Japan's Official Development Assistance Research Articles

The Impact of China-Japan Economic Cooperation on Regional Security: A Case Study of the Japanese Official Development Assistance (ODA) to China

The issuance of the China-Japan Joint Declaration in 1972 marked the beginning of reconciliation and exchanges between the two countries, and since then Sino-Japanese relations have continued to advance in twists and turns. The issue of territorial sovereignty, historical understanding and changes in relative strength in the political field of the two countries have all hindered the development of bilateral relations. However, the implementation of the China-Japan Joint Declaration has provided many new possibilities for exchanges and cooperation between the two countries, and the continuous development of economic relations between the two countries has promoted the improvement of bilateral relations and regional security. This paper finds that the Japanese official development assistance (ODA) to China initially brought China and Japan closer and promoted the improvement of regional security, but later due to the emergence of many problems, Japan's ODA policy was adjusted, making the role of the ODA in promoting bilateral relations and regional security disappear. Therefore, economic cooperation should not be affected by the issue of political mutual trust, and economic cooperation without political interference could be the best way to improve Sino-Japanese relations today.

Introduction to the Project for Strengthening the ASEAN Regional Capacity on Disaster Health Management (ARCH Project).

Southeast Asia is the second biggest region in the world in terms of the total number of natural disasters since 1900. Therefore, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) initiated regional challenges toward strengthening regional collaboration for disaster prevention and response since the earthquake of Sumatra in Indonesia occurred in 2004. Moreover, ASEAN Leaders signed "the ASEAN Declaration on One ASEAN, One Response" in 2016. Under these circumstances, ASEAN decided to implement the Project for Strengthening the ASEAN Regional Capacity on Disaster Health Management (ARCH Project). The objective of the ARCH Project is to strengthen coordination on disaster health management (DHM) for rapid and effective response to disasters occurring in the ASEAN region and to enhance the capacity of each ASEAN Member State (AMS) on DHM. This article aims to overview the outline and its strategy, and review the progress of the project. ARCH Project is an ASEAN official project supported by Japan's official development assistance. Five outputs were launched for: (1) coordination platform on DHM; (2) framework of regional collaboration practices; (3) tools for effective regional collaboration; (4) enhancement of academic network on DHM; and (5) capacity development activities for each AMS. The Project was reviewed in terms of accomplishment and evaluation criteria. Regional Coordination Committee on DHM was established as a coordination platform to: Oversee the implementation of the ARCH Project for the Output 1; Regional Collaboration Drill was developed and conducted for the Output 2; The standard operating procedure for coordination of emergency medical teams (EMTs) in ASEAN was developed for the Output 3; Various presentations on ARCH were made in academic conferences for the Output 4; and Several training programs and educational curricula were developed for the Output 5. The Project has accomplished its Project Purpose and satisfied all the indicators set. ARCH Project has high Relevance, Impact, Sustainability, and Effectiveness, while some improvements in Efficiency are needed. ARCH Project is the first-ever successful regional cooperation mechanism and standardization of DHM in ASEAN, one of the most disaster-prone regions. It also contributes to the capacity building of AMS. The ARCH Project has a remarkable impact on the resilience and flexible medical response to disasters, although continuous efforts of stakeholders to make this initiative sustainable are necessary.

Explaining variations in responsiveness to external pressure: Japan's aid policy and bureaucratic politics

AbstractAlthough preceding studies on Japan's foreign aid tend to report that Japan's aid policy is receptive to US pressure, it remains unclear which direction the US wishes Japan to assist its aid programs and how bureaucratic politics of Japan reduces the magnitude of US influence. This paper pursues the first attempt to provide a theoretical framework for the direction of US influence on Japan's aid provision and to explore whether its impact varies across different types of aid. I utilize a new dataset on Japan's Official Development Assistance from 1971 to 2009 and employ both ordinary least squares and two-stage least squares regressions to handle the issues of reverse causality and joint decision-making. The combined results of quantitative and qualitative analyses suggest that the US tends to urge Japan to complement its aid efforts rather than to substitute them as substitution will allow Japan to increase its clout in strategically important recipients and the US attempts to minimize this risk by asking Japan to disburse aid in tandem. I also find that the allocation of Japanese grants is more receptive to US pressure than that of loans because the former is left to the discretion of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs that uses external pressure to win bureaucratic turf wars, whereas loans are determined through consultations among multiple agencies with constituencies that prioritize Japan's domestic interests. The findings are robust across different model specifications and different samples.

