Jihadist Groups Research Articles

Portraits and Excuses of Religious Radicalism in Educational Institutions

This article is based on a portrait of religious radicalism among students in public and religious schools in Jambi Province. This is motivated by significant gaps in several studies that still need to integrate comprehensive quantitative and qualitative analysis. Therefore, this article provides a more thorough and nuanced understanding of this issue using a mixed methods sequential explanatory model. Sampling was non-probability covering 5 districts/cities, 15 public schools, 15 religious schools, and 750 respondents. The results show a high potential for radicalism: 47.6% of respondents are willing to join violent jihadist groups, 38.8% of respondents view Pancasila as incompatible with Islam, 89.4% of respondents support the implementation of Sharia law, and 82.8% are willing to join groups that want to establish an Islamic state. This analysis reveals that radicalism emerges due to disappointment with law enforcement in Indonesia. These findings underscore the importance of integrating national values ​​into the education curriculum and involving higher education institutions in fostering critical thinking about religion, national identity, and civic responsibility. This article has significant implications for policymakers, educators, and researchers seeking to develop effective strategies to counter radicalization while promoting religious understanding and national unity in Indonesia’s diverse society. As such, this article significantly contributes to efforts to understand and address the challenges of religious radicalism among Indonesia’s young generation.

Detecting terrorist influencers using reciprocal human-machine learning: The case of militant Jihadist Da’wa on the Darknet

Over the past decade, social media has significantly impacted terrorism and counterterrorism, serving as a platform for incitement to violence under the guise of religious preaching. This study explores the critical role of preachers preaching righteous behavior, a process known as Da’wa in Islam. Focusing on Militant Jihadist Da’wa calling to violence, the research analyzes 6000 posts from Darknet forums associated with Jihadist groups from 2017 to 2018. The study improves the detection and understanding of militant Jihadist preaching by using an advanced method called Reciprocal Human-Machine Learning. The study demonstrates the feasibility of better detection and a deeper understanding of influencing terrorists.

Motivated to Fight: Diverse Motivations of Foreign Fighters in the Russia–Ukraine War

Why fight for someone else’s war? This study explores the motivations of foreign fighters joining the Ukrainian Foreign Legion during the 2022 to 2023 phase of the Russia–Ukraine War. Unlike previous research centered on foreign nationals’ involvement in terrorist organizations and jihadist groups, particularly in the Middle East, this case captures a different trend characterized by institutionalized recruitment processes and tacit international support. Using an original data set of 296 pro-Ukraine fighters compiled from open-source materials, we analyze their stated motivations and demographic characteristics. We found motivations vary based on specific factors. Fighters’ origin includes Westerners fighters for empathy, altruism, and moral duty, while former Soviet fighters are driven by ideology and geopolitics. The complex and context-dependent nature of foreign fighter motivations is highlighted in this study, emphasizing how motivations can shift across time and context. This finding urges future research to consider both general and conflict-specific factors.

The Gaza-Israel War Terminology: Implications for Translation Pedagogy

Student translators at my college take a Media Translation course in which they translate the latest news stories. This study proposes a model for integrating Gaza-Israeli war terminology and texts in translation instruction to familiarize the students with such terminology such as (names of weapons (grenades, mortar, drones, missiles, Merkava, Cornet anti-armor, mortar shells), toponyms (Khan Younis, Maghazi, Sderot, Ashkelon), crossings (Rafah, Erez), Jihadist groups and brigades (Islamic Jihad, Golani), military actions (incursion, bombing, shelling, genocide, displacement) war metaphors (target bank, carpet bombing, scorched earth, fire belt, Philadelphia Axis, Hannibal's plan), (UNRWA, Gaza hospitals, starvation, humanitarian aid) and others. English and Arabic texts can be collected from mainstream media as RT, BBC, CNN, Al-Jazeera and Al-Ghad. A class blog can be created for posting translations, corrections, discussions, and feedback. The students can practice full, summary, and conceptual translation and avoid word-for-word translation. They can watch news stories about the Gaza-Israel war, write a summary translation of it and receive comments and feedback. Beginners can translate short news excerpts (few lines). Students make sure their translations are cohesive, make sense and are easy to read. Students should use Google Translate and artificial intelligence (AI) with caution and should read the same news story in both English and Arabic to get used to the terminology and their equivalents. The instructor serves as a facilitator. Further instructional guidelines and recommendations are given.

