Japan's Security Research Articles

It’s time to think boldly about Canada–Japan security cooperation

Policy-makers, scholars, and commentators regularly remark upon the unrealized potential of Canada–Japan cooperation, but neither country has taken decisive steps to address it. This reticence is especially noticeable in the security realm. As friendly, like-minded countries with common values, a common vision of international order, and strongly shared security interests in an increasingly tumultuous world, Canada and Japan would be expected to strengthen security ties in meaningful ways. Recent (relatively minor) steps in this direction are welcome. But the time is ripe for the two countries to cement their security partnership through a series of bolder measures ultimately leading to formal alliance.

India–Japan maritime security cooperation: Secondary states’ soft balancing in the Indo-Pacific

ABSTRACTIndia–Japan security cooperation is a critical component in the evolving security mechanism of the Indo-Pacific region. Both states are secondary states in the international system that opposes one country's emergence as a regional hegemon. China's rise and her ambition to dominate the Indo-Pacific would affect the security interests of India and Japan. The U.S., the current preponderant power in the region, seems unable to contain China by itself. So it is looking for strategic partnerships with regional countries who are militarily capable of challenging China, and persuading them to balance China. In this regard, the two powerful states in China's own backyard – Japan in the western Pacific and India in the Indian Ocean – have come together to counter the Chinese hegemony in the Indo-Pacific. In this effort, they have gradually built up naval cooperation sans a formal military alliance. They follow soft balancing strategies over hard balancing ones because neither wants to antagonise China. Similarly both countries seek to expand their presence through mutual cooperation beyond South-east Asia. This article explains the nature and context of soft power balancing strategies and the manner in which the India–Japan maritime security cooperation has evolved over the last two decades.

An Economic Analysis of Intra-governmental Account Transfers: Social Security and Public Infrastructure in Japan

In the context of limited local government resources, it is often targeted to secure financial resources for social security expenditures for the aging society and upkeep expenditures against the aging of public infrastructure facilities. This paper examines whether transfers from general accounts to special accounts and public enterprise accounts have a significant impact on the financial burden of local governments, using panel data from Japanese local governments. We find that transfer to special accounts and public enterprise can inflate the net liabilities.

Electoral Reform and National Security in Japan: From Pork to Foreign Policy by Amy Catalinac

Electoral Reform and National Security in Japan: From Pork to Foreign Policy by Amy Catalinac

Bunji Kondo and the Establishment of the Concept of Social Security in Japan

Bunji Kondo and the Establishment of the Concept of Social Security in Japan

Pacifist Identity, Civics Textbooks, and the Opposition to Japan's Security Legislation

This article examines Japanese processes of self-formation as reflected in junior high school civics textbooks, comparing books published in 1990 and 2012. It demonstrates surprising continuity in how books from the two years construct a pacifist self in sharp contrast to Japan's prewar and wartime belligerence. We argue that this kind of antagonistic temporal othering has continued to socialize Japanese students into a "peace identity" and helps to explain the strong grassroots opposition to the Japanese government's 2015 announcement of laws to back up its position that Japan can exercise collective self-defense.

최근 일본의 안보정책 변화와 향후 전망: 미중 대립과 북한 비핵화를 중심으로

최근 일본의 안보정책 변화와 향후 전망: 미중 대립과 북한 비핵화를 중심으로

An Analysis of the Water-Energy-Food-Land Requirements and CO2 Emissions for Food Security of Rice in Japan