Taking Stock and Looking Forward: Recent Scholarship on Japan's Official Development Assistance

Taking Stock and Looking Forward: Recent Scholarship on Japan's Official Development Assistance

Japan's Womenomics Diplomacy: Fighting Stigma and Constructing ODA Leadership on Gender Equality

AbstractUnder conservative Prime Minister Abe Shinzo, Japan has embarked upon a high profile ‘Womenomics’ foreign policy agenda to highlight Japan's official development assistance (ODA) contributions to women's empowerment worldwide. This paper examines the puzzle of why such an avowedly conservative government would pursue a feminist foreign policy agenda. The paper finds that Japan's Womenomics diplomacy cannot be explained simply by materialist or domestic political explanations, but is best understood as a strategic campaign stemming from elite concern about Japan's national identity and esteem about its status in the world. Through Womenomics diplomacy, Japan's Ministry of Foreign Affairs attempts to construct Japan as a leader on women's rights and gender equality in response to the twin stigmas of Japan's treatment of wartime ‘comfort women’ and perennial low rankings on international indexes of gender equality.

Shinzo Abe's security legislation reform and peacebuilding in Mindanao

ABSTRACTRecent literature on Japanese foreign policy has focused on analysing the implications of Prime Minister Shinzo Abe's security legislation reform for the bilateral security alliance relationship with the US amidst a rising China and the right to collective self-defence. Its impact on Japan's multilateral security policy, in particular, peacebuilding, has so far received little attention. In what ways and to what extent does Japan play a peacebuilding role under this change? This article examines key implications of the security legislation reform, along with the renewal of Japan's Official Development Assistance charter, for its peacebuilding efforts. By taking Mindanao, the Philippines, as a case study, it argues that Abe focuses on taking a foreign aid-centred approach while showing little interest in sending Japanese Self-Defence Force. This article provides a counter-narrative to the claim that Japan is taking a more assertive approach to international security. Abe is more risk-averse as far as his approach to peacebuilding is concerned.

Japan's foreign policy in the post-Soviet region (1991-2016)

This article gives an outline of conceptual foundations of Japan's political course towards the post-Soviet states and analyzes evolution of its foreign policy in the region since the collapse of the Soviet Union until Prime Minister Shinzo Abe's administration in the period from 1991 to 2016.As a result of conducted research the author concludes that Japan's policy in the post-Soviet region has expanded gradually from East to West and that its original strategy is still utilized by Japan's government.After the collapse of the Soviet Union, besides financial and nuclear security assistance to the region, the government of Japan focused on two main tasks, one being search of ways to resolve the dispute of the Kuril Islands - one of the most important issues of Japan's modern foreign policy, and the other one - establishing relations with Central Asian republics. The development of relationship between Japan and Central Asia was achieved by introducing the concept of "Eurasian diplomacy" and "Central Asia plus Japan" dialogue which led to further expansion of the scope of Japan's foreign policy towards the West. In 2006 the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Japan Taro Aso introduced the concept of "Arch of Freedom and Prosperity"in which Ukraine was mentioned for the first time. It is proved that the value-oriented diplomacy of Japan has deep roots and forms the basis of the policies of Japan's current administration. As for the financial assistance allocated to the region, the author emphasizes Japan's Official Development Assistance which was provided starting from1994. Inthis regard it is noted that the biggest recipient in the period from 1994 to 2014 was Uzbekistan.Further development of relations between Japan and post-Soviet states has good perspectives. Prime Minister Shinzo Abe's policy in the region is based on the previously introduced concepts and, at the same time, is more proactive compared to Japan's past governments. Therefore, one can expect positive trends and continued success of Japan's "soft power" diplomacy in Central Asia against its non-interference in the internal affairs of its Central Asian partners. On the other hand, an issue for Japan could be Shinzo Abe's promise to resolve the dispute of the Kuril Islands and to improve relations with Russia. It is believed that Japan will continue to support Ukraine in the issue of Russia's occupation of the Crimean Peninsula which took place in 2014 and its military aggression in Eastern Ukraine, and will be forced to balance its interests in both countries.