A comparative analysis of Canadian and Swedish foreign fighters

ABSTRACT While there is a substantial research literature on Western ‘foreign fighters’ – those young men and women from Europe, North America, Australia and elsewhere who traveled to Syria and Iraq, from around 2011–2017, to join jihadist groups engaged in combat – there is a dearth of comparative studies examining the backgrounds of these fighters. National variations in the levels of recruitment have been measured and samples examined to determine the demographics of these fighters, indicating some national variations in who went, how, and maybe why. More fulsome comparative data is needed, however, to detect and measure such differences to gain insight into the factors conditioning the radicalization of these foreign fighters. Calling on original and unique datasets, this study presents the results of a comparative analysis of Canadian and Swedish foreign fighters. In each case the findings are compared with other domestic jihadists as well to delineate if those drawn to fight in Syria and Iraq differ. Clear differences emerge in the basic demographics of these national samples, highlighting some empirical and interpretive issues in need of further analysis.

When waiting means trouble: an enquiry into the approach toward prevention against jihadism in Senegal

In the last decade, West Africa has experienced increased activities by Jihadist groups, especially after the fall of the Muammar Qaddafi regime in Libya in 2012. The activities of these groups have gradually spread in the region, with countries such as Mali and Burkina Faso experiencing continued attacks. Taking the current socio-economic, religious and political context of Senegal into consideration, this study interrogates the factors that have so far prevented attacks by Jihadist groups in Senegal, the role that women and youth could play in mitigating jihadism in Senegal, and how the existing social capital in the country, could be further mobilized to foster trust building and social cohesion, thereby enhancing the prevention of violent extremism in the country? Furthermore, the study explores the need for a regional approach in dealing with the existing and emerging threats posed by Jihadist activities in the region. Methodologically, this study uses interviews and Focus Group Discussions to collect primary data from government officials, academics, civil society and international development partners. Secondary data from a wide range of sources are used to analyze the case of Senegal.

Libyan Conflict and Internationalization of Terrorism in the Sahel Region: The Case of Boko Haram Insurgency in North East, Nigeria

The paper assesses Libyan Conflict and transnationalization of terrorism in the Sahel Region with reference to Boko Haram Insurgency looking at its implications to Nigeria’s national security. The threat of transnational terrorism, represented in jihadism can be seen as insurgency on a global scale, a violent campaign aimed at influencing a worldwide audience and encouraging followers through shared ideologies. The study was based on State Fragility theory and the study adopted a qualitative method and employed a case study approach using primary and secondary data to explain transnationalization of terrorism in the Sahel Region. Key Informant Interviews (KII) were used for data collection. KIIs were conducted with twelve (12) stakeholders from different professions. The collated data were analysed using thematic analysis. The findings of the study reveal that Libyan Conflict has destabilized the region with weapons trafficking which was developed there, and has also become a safe haven for jihadi groups threatening the entire peace of the Sahel Region. It also shows that the instability and lawlessness in Libya provided the space for extremist groups to establish training camps as extremist groups have become increasingly interconnected and their cross-border activity is dramatically on the rise since 2011. The study therefore recommends that, Governments in the Sahel Region should diligently thwart the spread of weapons and eliminate the threat posed by terrorist organizations through concerted national, regional, and international cooperation to address the issue of weapons, fighter movements, human trafficking networks, and irregular migration.

The Spread of Jihadism in the Sahel. Part 2

Following the occupation of northern Mali by jihadist groups in 2012, the national and international military response failed to counter their influence. Having spread to neighbouring countries of Burkina Faso and Niger, jihadism is now on the doorstep of some countries in the Gulf of Guinea, such as Togo and Benin. This article analyses in three parts the main factors that have been exploited (instrumentalised) by these jihadist groups in the Sahel, a strategy that they could replicate in the countries mentioned above.

Dynamiques inclusives, vecteurs de régularisation du droit à l’éducation scolaire des enfants au centre du Mali : des éléments de repère.

Since 2012, insecurity and violence fueled by multiple vulnerabilities have rapidly spread to Mali and other Sahel countries, leading to an unprecedented humanitarian crisis in these countries (Jean Claude Ndabananiye, 2021). These security crises have affected the education sector in particular. This article formulates options for regularizing the right to school education for children in central Mali. We adopted a mixed methodology (quantitative and qualitative). At the end of data collection we had the following results. In Ténenkou 93.6% of teachers find that educational establishments destroyed by armed or jihadist groups must be rehabilitated. In the Mopti district 54.7% of heads of household affirm that NGOs have provided support with school kits to students. In the Bankass circle, 76.9% of teachers believe that setting up a support course program would be an optimal solution to remedy the difficulties children face. In Douentza, 78.7% of respondents think that the establishment of a mixed program (classical and Koranic school) would be an optimal solution for regularizing schools in central Mali.