The aim of this study is to assess the impact of rice-based food security on water, energy, land, and CO2 emissions from a holistic point of view using the Nexus approach, which analyzes tradeoffs between water, energy, and food management. In Japan, both rice consumption and the area harvested for rice have decreased. Maintaining a high self-sufficiency ratio (SSR) in rice production is an important aspect of food security in Japan, impacting the management of key resources, such as water, energy, and land. This study has, therefore, assessed the impact of various SSRs on rice production, focusing on consumption and land-use trends. First, the rice production SSR is predicted to drop to 87% by 2025 within the logarithmic trend of rice consumption and the polynomial trend line of the harvested area of rice. This reflects the fact that rice production is expected to decline more steeply than consumption between 2016 and 2025. Second, this study sets the SSRs for rice in 2025 between 80% and 100%, reflecting a range of low-to-high food security levels. In comparison with the 2016 baseline, about 0.70 × 10 6 additional tons of rice will be produced. Achieving a rice production SSR of 100% will require 10,195 × 10 6 m3 more of water and 23.31 × 10 6 GJ more of energy. Furthermore, an additional 283,000 tons of CO2 will be emitted in 2025, as more energy is used. By contrast, an 80% rice production SSR scenario would save 1482 × 10 6 m3 of water and 3.39 × 10 6 GJ of energy, as well as making a 398,000-ton reduction in CO2 emissions in 2015. A lower SSR would have a positive impact on resource management but a negative impact on food security. It would also reduce the income and economic status of farmers. It is, therefore, important to consider the tradeoffs between food security and resource savings in order to achieve sustainable water, energy, food, and land management in Japan.

The Terrorism Threat to Japan: Real Danger or Costly Overestimation

<p>Celem poniższej pracy jest ocena realności oraz stopnia zagrożenia terroryzmem dla państwa japońskiego. Główny nacisk został położony na problemy powiązane z działalnością Państwa Islamskiego jako zjawiska niejako definującego postrzeganie przez nas całość problemu, jak i tego, które na przestrzeni ostatniego roku miało największy wpływ na działania rządu premiera Abe odnośnie terroryzmu. Rozpatrzona zostanie również obecna polityka władz Japonii, jak i jej potencjalne implikacje oraz osadzenie tego aspektu polityki w całości polityki bezpieczeństwa narodowego tego państwa. Przedstawione zostaną również prognozy dotyczące przewidywanej drogi rozwoju problemu oraz ewentualne możliwości jego przezwyciężenia.</p>

How to Interpret the Security Situation in East Asia: Four New Books to Assist Our Understanding - Electoral Reform and National Security in Japan: From Pork to Foreign Policy. By Amy Catalinac. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2016. xvii, 248 pp. ISBN: 9781107120495 (cloth, also available in paper and as e-book). - The Japan-South Korea Identity Clash: East Asian Security

How to Interpret the Security Situation in East Asia: Four New Books to Assist Our Understanding - Electoral Reform and National Security in Japan: From Pork to Foreign Policy. By Amy Catalinac. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2016. xvii, 248 pp. ISBN: 9781107120495 (cloth, also available in paper and as e-book). - The Japan-South Korea Identity Clash: East Asian Security

Japan steps up its game: Tokyo's new security approach and its relations with Asia

Japan's security posture is unique: it is at once a pacifist nation, controls one of the world's largest militaries, is heavily reliant on its alliance with the United States and remains in nearly continuous political conflict with its nearest neighbours over historical issues. The authors surveyed in this book review essay suggest that Japan's security policy-making has undergone a significant transformation that will reverberate for decades. Andrew L. Oros suggests that Japan is experiencing a security renaissance, and is a much more active player now than during the Cold War. Sheila A. Smith believes that rising nationalism among Tokyo's conservative elite has made Sino-Japanese relations more contentious than ever. Brad Glosserman and Scott A. Snyder state that diverging national identities have driven the increase in tensions between Japan and South Korea. Robert D. Eldridge and Paul Midford assert that the key to success of Japan's Ground Self-Defence Force has been its ability to reinforce peaceful postwar norms.

Japan's security cooperation with Russia: neutralizing the threat of a China–Russia united front

Japan's security cooperation with Russia: neutralizing the threat of a China–Russia united front

The establishment of national intelligence in legal framework of the state (on the example of Japan)