Japan's Official Development Assistance Policy and Security Interests

Japan's Official Development Assistance Policy and Security Interests

Sustainable Development Goals and Japan's Official Development Assistance Policy: Human Security, National Interest, and a More Proactive Contribution to Peace

Substantial progress toward achieving the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) was made, but unsolved issues remain. The Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) succeeded the MDGs in 2015. In Japan the concept of “Human Security” has been incorporated into its foreign policy since the 1990s and is explicitly stated as the basic concept of Japan's Development Cooperation Charter issued in 2015. Also included in the Charter is Japan's “Proactive Contribution to Peace” policy and national interest, both of which are closely related to the concept of Human Security.Although not specifically identified in the SDGs, Human Security was described by the UN General Assembly as “the right of people to live in freedom and dignity, free from poverty and despair” in a 2012 resolution. Japan's long-term commitment to Human Security and experience in health and education are two areas in which the country has contributed internationally and which can be put to good use in formulating policies and programs to achieve the SDG targets.

The Project Making Process of Japanese Funded School Buildings: The Case Study of Japanese Grant Aid in the Philippines

This study focused on Japan's Official Development Assistance (ODA) to the Philippines. Particularly, the overall administrative capacity of both the Japanese and the Philippine governments was examined with respect to the decision-making process at various stages of Japanese grant aid programming and utilization. To understand the dynamics involved in the entire process of Japanese grant aid programming and utilization in the Philippines, the study analyzed two Japanese grant-assisted school building projects in the Philippines jointly undertaken by the Japanese and Philippine governments. The case study approach was used to present a description of the process of acquiring and implementing Japanese grant aid-projects in the Philippines.

Bridging between Myanmar and international society – Japan's self-identity and kakehashi policy

Numerous academic works have critiqued Japan's Official Development Assistance (ODA) programme for being mercantilist and failing to promote democratization and human rights (Orr 1990; Rix 1993; Arase 1995, 2005). Such accounts assess Japan's ODA policy from Western theoretical perspectives that advocate Western approaches, such as military and economic interventions to contain repressive states. While receptive to these criticisms, Japanese policy-makers have perceived their country's international role in ‘bridging’ (kakehashi) terms and structured their ODA accordingly, as this paper details in the case of Japan's ODA policy towards Myanmar.1 The rationale behind Japan's kakehashi approach lies in the construction of Japan's self-identity as a state able to reenter international society after World War II through focusing on economic development rather than military and coercive action. Proponents of the kakehashi approach construct Japan both as a model of successful democratization through development which other states can learn from, as well as the means through ODA to ‘bridge’ the divide between repressive regimes and liberal democratic capitalism. This critical approach examines Japan's kakehashi or bridging strategy in terms of Japan's response to the anti-government protests in September 2007, Cyclone Nargis in May 2008, and in the build up to parliamentary elections in November 2010 in Myanmar to demonstrate the permanence of this approach in spite of a change of government in Japan. In so doing, the kakehashi approach reveals opportunities to engage with, rather than contain, repressive regimes, thereby raising the possibility of enticing such states back into international society though economic incentives.

Human Security and Japan International Cooperation Agency and Non-governmental Organizations Collaboration (A Case Study of Great East Japan Earthquake/Tsunami)