The 3Ds (development, diplomacy, and defense) in Nigerian counterinsurgency: lessons from Uruzgan

IntroductionCounterinsurgency (COIN) operations necessitate a multifaceted approach that considers political, economic, developmental, and security factors in order to achieve long-term peace and security. Despite this recognition, critical aspects are frequently overlooked, particularly in the context of combating jihadist groups such as Boko Haram in West Africa. This paper investigates the 3Ds (Development, Diplomacy, and Defense) approach to COIN, assessing its effectiveness in COIN efforts and post-war reconstruction in Nigeria and drawing lessons from experiences in Uruzgan province, Afghanistan.MethodIn the qualitative study, the 3Ds serve as a conceptual framework for analyzing the fundamental aspects of COIN in existing literature, with a focus on their relevance in West Africa. It incorporates insights from Afghanistan's Uruzgan province to help inform the study of the 3Ds approach in COIN efforts and post-war reconstruction. Interactions with key stakeholders and counterinsurgency experts provide firsthand information.ResultsThe analysis emphasizes the importance of a comprehensive COIN strategy that includes significant governance and political reforms to address historical disparities and ideological motivations of jihadist groups. COIN entails a variety of measures, including political, administrative, military, economic, psychological, and informational strategies, that are used in tandem to achieve stability and transformation. The 3Ds approach is seen as a template for harmonizing these aspects, particularly in dealing with existing insurgencies and preventing future ones in the region.DiscussionGiven the region's underlying human insecurity, the study focuses on how the 3Ds framework can effectively address existing insurgencies and prevent future ones. It emphasizes the importance of carefully implementing and adapting the 3Ds approach to the unique dynamics and challenges of West Africa. Furthermore, the study emphasizes the importance of a balanced and integrated approach to COIN that considers the interplay of security, development, and diplomacy in order to ensure long-term stability and security in the region.

Исламистский терроризм в Африке в 2010–2020-е годы: основные тенденции и перспективы

In recent years, an obvious sign of intensifying terrorist activities by Islamist radicals in Africa has been a steady trend indicating the expanding geography of their extremist actions. Africa turned out to be the region of the world most affected by jihadist terrorism. Moreover, there is an “African U-turn” in the activities of transnational Islamist networks that aim to spread their influence in many regions of the continent. While in the 2010s militant Islamist groups were primarily active in Algeria and Somalia, by the early 2020s the scope of African jihadists’ activities had significantly expanded (mainly in West and Central Africa). At the same time, the Sahel region has become one of the main terrorist hotbeds of jihadist groups on the continent, where the number of violent acts committed by Islamists has doubled annually since 2015. In the article, the author analyzes the causes and specifics of the spreading influence of extremist groups in Africa, examines the significance of internal and external factors that affect these processes, and draws conclusions about the correlation of global and local agendas in the activities of militant Islamists in African countries. The author also makes a prediction that current trends suggest the possibility of new “hot spots” of militant jihadist activities on the continent (in particular, in countries such as Tanzania, Kenya, South Africa) to arise, and the Islamist jihadism in existing hotbeds to intensify.

Cihatçı Gruplar Arasındaki İdeolojik ve Metodolojik Benzerlikler ve Farklılıklar: Taliban, El-Kaide ve IŞİD

The Taliban's seizure of power in Afghanistan has generally pleased jihadist groups around the world. The Islamic Emirate was re-established in Afghanistan by the Taliban after the end of the 20-year US occupation when the last US soldier left Kabul on August 30th, 2021. That was seen as a complete "victory" day for many Sunni Jihadist groups around the world. However, it is feared that the Taliban's success will usher in a new era of jihadism in the Middle East and Central Asia. It is feared that more radical organizations inspired by the Taliban will rise against the existing governments in these regions, overthrow them, and rule these countries in line with their ideology. It is also feared that jihadist groups will seek to come to the fore with large-scale global attacks, with al-Qaeda and ISIS affiliates expected to pose the biggest threat in this regard. This is because while the Taliban has a regional influence as a structure with territorial sovereignty over Afghanistan and its surroundings, Al-Qaeda and ISIS have defined their sphere of influence on a global scale, and thus have defined their area of struggle as the whole world. However, other sub-jihadist organizations affiliated with these two organizations, which operate regionally, can act on a country and regional basis. Although these groups have weakened in recent years, they are still active. In general, what all three organizations have in common is that they adopt a strict interpretation of Sunni Islam. Accordingly, these organizations, which believe that Islam has moved away from its essence and principles of faith, want Islam to be lived as it was when it first emerged and to interpret Islamic rules purely without adapting them to today's conditions. In other words, they aim to implement a political, economic, and social order based on Islamic rules and principles and want pure Islam to be practiced in all areas of life. They claim that the salvation of humanity can only be achieved by making Islam dominant in all areas of life and that man-made ideologies cause inequality and injustice among people. For this reason, all three organizations believe that social and political life cannot be separated from religious issues and therefore justify using violence for the sake of faith. This is also an essential duty for “true Muslims”. On the other hand, these organizations have a negative belief that those who do not fight for this purpose are “bad Muslims”. In other words, all three organizations see taking over political life as necessary to achieve Islamic life or to make the rules of Islam prevail. On the other hand, these three organizations differ in terms of ideology and methodology to achieve this goal. This study systematically examines the ideological and methodological similarities and differences of these three jihadist organizations and how they differ from each other.

