests that the benefits of inward investment have been considerable though there have been some disadvantageous aspects. In any event, it is argued that there are no credible policy alternatives. What must be don...

Administrative psychiatry: What sort of job is this for a woman?

A survey of male and female psychiatric administrators revealed that men often fail to realize that women are disadvantaged by such things as lack of mentors, sexism, and inflexible laws. The authors suggest several approaches to investigate the number of qualified women in administration and call for additional research to better understand such career choices.

Urban Structure and School Participation: Immigrant Women in 1900

Generally uniform and high rates of school participation have become an article of faith in postwar America. But at the turn of the century there was wide variation in school enrollment practices from one part of the country to another. This article will examine the determinants of interurban differences in school participation in 1900. Recent studies of school enrollment have focused on a narrow range of cities and have emphasized the importance of family background variables on the decisions of individual children to remain in school or to drop out (Katz, 1972; Troen, 1973; Kaestle and Vinovskis, 1979). Most studies have focused on the ability of children from different backgrounds to attend school. In his ground-breaking article, “Who Went to School,” Michael Katz (1972) called for more research on interurban variation in school enrollment, but few historians have considered how the social and economic environments of different cities may have conditioned decisions to go to school in the past. In their studies on youth and early industrialization, Katz and Davey (1978a and 1978b) demonstrate that school attendance dropped when industrial jobs became widely available in Hamilton, Ontario, Canada, but they made little effort to identify the precise relationship between school attendance and the requirements of different sorts of jobs. Why should the advent of industralism mean lower school participation? This question will be addressed.

Why Science Fiction is Not Free

It would hardly be an exaggeration to say that the Strugatskii brothers are among the most widely read science-fiction writers. People with all sorts of jobs and from all age groups have followed, and now follow, their work — from S. P. Korolev, chief designer of space ships, whose papers were found upon his death to contain verses copied from The Land of Crimson Clouds [Strana bagrovykh tuch], to schoolchildren and students, and from the writer Stanislaw Lem to pension-age housewives.

The Sins of Custer Are Not Anthropological Sins: A Reply to Mark E. Randall

Mark E. Randall (AA 73:985) is correct that more than a review is needed for Deloria's Custer Died for Your Sins (although Ortiz' review in the same issue is a perceptive one which does just the sort of job a review should do). His own remarks, however, do not grapple with the issues, unless we want simply to repent upon being accused of our uniform guilt. Let me comment on a few particulars. First, the manifesto is from one horse's mouth (so to speak), as Ortiz (1971:954) so well points out in his review. Deloria's viewpoint, as he himself readily admits (at times), is his way of thinking. He is a spokesman, certainly, for himself and for a few other educated Indians, and he speaks most forcefully to their felt plight (see the viewpoint of another Sioux in Burnette 1971). Second, to the question of theoretical make believe worlds, one might note that all cultures have their own fictive worlds (pure as well as applied), but also that the theories postulated by anthropologists are not all abstract, nor are they all outdated. And our efforts are not all so generalized, inaccurate, and negative as Deloria and Randall would have us admit. I recognize that Deloria might have some contention with certain points of MacGregor's (1946) Warriors Without Weapons, but that is one source among many on the Sioux. On the phenomenon of Indian drinking, I suggest that both Randall and Deloria see such articles as Leacock et al. (1964), Carpenter (1959), Whittaker (1962, 1963), Kuttner and Lorincz (1967), and Dozier (1966)-the last of whom was an Indian as well as a highly respected anthropologist. And workshops, on reservations and off, whether concerned about Indians or any other people or subject, have not always had the most beneficial effects, it is true-but they do help give form to ideas, such as those finally crystallized in Deloria's prose. Perhaps even more important, however, is Randall's unfortunate and apparently illinformed point about native peoples being poked and prodded, spied upon, and portrayed as strange creatures with odd habits put upon the earth to entertain and amuse the rest of Ironically, more than any other group of Whites (or non-Whites), anthropologists have been engaged in the foll wing tangible activities. (1) Anthropologists have emphasized that Indians (and other native and nonnative, Western and non-Western peoples) have viable cultures, with habits and customs no more nor less odd than any of us. See Linton (1937) and Miner (1956) for enlightened manifestations of that fact. (2) Anthropologists have produced written records on tribes which, though not always complete, are generally the primary documents available to us-or to the Indians

Occupational Characteristics and Males' Role Performance in the Family

A review of the literature linking men's occupational activities to their performance of marital and parental roles shows a number of intriguing relationships. The usual dichotomization of occupational and family role demands is questioned in the discussion which focuses on the effect of occupational characteristics on the male's role performance in the family. The man's participation in the family initially appears to depend upon his holding some sort of job. Beyond this, such occupational characteristics as job salience, the synchronization of its demands with those of the family, the overlap in personnel and ecological location between family and work settings all affect intrafamily dynamics. A GREAT deal has been written on the differentiation of work from family roles in modern industrial societies. The general separation in time and space of family and occupational role performance is readily apparent. In addition, the formal requirements of the work group are often at variance with those of the family. Increasingly men, and women too, are playing their occupational roles in settings with bureaucratic characteristics. Here there are a number of supervisory levels. Obtaining a job and job advancement are determined by rules

定年退職者のヘルス・ニード : 第一編 定年退職者の生活環境と死亡

With the recent change of the figures of the morbidity and the elongation of life span in our country, diseases of the aged people have come up to one of the social problems, and the health care of such people have drawn public attention, accompanied with the development of the medical sciences in the related fields. The situation is not exceptional in the field of industrial health, the shortage of younger workers and the aging in the industrial population are becoming our great concern from the view point of the health care for the aged workers. Consequently, the retirement and the health care following it are becoming an object of public attention. As a part of series of the studies of the health supervision for the aged workers, the author has made a research on the environment, health condition, pattern of morbidity and mortality about 819 retired workers of a certain heavy industry enterprise from 1947 to 1960. The study has been made chiefly by mail survey, collection rate being 76.2% to 98% according to kinds of surveys in detail. Among the subjects 767 were alive and 42 dead. They were divided into two groups of direct and indirect workers in connection with preretirement jobs. Direct workers are directly concerned with the productive process such as machiners, tunners, finishers, assemblers and other muscle workers, whereas indirect workers are not directly concerned with the productive process such as officers, deskworkers, foremen, guards etc. The results were as follows: 1) The number of the workers retired by agelimit has been increasing in number in recent years. 2) Most of them have been re-employed for supporting their families within a year after the retirement. 3) The mortality was lower than the average Japanese in these ages, but within two or three years after the retirement a tendency to increase in the death rate was observed. 4) There were nothing special to be observed in the causes of death, but there were some differences between the two groups. 5) The sorts of jobs of re-employment were similar with those before the retirement, showing a high correlation between them.