Jewish Custom Research Articles

Vom innerjüdischen Appell zur öffentlichen Kampagne. Joel Bril Löwes Sendschreiben an die Brüderschaften und der Beerdigungsfristenstreit in Breslau, 1793–1800

Abstract The danger of burying only apparently dead bodies when following the Jewish custom to bury the deceased within a day was a hotly debated topic in the eighteenth century. Joel Bril Löwe participated in this debate with an open letter to the burial brotherhoods of all Jewish communities. The article reconstructs the dispute between the traditionalists, who argued for the Jewish custom of immediate burial, and the modernizers, who argued for its abandonment. Despite Löwe’s efforts to mediate between the fronts and to convince everyone to allow three days until the funeral were not successful, the dispute escalated, particularly in Breslau. In a number of German and Hebrew journals, Jewish supporters of the three-day limit ran campaigns, some of them rather aggressive, which led to the founding of new burial societies and attracted the attention of the Prussian authorities. The practice of early burial could only be brought to an end by state order.

Loren R. Spielman. Jews and Entertainment in the Ancient World

Loren R. Spielman. <i>Jews and Entertainment in the Ancient World</i>

Ancient Hebrew Wedding Culture Concept And Its Typology With Second Coming

The Church is betrothed to Christ much the same way as betrothal in Jewish custom. The Jewish betrothal was done by gold or sum of money. Christ as the Bridegroom has sealed the betrothal of marriage by his own blood. The shared cup of wine symbolized the sealing of their marriage covenant in blood. Christ paid the mohar with His blood. The mohar consisted of a payment to the bride's father and emphasized the binding aspect of the betrothal between the two families. After the betrothal ceremony there was period of separation between the bride and groom. This usually lasted about a year. During which the groom prepared a chuppah, bridal canopy. This was a room attached to his father's house and would have been beautifully decorated for the bride (John 14:1-4). After the betrothal period the groom would bring his bride to this room. The groom could not return for his bride until his father said that the chuppah was ready. All Christians should be watching and waiting for the appearance of the Bridegroom the Lord Jesus. When Christ comes to claim His bride and take the Church to the Father’s house. The Marriage Supper follows as the third and final step and is a glorious celebration of all who are in Christ Jesus (Rev. 19:7).

Ancient Hebrew Wedding Culture Concept And Its Typology With Second Coming

The Church is betrothed to Christ much the same way as betrothal in Jewish custom. The Jewish betrothal was done by gold or sum of money. Christ as the Bridegroom has sealed the betrothal of marriage by his own blood. The shared cup of wine symbolized the sealing of their marriage covenant in blood. Christ paid the mohar with His blood. The mohar consisted of a payment to the bride's father and emphasized the binding aspect of the betrothal between the two families. After the betrothal ceremony there was period of separation between the bride and groom. This usually lasted about a year. During which the groom prepared a chuppah, bridal canopy. This was a room attached to his father's house and would have been beautifully decorated for the bride (John 14:1-4). After the betrothal period the groom would bring his bride to this room. The groom could not return for his bride until his father said that the chuppah was ready. All Christians should be watching and waiting for the appearance of the Bridegroom the Lord Jesus. When Christ comes to claim His bride and take the Church to the Father’s house. The Marriage Supper follows as the third and final step and is a glorious celebration of all who are in Christ Jesus (Rev. 19:7).

Ostrich Eggs as a Conceptual-Symbolic Accessory in Jewish Synagogues

Abstract The current article discusses the origins and formation of the Jewish custom of hanging ostrich eggs in the synagogue. This habit has been more common in specific countries such as Yemen, and in cities in the land of Israel, such as Safed, Meron, and Jerusalem. The initial reason given for hanging the eggs was that they might arouse one to concentrate on prayers, as like eggs, prayers are fruitful when accompanied by concentration and true intent. This explanation is based on the “miraculous power” of the ostrich’s sense of sight, capable of warming the eggs and causing them to hatch.