Jihad after the Fall of IS – Reframing the Apocalyptic Narrative

This study analyzes the use of apocalyptic frames by jihadist groups and how they have been developing after the fall of IS. It contextualizes these developments in the history of Muslim apocalyptic though and literature. After describing the apocalyptic narrative in the hadith literature and in the Quran, as well as the differences between classical and modern apocalyptic literature, the study analyzes differences in how jihadist groups have used apocalyptic framing of their fight. Finally, using interview data, the study analyzes how the Salafi-jihadist environment in Sweden has started to reframe the apocalyptic narrative after the military defeat of IS.

Counter-Narrative of Radical Religious Beliefs of Jihadist Groups: A Study of the Kutb Sittah Hadith Books on Tolerance

Understanding of tolerance in Islam often varies and becomes a subject of different interpretations. This can create the potential for misunderstanding or misuse of tolerance in everyday practice. The purpose of this article is to analyze the understanding of jihadist groups regarding the relevant hadiths in Kutb Sittah that pertain to the concept of tolerance. This article is qualitative, utilizing content analysis to collect, analyze, and interpret textual data related to the research topic, in this case, the concept of tolerance in hadiths. This article asserts that jihadist groups that adopt radical religious beliefs do not reflect the values of tolerance. In contrast, the hadiths in Kutb Sittah emphasize the principles of tolerance in Islam, including ease, non-compulsion in religious beliefs, and the importance of maintaining good relations with fellow human beings. Therefore, these counter-narratives are relevant in combating radical interpretations that do not align with the values of tolerance, as well as social theories of tolerance that strengthen the importance of understanding and applying the concept of tolerance in an increasingly complex and multicultural society. With a deeper understanding of the true meaning of tolerance in Islam, it is hoped that there will be a stronger foundation for promoting harmony among religious communities, respecting diversity, and avoiding religious conflicts.
 Pemahaman tentang toleransi dalam Islam seringkali dapat bervariasi dan menjadi subjek interpretasi yang berbeda. Hal ini dapat menciptakan potensi untuk pemahaman yang salah atau penyalahgunaan konsep toleransi dalam praktik sehari-hari. Tujuan artikel ini untuk menganalisis pemahaman kelompok jihadis terhadap hadis-hadis dalam Kutb Sittah yang relevan dengan konsep toleransi. Artikel ini bersifat kualitatif dengan menggunakan content analysis, yang bertujuan untuk mengumpulkan, menganalisis, dan menginterpretasi data teks yang berkaitan dengan topik artikel, dalam hal ini, konsep toleransi dalam hadis. Artikel ini menegaskan bahwa kelompok jihadis yang mengadopsi paham keagamaan radikal tidak mencerminkan nilai-nilai toleransi, sementara hadis-hadis dalam Kutb Sittah menekankan prinsip-prinsip toleransi dalam Islam, yang mencakup kemudahan, ketidakpaksaaan keyakinan agama, dan pentingnya menjaga hubungan baik dengan sesama manusia, sehingga kontra-narasi ini relevan dalam memerangi pemahaman radikal yang tidak sesuai dengan nilai-nilai toleransi, serta teori toleransi dalam ilmu sosial yang memperkuat pentingnya memahami dan menerapkan konsep toleransi dalam konteks masyarakat yang semakin kompleks dan multikultural. Dengan pemahaman yang lebih mendalam tentang makna sebenarnya dari toleransi dalam Islam, diharapkan dapat menjadi landasan yang lebih kuat untuk mempromosikan kerukunan antarumat beragama, menghormati keberagaman, dan menghindari konflik agama.