Temporary occupation of the part of Ukrainian territory by the Russian Federation – the Autonomous Republic of Crimea and the city of Sevastopol, fomenting of armed conflict in certain districts of Donetsk and Luhansk regions and buildup of military power in immediate proximity to the Ukrainian border, the potential possibility of deploying tactical nuclear weapons in the territory of Crimea necessitated significant strengthen- ing of the force components of our state, including building up and strengthening the capabilities of national intelligence. There is a positive experience of the last mentioned. It is one of the most developed and peaceful countries in the world – Japan. Borrowing and implementation of its certain aspects by the heads of the corre- sponding departments and institutions of our state could have positive effects.After the victory in the Second World War, the United States dissolved the Imperial Army of Japan and its special services, including intelligence. Disarmed and occupied by the United States, Japan was forced to exist within the defined limits. This fact created incentives for the development and implementation of the doctrine of Yoshida, named after the then prime minister of the country Shigeru Yoshida. According to this document, Japan trusted its own security to USA, concentrating its efforts on the restoration and development of the national economy.After the end of the Cold War, Japan was in a difficult political and economic situation. As a result of economic reforms, China has evolved from a weak backward country into an aggressive and equally strong as leading world countries rival in the security and economy areas. Japan at this time somewhat lowered the pace of its own economic development. North Korea doubled its efforts to create and test nuclear-missile weapons.Due to the fact that the United States began to invest enormous resources in stabilizing security in the Middle East, they somewhat reduced its volume to Japan's security sector.There was an urgent need for early detection of threats and challenges to the military security of the state, mainly by their own forces now – national intelligence forces that were insufficient and unable to do so. The establishment of the national intelligence in Japan took place under complex contradiction: on the one hand – the urgent need to build up the structure and strengthen the professional intelligence capabilities to counter the growing challenges and threats to the state security; on the other – the intransigence of the coun- try's parliament and the public to amend the constitution of the country, where article 9 was determinant, and prohibited any increase in the country's military strength. The pragmatically-minded part of the parliament and government managed to gradually overcome it and create an effective national intelligence system. In this case, any clues and arguments were used.The main of them were the following:– emphasis on destructive and crushing consequences for the country of modern challenges and threats to its security, non-standard aspects of its manifestations and emergence;– use of any unfriendly action from the side of possible opponents of Japan (mainly North Korea, China, international terrorist organizations) to emphasize the need to strengthen and enhance the capabilities of national intelligence agencies;– use of Parliament's consent to strengthen the Self-Defense Forces of the country as a reason to build up and strengthen national intelligence agencies;– uncommon appeal for support to the leadership of the allied US.– In general, regarding mentioned above, the patriotically and pragmatically-minded part of the Japa- nese parliament and the government of the country have shown a great perseverance, rational systemacity and commitment in the pursuit of set goal.

To revise or not to revise: the ‘peace constitution’, pro-revision movement, and Japan's national identity

ABSTRACTWhy do conservative nationalists in Japan continuously seek to revise the constitution despite the past failures, and what is the likelihood of successful revision and its impact on Japan's norm of pacifism and its use of force? The article offers an analytical framework for the issue based on national pride and national security, and argues that the ‘revisionists’ seek to create a new national identity, one that infuses a greater sense of national pride among the public and enables the exercise of collective self-defense, thereby removing Japan's postwar psychological and institutional limitations on nationalism and military activities. The LDP's 2012 draft is most explicit and ambitious in this regard, with the current revision attempt under Abe having the highest chance of success since the 1950s. Successful revision would significantly expand Japan's security activities, particularly within the framework of the US–Japan Security Alliance, and entail the end of Japan's unique postwar institutionalized pacifism, although the norm of pacifism will linger on as a constitutional principle. For a smoother return to the international military scene, the Japanese government must distance itself from historical revisionism and utilize its enhanced military role to promote regional public goods rather than merely protecting its narrow national interests.

------------ (Foreign Experience of Socio-Economic Security on the Example of Japan)