Neolog: Reforming Judaism in a Hungarian Milieu

Abstract This article explores the mentality of Neolog Judaism and how its early proponents fashioned a centrist, non-ideological alternative to both Orthodoxy and German-Jewish style Reform Judaism, an alternative that emphasized Judaism’s inherent compatibility with and adaptability to the demands of citizenship. Early proponents of this Neolog mentality, such as Aron Chorin and Leopold Löw, argued that adapting Jewish practice within the framework and systemic rules of Jewish law, precedent, and custom would not undermine a commitment to traditional Judaism in any way, as Orthodox jeremiads predicted; nor would it require the sort of re-definition of Judaism that Reform Jews advocated. Four aspects of Neolog mentality, in particular, laid the foundation for this outlook: a belief that Judaism has always been inherently malleable and diverse; a willingness to see leniency as no less authentic an option than stringency (in contrast to the “humra culture” that has defined Orthodox Judaism for the last two centuries); a preference for unity over schism (contra the secession of Orthodox communities in Germany and Hungary); and the use of halachic precedent and argumentation as a mandatory part of the rationale for innovation.

Rich’s Essential Essays

Rich’s <i>Essential Essays</i>

Ritual Reconstructed Project, 2014–2015

Ritual Reconstructed Project, 2014–2015 Searle Kochberg (bio) End of Project Event, JW3 (Jewish Community Centre, London, UK), November 24, 2015. Funded by the UK Arts and Humanities Research Council. In The Savage Mind1 Claude Lévi-Strauss explains how mythological thought and rites are continuously broken down and rebuilt again through new constructions of already existing sets of events, and how rituals serve to bring unity to previously separate groups. This makes ritual particularly fertile ground for bricolage—Lévi-Strauss’s term for tinkering: the (re)working of found materials to piece together new structures, identities, and rituals. On November 24, 2015, at London’s JW3—the Jewish Community Centre—a yearlong Jewish Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, Queer/Questioning, and Intersex (LGBTQI) research project culminated in a bricolage “happening” of ritual objects, photographs, storytelling, rabbinical dialogues on “queering religion,” and an evening screening of the project’s five LGBTQI Jewish ritual films—all part of the Ritual Reconstructed/Connected Communities project, funded by the UK Arts and Humanities Research Council. In its efforts Ritual Reconstructed has in no small way been facilitated by Liberal Judaism, which in the UK has led the way on LGBTQI inclusivity by being responsive to social need and by being “practical in so many ways,” to quote Rabbi Janet Darley.2 As a filmmaker, I have had the great pleasure in the last four years of working with the LGBTQI Jewish community on three big projects: my film-based PhD, [End Page 186] My Jewish London; the Rainbow Jews project (funded by the UK National Lottery Heritage Fund); and now the Ritual Reconstructed project. What has struck me from the beginning is the way this community has—since the 1970s—indeed “tinkered” to create its own symbols and ritual, all to bring a sense of togetherness and to “pump up individuals with emotional energy.”3 The philosophy behind the LGBTQI ritual activities of the Ritual Reconstructed project is essentially Reconstructionist, based on the ideas of Mordecai Kaplan.4 It is an approach to Jewish custom and belief that aims toward communal decision-making. Click for larger view View full resolution Figure 1. The logotype for the RR project. Seder means “order.” Here, a “foreign” LGBT orange challenges the traditional order on the Passover Seder plate. © Wyman Babbage. One of the films screened at JW3 was Pride Seder,5 a record of the 2015 eve-of-London Pride Seder at South London Liberal Synagogue. An orange takes center stage at this Pride ritual, along with other “foreign” queer objects to be tinkered with at this LGBTQI bricolage event: a drag queen’s high-heel shoe, a brick, foreign “fruits,” rainbow-colored ribbons. The orange on the seder plate [End Page 187] Click for larger view View full resolution Figure 2. The LGBT Pride Seder plate at South London Liberal Synagogue is full of references to Stonewall 1969—the Trans high heels, the brick, the rainbow colors—with the adjacent orange referencing an LGBT Passover Seder plate. © Mary Humphrey. Click for larger view View full resolution Figure 3. Congregation and crew filming the Pride Seder at South London Liberal Synagogue, June 2015. © Mary Humphrey. [End Page 188] is a key ritual motif for many LGBTQI Jews. Indeed, the Ritual Reconstructed logotype incorporates this image. Where does the orange motif come from? As Rabbi Janet Burden has commented on www.ritualreconstructed.com, “Some years ago, a group of students at Oberlin College wished to make a statement about Jewish inclusiveness. . . . Either they, or a Jewish feminist called Susannah Heschel, had the idea of using an orange to symbolize inclusivity: It was made up of many segments, but it formed a whole . . . [that shows] that no one should be excluded from the life of our Jewish community.”6 Jean Rouch’s ethnographic films foreground the creative partnerships of the filmmaker, the “participant observer,” and the community being represented. The films we made together for Ritual Reconstructed attempted to live up to Rouch’s ideal of a creative interaction and synthesis. Ritual events were organized from within the LGBTQI Jewish Liberal community. I, in turn, organized camerawork and editing with my crew at the University of Portsmouth...