Abstract Human security norm has emerged as a key focus for Japan's Official Development Assistance (ODA) Charter in 2003. Since then, Japan has been playing a more active role in promoting human security as a leading country. Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA), which is an organization under Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MOFA), plays important roles in the implementation of Japanese ODA in order to improve the lives of the local people in developing countries. JICA has been strengthening its collaboration with various parties; such as non-governmental organizations (NGOs), universities, local governments, and so on to cope with complicated non-traditional security threats. Moreover, a number of Japanese non-governmental organizations activities are undertaken by JICA in order to protect the lives, livelihood and dignity of human beings, which is based on the perspective of human security. In response to Japanese ODA policy on human security, JICA's practice of human security is based on these four kinds of cooperation as follows; 1) cooperation that comprehensively targets freedom from fear (conflicts and disasters) and want (poverty); 2) cooperation that involves through consideration for the social vulnerability; 3) cooperation that establishes mechanisms to protect and empower people; and 4) cooperation that addresses global risks. Based on the implementation, JICA seek closer cooperation not merely from the governmental agencies, but also from international organizations and NGOs. In order to empower communities and individuals, JICA expands its cooperation at local level. This reflects the way of JICA's operation which is based on the bottom-up approach. However, environmental degradation and climate change are directly related to many natural disasters, like flood and drought, which can be understood as a human security issue. In fact, human security conceives natural disasters as a threat to people's survival as well as a trigger of vulnerabilities related to issues of want, which is about people's basic needs and livelihoods (Carvalho, 2011:3). In case of Great East Japan Earthquake/Tsunami hitting in the Northeast of Japan on March 11 th , 2011, it destroyed not only people's lives nd livelihoods but also people ability to access basic goods and public services. Thus, this natural disaster affects human security directly so the links between the natural disaster and human security are clearly seen. The aim of this paper are to deepen the understanding of JICA's operation in response to natural disasters that has become a major threat to human security as well as the cooperation between JICA and Japanese NGOs on the perspective of human security. It also aims to investigate how JICA collaborates with Japanese NGOs in assisting emergency response, providing reliefs and performing rehabilitation activities of NGOs in the domestic context. The paper argues that JICA-NGOs collaboration on human security in the domestic context should be developed since their close collaboration will pave the way for strengthen linkages and cooperation with state actor and non-state actor's activities, in which can be lessons learned for other countries. In this study, qualitative methodology based on documentary research and field research was applied. The latter was carried out through a case study using observations at Sendai City in Miyagi Prefecture. The result of this study will shed light on the direct damages and indirect damages of the Great East Japan Earthquake/Tsunami in relation to human security. Furthermore, the roles of JICA and NGOs in collaborative activities for rehabilitation after the disaster will be investigated. Lastly, policy implications of JICA-NGOs collaboration will be proposed in order to address more precious activities that bring about the enhancement of human security to cope with natural disasters.

Japan's Official Development Assistance (ODA) Policy towards China: The Role of Emotional Factors

This article intends to explore the existence of emotional factors in the functioning of international relations. Will Japan's helpful deeds-ODA to China counteract or relieve the everlasting hatred caused by Japan's aggressive war against China? This question is examined by discussing the linkage between Japan's ODA to China and Sino-Japanese historical issues from the 1970s to the 1990s. The article concludes that a “dual appreciation argument” exists between China and Japan. A “dual obligation argument” was also generated, and behind this, a “dual gratitude and revenge argument.” With ODA, there is much gratitude from China to Japan, but ODA's political influence has been worn off by historical issues. Facilitating historical reconciliation by offering ODA is too much to expect.