Political nomadism and the Jihadist ‘Safe Haven’ in northern Mali: an entry point through Tuareg relational political dynamics

ABSTRACTJihadist groups have found a ‘safe haven’ in northern Mali. They have managed this by operating strategically to establish themselves and to develop relationships with local communities, but characteristics of the environment have also facilitated their development and survival. In northern Mali, the political landscape is fragmented, and replete with competition between the central authority and various groups of local elites, who are themselves divided. I conceptualise this fluid environment as a context that incentivises ‘political nomadism’. Using the Tuareg communities as an entry point, I explore the complex dynamics between local and national political actors and jihadist groups in northern Mali. I argue that the jihadist ‘safe haven’ in northern Mali is highly relational and has been facilitated by the form of political nomadism practiced in the region since the 1990s. The article is based on eight months of fieldwork conducted between 2016 and 2017 in Mali and Niger.

Farmer-herder relations, land governance and the national conflict in Mali

ABSTRACT Farmer-herder conflicts have been long standing in Mali’s rural areas. It has been shown that it is mostly herders who support and join jihadist groups. By analysing land regimes in farmer-herder contexts and merging studies on different scales of violence, the paper investigates how local dynamics interact with national political violence. It argues that historical precedents and pastoralist grievances related to land governance have created a fertile breeding ground for jihadism to take root and spread. It also contends that local land-related issues can have a considerable impact on state fragility and the eruption and dynamics of violence.

The Spread of Jihadism in the Sahel. Part 1

Following the occupation of northern Mali by jihadist groups in 2012, the national and international military response failed to counter their influence. Having spread to neighbouring countries of Burkina Faso and Niger, jihadism is now on the doorstep of some countries in the Gulf of Guinea, such as Togo and Benin. This article analyses in three parts the main factors that have been exploited (instrumentalised) by these jihadists groups in the Sahel, a strategy that they could replicate in the countries mentioned above.

Documenting life amidst the Syrian war: Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham’s performance of statehood through identity documents

ABSTRACT Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham has been one of the main beneficiaries of the fragmentation of state power in Syria, developing from a transnational jihadist group affiliated to al-Qaʿida to a locally rooted actor and de facto state power. This paper considers how the group has enacted a performance of sovereignty and statehood that has developed over time, and how central legal identity has been to these efforts. It examines how Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham has attempted to perform as the legitimate governing actor using control over identity documentation and also how this performance engenders a relationship between ruler and ruled in Idlib. Each act as an authority reproduces the group as the state power. But in few other areas of governance is the act so explicit, the performance so overt, as in the use of legal identity.

Sovereignty at what price? Existential displacement at the Lebanese/Syrian border

AbstractIn 2014, Islamist jihadist groups overran a Lebanese border town and besieged it for four days, spreading terror across the town and the country as a whole. In response, the Lebanese army launched a violent counterattack on these groups with the aid of Hizbullah in what became known as the Battle of Arsal. Declaring the area a security zone, the army restricted mobility and placed Lebanese citizens and Syrian refugees under military confinement. While the battle ended with a government‐declared victory that celebrated the ‘reclamation of state sovereignty’, these events disrupted social life in unprecedented ways. This article focuses on the phenomenological experience of sovereignty and the price paid for the desire for this state. I explore the ruptures people experienced in their existence (their right to life, subsistence, and movement under indiscriminate shelling) and existentiality (their reflections on their human existence in time, place, and relationship to others in a social world that is no longer recognizable). I argue for a concept of existential displacement that focuses on the experience of citizens as well as refugees for a broader understanding of the ruptures and dispossessions taking place in conflict.

A Violent Nexus: Ethnonationalism, Religious Fundamentalism, and the Taliban

The Taliban is a prime example of a movement that combines a fundamentalist interpretation of religion with a particular form of exclusionary Pashtun ethnonationalism among the jihadist groups. The existing literature on jihadist groups recognizes this trend in so far as a distinction is made between groups that focus on local objectives and others that pursue global objectives such as attacking Western interests. However, there are important gaps in understanding the mechanisms and implications of the interpenetration of religious fundamentalism and ethnonationalism. This article aims to address this gap by unpacking the mechanisms that link religious fundamentalism and ethnonationalism as hybrid ideological underpinnings of the Taliban. It argues that a more nuanced understanding of the entanglement of these ideologies is necessary for developing effective strategies for building peace and inclusive societies.