Book Reviews

Zvi Eckstein of Interdisciplinary Center (IDC), Herzliya reviews “Judaism in Transition: How Economic Choices Shape Religious Tradition”, by Carmel U. Chiswick. The Econlit abstract of this book begins: “Explores how prices and incomes influence whether a Jewish law or custom is generally observed or broken, whether it is viewed as central or peripheral, whether it is perceived as relevant or outdated, and whether it persists as part of the culture. Discusses the economic context; the cost of being Jewish in America; Jewish education and human capital; Jewish families in America; American Jewish immigrants; Israel and American Judaism; and whither American Judaism? Chiswick is Research Professor of Economics at George Washington University.”

Drag by Marie-Christine Arbour

man of forty, photographer, father of a boy about to be bar mitzvah. Sacha is the son of Holocaust survivors, and had been married to a non-Jew; Anna grew up in a strictly observant family. When Simon presents himself to the Yom Kippur eve dinner sitting between Anna and their daughter, he declares that Anna will never have her “guet,” the religious divorce, which only the husband can grant. Simon’s use of blackmail worsens throughout the novel. If Sacha is Anna’s redemption, Simon is her living hell. Anna struggles with her new love and her old religious beliefs. She and Sacha are soulmates, certain that their lives are connected : “un fil inexplicable enlaçait nos vies, comme s’il n’y avait que nous deux, qui avions échappé à ce singulier tropisme: ce fil rouge qui nous reliait tout en nous séparant” (62). Simon, outwardly pure and inwardly hypocritical, has completely neglected all the commandments of a religious husband to his wife: he has abused her, mocked her, but this is not what the community sees—he is very good at pretense. The reaction of those around Anna is typical. She is anathema; the blame for the failed marriage is all hers: “Moi, j’étais comme la peste: j’avais quitté mon mari. J’avais brisé le tabou. Tout était ma faute, sous ma responsabilité [...] J’étais coupable” (82). On a Sabbath evening, finally, Anna yields to Sacha, knowing that according to Jewish law, she is now an adulteress. Simon will grant her “guet” only if she turns over all her money to him, but as we learn later, it is never enough. In the meantime, Anna has begun to feel and understand what real love can be. Unfortunately, Simon is sadistic to such a degree that he makes the daughter’s life miserable when she is with him. The Rabbinical Council is useless as well. Anna is “agouna,” she is the anchor that will never be let go. If she wants happiness, she may never have it. After all, the Council is made up of men who fear the loss of their power over women if they grant one her freedom. Anna turns towards a female lawyer to seek the annulment of her marriage: “Monsieur le Grand Rabbin de France [...] ces hommes se servent du judaïsme contre la femme juive, ces maris se servent du guet pour asservir les femmes. Et ce calvaire n’est pas infligé seulement par ces hommes mais par les représentants actuels du judaïsme: responsables passifs ou actifs de cette abomination, cette torture psychologique, physique et morale des femmes aujourd’hui” (197). From “ketoubbah” (marriage contract) to “mamzer” (bastard) to “mikvah” (ritual bath), Abécassis infuses the story with religious vocabulary. Her knowledge of Orthodox law and Jewish custom is accurate and extensive. She underlines an important issue to Orthodox Jewish women: an antiquated system of marriage, placing men in charge of the emotional well-being of women. A religious woman, wishing to stay Orthodox, truly cannot, if her husband is unwilling to let her divorce with the blessing of the synagogue. Abécassis’s novel is powerful, concise, filled with introspection and doubt. A Jewish reader will find it easier to follow the doctrinal issues, but any female will identify with the anguish Anna suffers. Alliance Française de Santa Rosa (CA) Davida Brautman ARBOUR, MARIE-CHRISTINE. Drag. Montréal: Triptyque, 2011. ISBN 978-2-89031-709-3. Pp. 183. $20 Can. Arbour’s third novel challenges traditional notions of romantic love in the Reviews 207 gender-bending couple of “Babouchka and John,” a.k.a. Nicolaï and Claire. As the opening line of the prologue (“Il est apparu”) predicts, the narrative eventually comes to center around the resplendent character of Russian-born pianist Nicolaï, a white-haired transvestite living a very sparse yet lavish existence in Vancouver. The second sentence, “Elle ose regarder,” introduces the observant perspective of Claire, the thirty-something aspiring artist from Montreal, who seems to hover between genders in mind and body. While Claire is ostensibly the more prominent character of the book, it is her view of Nicolaï that captures the reader...