Belarusian Abstract: Аналіз больш за 20 азначэнняў паняцця «сацыяльна-эканамічная бяспека», сфармуляваных эканамістамі былых савецкіх рэспублік, азначэнняў з афіцыйных дакументаў Венгрыі, Польшчы, Літвы, Украіны, Расіі, а гэтак жа больш за 10 азначэнняў, дадзеных навукоўцамі развітых краін (ЗША, Канады, Японіі, Германіі, Францыі, Іспаніі), паказвае, што для кожнай групы краін характэрна выкарыстанне розных падыходаў. Так, у постсавецкіх краінах большасць азначэнняў даецца праз прызму «інтарэсаў», у постсацыялістычных краінах – праз вымярэнне ўплыву на міжнародную бяспеку, у развітых краінах – праз паняцце «ўстойлівасць». Варта падкрэсліць, што сусветная практыка забеспячэння сацыяльна-эканамічнай бяспекі краіны шырокая і разнастайная. У дадзеным артыкуле прапануецца разгледзець вопыт яе забеспячэння ў Японіі. Гэтай краінай назапашаны значны эканамічны вопыт, у тым ліку і ў пытаннях забеспячэння ўласнай сацыяльна-эканамічнай бяспекі. English Abstract: The analysis of more than 20 definitions of the term security, formulated by economists of the former Soviet republics, definitions of official documents Hungary, Poland, Lithuania, Ukraine, Russia, and more than 10 definitions, the data scientists of developed countries (USA, Canada, Japan, Germany, France, Spain), shows that for each group of countries is characterized by the use of different approaches. So, in the post-Soviet countries most of the definitions given through the prism of interests in post – socialist countries-measuring the impact on international security in developed countries – through the concept of sustainability. It should be stressed that the world practice of providing socio-economic security of the country is vast and diverse. In this paper we propose to consider the experience of security in Japan. This country has considerable economic experience, including to ensure their own socio-economic security.

石油供給の安全性を考える : 1990〜91湾岸戦争の教訓

石油供給の安全性を考える : 1990〜91湾岸戦争の教訓

The real East Asian Aid model: Development assistance as an instrument of comprehensive security in Japan, South Korea and Taiwan

AbstractDiscussion of East Asian aid modes has remained superficial. And one donor, Taiwan, has been overlooked. This article reconsiders East Asian donorship, and places Taiwan within this category. It argues that East Asian donors are insecure, and see aid as part of a wider security policy. Aid policy pursues two main goals: economic strength and international influence. The aid apparatus is insulated from legislative and public pressure. Due to the nature of the goals pursued, relations with recipient governments in general are good, and recipient publics bad, relative to other Development Assistance Committee (DAC) donors. Relations with other donors are ambivalent; good relations are important, but can interfere with other goals. As such, Taiwan is a quintessential East Asian donor.

Human Security as an Instrument of (Traditional) Comprehensive Security in Japan, South Korea and Taiwan

Human Security as an Instrument of (Traditional) Comprehensive Security in Japan, South Korea and Taiwan

New directions in Japan's security: non-US centric evolution, introduction to a special issue

ABSTRACTDuring the cold war the United States was overwhelmingly central in Japan's security policy. Japan hosted US bases and the Self-Defense Forces held joint exercises with the US military, even while shunning contacts with other militaries. Japan essentially refused even to discuss security with its neighbors. Special exceptions were made for the United States in otherwise sweeping policies, such as the exception for the United States in Tokyo's ban on weapons exports and co-development. Since the end of the cold war, Japan's security policy has undergone a little noticed transformation: it has steadily moved away from being centered on the United States as its sole security partner. Tokyo has initiated bilateral security dialogues with its Asian neighbors and assumed a leadership role in promoting regional multilateral security cooperation as a supplement to the US alliance. Japan has begun building bilateral security partnerships with a range of countries and actors, from Australia and India to the European Union. Paradoxically these changes have occurred even as the US–Japan alliance has strengthened. The articles in this special issue examine these new security ties with states and multilateral organizations, and other changes in policy that have made the United States less ‘special,’ such as by allowing arms exports to other actors.

Swedish Diplomacy in the Asia-Pacific Region

The year 2018 marks the 150th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations between Japan and Sweden. It is believed that the first contact between Sweden and Japan came during the Edo Period and was mediated by the Netherlands. The Treaty of Friendship, Commerce and Navigation between Japan and Sweden, signed in 1868, also came into being thanks to the good offices of the Dutch. This treaty, like many others into which Japan entered at that time, was an “unequal treaty.” As Japan increased its presence in East Asia, this unequal treaty with Sweden was revised in 1911. The world was changing. Sweden and Japan shared a common interest in opposing Russia’s ambitions. Russia in particular was a common threat to the diplomatic posture and security of both Japan and Sweden. These two nations, positioned like bookends on either side of Russia, could be important strategic partners for one another and allies in their relationships with Russia. Considering the current issue of North Korea, Sweden also has the potential to act as a mediator because it maintains diplomatic relations with North Korea. There is reason to believe that the diplomatic relationship between Japan and Sweden will develop further.