Our Third Issue, and a Second Year

The entire Latin American Policy (LAP) and Policy Studies Organization (PSO) team is proud to launch Issue 3, Volume 2, of this new Latin American journal that has rapidly captured the attention and respect of the academic and practitioner community in the region. Two years ago, LAP was still a project in the making. It currently circulates in most prestigious libraries worldwide. LAP's editorial committees are also growing rapidly, and it now has one based in Brazil, steered by the regional editor Thiago de Aragao. This will consolidate LAP as a leading journal on policy and governance issues within the region and outside of it. The Articles section offers four contributions. Opening this second volume is Adolfo Laborde's analysis of the role of Japan's official development assistance to Brazil and the importance of this country to Japanese trade and politics. Two exceptional original research projects on Nicaragua follow. Authors Cottam, Baltonado, and Meráz offer an empirical study of collective action in insurgency and counterinsurgency groups during and after the Sandinista Revolution. Gabriel Telleria then reflects on how the current political situation and policies in Nicaragua can be understood under a pattern of “bicaudillismo,” a model similar to one of duopolistic firm competition for market shares. Jose Etcheverry's article closes this section with timely research covering the need to build a collaborative trinational arrangement that could lead to significant carbon dioxide emission reductions, new economic activity, and greater energy security in Canada, Mexico, and the United States. LAP published other contributions on this subject in its first two issues and hopes to continue disseminating new research on the topic now that the United Nations Climate Change Conference in Cancún has successfully agreed on a common denominator of understanding for abating emissions of substances that contribute to climate change in the future. Our Policy Articles section includes two contributions. Roberto Abdenur's essay provides an intimate reflection on his experience as Brazilian Ambassador in the United States, China, and Germany and on how certain developments affected his country's foreign policy. Isidro Morales reflects on how development policies and strategies in the region have shifted from national-based paradigms to regional ones. Finally, Eric Farnsworth, currently Vice President of the Council of the Americas, offers an insightful analysis from a Washingtonian perspective of the state of the art in U.S.–Latin American relations. Although his assessment of the region remains optimistic, he highlights the fact that Washington will continue to be “self-consumed and self-absorbed” in articulating an appropriate agenda for the region.

Development Cooperation as a Foundation of Japan's Foreign Policy

This paper addresses the question of what do Japanese foreign policymakers exactly mean when they repeatedly state that development cooperation has been, and still is, a foundation of postwar Japanese foreign policy, through a case study of Japan's official development assistance (ODA) towards China. More particularly, it investigates the complex policy objectives of Japanese ODA and the broader interests behind it, in order to clarify roles and significance of development assistance within Japan's overall foreign policy. My research demonstrates that despite its inherently economic nature, Japan's ODA provision to recipient countries has in application been more politico-strategic than commercial. Thus, it supports the point that development cooperation has undoubtedly been a foundation of postwar Japanese foreign policy.

The Disbursement Pattern of Japanese Foreign Aid: A Reappraisal

Three perspectives on the determinants of Japan's official development assistance (ODA) program are often represented as distinct, valid explanations of the aid program. Yet few studies have attempted to simultaneously test the hypotheses generated from all three perspectives in a global study of Japanese aid flows. This study seeks to improve the understanding of the Japanese ODA program by addressing some of the gaps in the existing literature. Providing a comprehensive analysis, the article investigates the effects of different political and economic variables on Japanese aid disbursement in eighty-six countries in Africa, Asia, Latin America, and the Middle East from 1979 to 2002. The findings of the study make several contributions to the literature. First, the results provide strong support for the claim that humanitarian concerns, as measured by poverty and human rights conditions in recipient countries, are important determinants of aid allocation. Second, although much of the previous literature has hypothesized that Japan's aid program seeks to promote Japan's economic interests, little empirical support for this view is found in the present study. Likewise, the disbursement pattern of ODA was associated with only a limited number of US security interests; US economic interests are shown to have no effect on ODA.

Japan's Official Development Assistance: The Japan ODA Model That Began Life in Southeast Asia

This paper traces the history of Japan's Official Development Assistance centered in Southeast Asia through the decades from the 1960s to the 2000s. The characteristics of the “Japan ODA model” are examined and three conditions for economic growth generated by ODA are proposed. Whether or not the “Japan ODA model” is applicable in other regions is also discussed.

Japan’s ODA at the Crossroads: Disbursement Patterns of Japan’s Development Assistance to Southeast Asia