Barabbas, the Scapegoat Ritual, and the Development of the Passion Narrative

The story of Barabbas's release by Pilate appears in all four canonical gospels (Mark 15:6–15; Matt 27:15–26; Luke 23:18–25; John 18:39–40). Although the accounts differ in some details, a fairly consistent plot line emerges: The crowd before Pilate, allowed to choose one prisoner for release, demands the release of Barabbas and the crucifixion of Jesus. There are, however, a number of puzzling aspects to this deceptively simple story, the most significant of which is the contention of the authors that there existed a custom of the governor releasing a prisoner at the Passover festival. According to Mark and Matthew, this was a Roman custom (Mark 15:6; Matt 27:15); according to John, a Jewish custom (John 18:39). Yet, no evidence for such a custom in Judea has been found. Even more tellingly, Luke's omission of such a custom, as well as his statement in Acts 25:16, shows that he thought such a custom unbelievable. This custom is also considered by some to be at odds with the portrait of Pilate gathered from Jewish literature. Roger Aus states the case most strongly: “[Pilate] never would have allowed himself to be subject to the whims of a crowd, especially an uncontrollable one which bordered on a riot.” For these reasons many scholars have concluded that while a Barabbas may have been released by Pilate, the story as we have it in the gospels is a literary creation.

Stenkast

Stenkast

Jesus, ‘Son of God’ and ‘Son of David’: The ‘Adoption’ of Jesus into the Davidic Line

The authors of both the first and third Gospels, by insisting on both Jesus' divine paternity and his Davidic descent, pose a conundrum: if Jesus was not Joseph' biological son, in what sense is he the Davidic Messiah? Most modern scholars assume that Joseph must have adopted Jesus in some form or another, thus giving him Davidic status, and many even point to such adoption as a ‘Jewish custom’. This article examines this assumption and shows that adoption was unknown in Jewish law of the period. Furthermore, such adoption was well known in Roman law, especially among the aristocracy. In the case of such emperors as Augustus, whose adoptive fathers had been deified posthumously, this gave them the status of divifilius, ‘son of god’. The inclusion of such a Roman concept into the Gospels may be an indication of the Gentile, rather than Jewish, cultural backgrounds of the evangelists.

Adoption

ABSTRACT Reviews the Jewish concept of adoption as reflected in Biblical and Talmudic sources. An historic view of adoption in Jewish law, custom and practice is presented, up through the contemporary American Jewish community. The author concludes that while Jewish tradition recognizes adoption as the spiritual equivalent of procreation, it also teaches that a child never completely loses his or her birth identity.

Edward Teller, the Hungarian, American and Jew, too

As explained on p. 57 of George Marx’ comprehensive treatiseThe Voice of the Martians [1] (a pun on Leo Szilard’sVoice of the Dolphins [2]), the titleThe Martians refers to another Szilard joke, namely to his reply to a question of Fermi’s. In end-of-the-Century parlance, Fermi’s question would be formulated as follows: —With the galaxy presumably full of planetary systems, thereby also of life and thus of intelligence, where are all those extraterrestrials? [3] — to which Szilard answered —They are among us, but they call themselves Hungarian… — One of these individuals of high intellectual stature, is (“let him be distinguished by a long life” as we would add in such cases by Jewish custom)Edward Teller.

The Midrash on Proverbs

The Midrash on Proverbs, a ninth-century collection of rabbinical commentary on the Book of Proverbs, is now available to English-speaking audiences for the first time. Burton L. Visotzky here provides a lucid translation of the work from his annotated critical edition of the Hebrew text, Midrash Mishle. Midrash Mishle is a watershed in midrashic literature, for it marks the point at which broader forms of classical midrash on the Scriptures gave way to verse-by-verse commentary. It is unlike most earlier midrash in that it regularly pays attention to context, relates verses to each other, provides comments on apparently simple meanings of verses, and philologically considers the meaning of specific terms. At the same time, it resembles earlier midrash by considering narrative legends--offering, for example, fanciful versions of Solomon's meeting with the Queen of Sheba, the death of Moses, and Joseph's encounter with his brothers. It also alludes to medieval Jewish law and custom, anti-Karaite polemic, and rabbinic mysticism (with its esoteric speculations on such subjects as the measurements of God's body). Visotzky's volume illuminates all these subjects for the scholar and non-specialist alike in a prose translation that mirrors the style of the original Midrash Mishle text. His introduction to the volume sets it in the wider context of Jewish hermeneutics of the Bible.

Jewish custom linked to urinary tract infection

PETACH TIKVA, ISRAEL--- Traditional Jewish circumcision in Israeli male infants is associated with an increased risk of neonatal urinary tract infections, according to a recently published study. In Israel, Jewish males are traditionally circumcised on the eighth day of life. Researchers found that this custom may predispose newborn males to urinary tract infections during the 12-day period following circumcision.

On the Archaeological Evidence for a Coin-on-Eye Jewish Burial Custom in the First Century A.D.

L'A. discute les donnees relatives a la possibilite, chez les Juifs de la periode du Second temple, de pratiquer la coutume des pieces de monnaie placees sur les yeux d'un mort: le Saint Suaire de Turin, les crânes du cimetiere de Jericho et le crâne de la tombe d'En Boqeq. Cette coutume semble probable. La discussion est reprise, avec conclusion negative, dans les pages suivantes, par Rachel Hachlili et Ann Killebrew (pp. 59-60) et par L. Y. Rahmani (pp. 60-61).

A comparison of Jewish and Non-Jewish addicts in institutional treatment programs

The Jews in the treatment programs manifest characteristics which indicate higher status and less involvement with criminal activities (indicated by number and type of arrest than non-Jews in the same programs. However, in contrast to the general Jewish population, Jewish addicts exhibit lower levels of status (educational and occupational attainment) and family solidarity. Although arrested less frequently than non-Jews, almost three-fourths of Jewish addicts have arrest records, most with more than one arrest. Considering the generally low incidence of Jewish arrests (two percent) in Miami, Jews in drug treatment are a unique population of deviants. Further evidence of this deviance from the general Jewish experience is offered in their higher drunkenness arrest incidence and their high percentage of alcoholics. Also, the very high percentage of divorce and separation is evidence of deviance from traditional Jewish behavior. Although the present study utilized no measure to further validate empirically Glatt's theories of alienation from and lack of participation in Judaism, Jewish customs and interests, the addicts' consistent demonstration of deviance from normative Jewish behavior might well encourage further investigation. Factors used to explain the low incidence of alcohol use among Jews have been related to Jewish tradition, ritual, custom, family solidarity and group pressure. Previous research questions whether or not these factors also relate, to other forms of addiction. Our findings indicate that there is still a low incidence of drug addiction among Jews, as evidenced in the institutional program. The characteristics of these addicts give evidence to support the hypothesis that the absence of those traditional Jewish factors are prominently manifested in a higher incidence of alcoholism and drunkenness, very high divorce and separation rates, lower educational attainment, and a high incidence of arrest.

CIRCUMCISION NOT NECESSARY IN YOUNG CHILDREN.

I do not propose to discuss the theory offered by the laity and some doctors that circumcision is necessary from a sanitary standpoint, nor do I propose to criticise a Jewish custom or change a church ordinance, but I desire to show the etiology of a long or abnormal phimosed prepuce in male children. I desire also to show how this abnormal prepuce can be shortened without circumcision. We will first notice these long prepuces found in children. The cause can be found by the following examination: If we retract the prepuce as far as we can without using any violent manipulations, we find at the juncture of the mucous membrane with the true skin a constricted band that has at some time undergone an inflammatory process; this constricted band plays just in front of glans penis, the action of which pulls down and forward resulting in a mechanical action,