The article examines the recent changes in Japan's official development assistance (ODA) to Southeast Asia in response to domestic and international challenges after the cold war. It argues that Japan is in a position where it has to choose between spending and earning strategies in the disbursement of aid. Influenced by external and internal developments, Japan has tilted toward a spending approach over the last decade. Due to a limited ODA budget, Japan has to optimize the use of aid and disburse it more strategically. Also significant is the noticeable across-the-board increase in the grant allocation to Southeast Asia and Vietnam's emergence as a major recipient. Key words: foreign aid in Asia, Japan, ASEAN Introduction On several occasions, Japan has utilized its official development assistance (ODA) to confront issues and problems both at home and abroad. Japan's record as an aid donor dates back to the period of reparations in the 1950s. Indeed, Japan has come a long way from being a capital supplier of a few million dollars to being one of the largest sources of official development assistance, with billions of dollars at its disposal. Since the first disbursal, Japan's ODA has helped accomplish many of the country's foreign-policy objectives. Apart from reparations and export promotion, the Japanese have also used aid as a form of investment, a confidence-building measure, a solution for bilateral problems, a manifestation of economic power and global leadership, and a tool for buying power and influence in various international organizations. For many years, the conventional notion has been that Japan's aid disbursement is oriented toward its geoeconomic interests. In the 1980s, observers noted the lack of philosophy in Japanese aid, while some Japanese scholars struggled to justify the close alignment of Japan's aid with U.S. strategic interests. A more coherent direction in aid disbursement began to take shape in the early 1990s in response to domestic and international challenges. The end of the cold war, for instance, provided more leeway to Japan's conduct of its foreign policy, which meant flexibility in aid disbursement beyond U.S. strategic considerations. Several studies also noted the improvement of Japan's aid in the 1990s in terms of its quality and characteristics. Since the 1990s, Japan's disbursement of aid has diverged into two paths. One track follows the traditional geoeconomic orientation, the other more humanitarian goals. Hook and Zhang attributed the divergence to Japan's bureaucratic rivalry, particularly between the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) and the Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry (METI, formerly MITI), over the management of aid.1 The METI promotes the mercantilist uses of aid that advance Japan's economic interests while the MFA emphasizes the political uses of aid in ways commensurate with Japan's post-cold war regional and global responsibilities. The Hook and Zhang study, however, maintained that the actual disbursement of aid in the 1990s followed the METI rather than the MFA discourse and dismissed the latter as merely rhetoric. On the other hand, Katada examined the domestic and international forces behind the development of Japan's two- track aid approach.2 He averred that domestic institutional constraints and budgetary limitations have made the divergence possible. Certain international factors such as Japan's membership in the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) have improved the quality of Japan's aid, particularly the untying of its aid and the allocation of more grants. As human security began to emerge as an important issue in the post-cold war era, in 1998 Japan's MFA incorporated the concept in its international cooperation and declared that Japan would strive to make the 21st century a human-centered century.3 Following this announcement, the government of Japan and the United Nations Secretariat established the UN Trust Fund for Human Security (UNTFHS). …

FUTURE DIRECTION OF JAPAN'S OFFICIAL DEVELOPMENT ASSISTANCE (ODA) IN INFRASTRUCTURE DEVELOPMENT

Japan's official development assistance (ODA) has been providing the major resources for socio-economic development in many developing countries. Japan's contribution in hard infrastructure development has been dominating other soft development like human resources and technology development in recipient countries. Recipient countries especially low-income developing countries are ever dependent on developed countries for human resources and technology for their domestic infrastructure development. In addition, the insulated project execution system of the Japanese grant aid projccts has influenced the international competitiveness of Japanese contractors and consultants to expand overseas business. The new scheme developed in this study, based on the Nepalese and Cambodian contexts, integrates the perspectives of recipients as well as donors. Strengthening universities and technology development system in developing countries, and using alternative project delivery system in ODA project execution have been recommended to address recipients' as well as donors' industries issues and to improve the efficiency and efficacy of ODA. The new ODA scheme has been started to implement in Cambodia and it has enabled to produce a new product for Cambodian rehabilitation.

Japan's Foreign Aid Policy to Africa Since the Tokyo International Conference on African Development

Japan celebrated its fiftieth year as a major donor in official development assistance in 2004, it is appropriate to reflect on the forces and motivations behind the implementation of foreign aid.1 While the literature on Japan's foreign aid has been informative overall, most of it has focused on the relationship between Japan and other Asian recipient countries. Certainly there is good reason for this emphasis, considering that 90 percent of Japanese aid targets Asian countries. However, the reasons for Japan's official development assistance (ODA) policy to Asia are different, in many significant ways, from its reasons for providing aid to Africa. Previous research has tended to conflate information about Japan's motives towards Africa with its motives towards Asia. This article seeks to