Japan's Lack Research Articles

RETRACTED: Smart Japanese listening course design based on data intelligent analysis and FPGA

Japan's lack of English communication opportunities proves to be a challenge for the learner, as there is no consistent training in listening and speaking English and will not provide significant improvement as a foreign language. A Japanese faculty teacher will launch a mobile-assisted language learning shadow application to overcome these difficulties. Students can cultivate their ears during shadow training. It is officially accepted that technology can be useful in improving speaking and listening. It then considers the change in motivation, influence, oral communication in English, English proficiency of first-year college students, and most science and engineering significant activities. Referral services based on user activities on the Internet, such as data analysis, can benefit Internet service providers and users. Although these services use a lot of statistical data that can be obtained through content and online transactions, they also face the challenge of ensuring that service providers do not infringe on their services' privacy. However, the large amount of data received by a network imposes a high predictable cost of the new implementation. This article focuses on accelerating its use in web service data anonymization and enabling data anonymization in Field Programmable Gate Teams (FPGA). Anonymizer proposes RAM and uses real network traffic to evaluate how it completes the test network usage.

The China–Japan–Korea Trilateral Free Trade Agreement: Why Did Trade Negotiations Stall?

Launched in 2013, the China–Japan–Korea Free Trade Agreement (CJKFTA) negotiations have slowed in recent years. The three countries have convened at 14 rounds of negotiations but failed to make any substantial breakthrough. A number of previous studies have presented a crisis‐driven approach in explaining the progress of the CJKFTA, and argue that the accomplished China–Korea Free Trade Agreement (CKFTA) will accelerate the CJKFTA negotiation. This study questions optimism over the CJKFTA, and investigates the reasons for the stalemate of ongoing negotiations. It does so by considering three sets of factors that have stalled the negotiation – economic interdependence, domestic politics, and industry interest groups – in addition to international politics/national FTA policies. First, the trilateral economic interdependence shows a downward trend in recent years and has weakened the necessity of having a trilateral FTA. Second, domestic sectoral interests remain highly divergent over a potential CJKFTA; opposition from loser groups in Japan remains strong, and the majority of the Korean business world still regard the utility of an accomplished CKFTA more highly than an accomplished CJKFTA. Finally, the three countries have failed to narrow the gaps during past negotiations because no party views the CJKFTA as a top priority, nor wishes to take the leadership. China does not want a high‐level CJKFTA; Japan's lack of political incentive and Korea's cautious “wait and see” stance have also led to a stalemate of the negotiations. In consequence, this article delivers a relatively pessimistic vision for the CJKFTA negotiation in the near future.

Through the looking glass? China's rise as seen from Japan

Coexisting with a powerful and assertive China as a neighbour is a new experience for modern Japan that has long considered itself the only powerful state in east Asia. Interacting with China under this new condition has brought out multiple and competing conceptions of China as it means to Japan. China is an historical rival, a security concern, an indispensable trading partner, an economic competitor and a regional power with competing as well as common interests all at the same time. Japan also sees images of its past self in the pattern of China's rapid development. These ideas of China act both positively and negatively in how Japan conceives and manages its relationship with China, but they also reflect Japan's lack of confidence and shaken sense of history, identity and place in the world. In order to find a way to meaningfully engage with China, Japan needs to recognize its own identity and strength objectively.

Janis Mimura . Planning for Empire: Reform Bureaucrats and the Japanese Wartime State . (Studies of the Weatherhead East Asian Institute, Columbia University.) Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press. 2011. Pp. ix, 229. $39.95.

Janis Mimura focuses on “reform bureaucrats,” or more precisely Japanese economic reform bureaucrats during the 1930s and early 1940s. She argues that they promoted “techno-fascism,” which “represented a new form of authoritarian rule in which the ‘totalist’ state is fused with military and bureaucratic planning agencies and controlled by technocrats” (p. 4). Unlike some recent works that have examined fascist tendencies in Japanese culture, ideology, and everyday life, Mimura focuses on bureaucrats' visions and policies. This emphasis illuminates the nature of the political regime in this period. Mimura's work is significant as it shifts scholars' attention from more ideologically driven and nativist-oriented bureaucrats and military officers to reform bureaucrats. Although Mimura does not refer explicitly to Itô Takashi's distinction between Kan'nen Uyoku (Ideological Right) and Kakushin Uyoku (Statist Reformist Right), this distinction is useful here. As she indicates, it has been the “Ideological Right” that has dominated the scholarship on fascism in Japan. In contrast, Mimura sees fascism in Japan not only as a part of a global response to industrialization and the developments of technology and mass-based politics, but also as a forward-looking impulse on the part of technocrats. She shows that reform bureaucrats tackled the core issue of fascism: how to overcome the shortcomings of capitalism without making Japan a communist state. She demonstrates that they saw in fascism the solution for this problem (p. 5), and also viewed fascism as the means of overcoming Japan's lack of natural resources through technology, rationalization, spiritual mobilization, and imperial expansion. Mimura stresses that crises and war were opportunities for the major social, economic, and political restructuring that the reform bureaucrats needed to realize their vision.

Attitudes Towards Food Safety and the Environment: A Comparison of Conswners in Japan and the U.S.1

Abstract Numerous studies have demonstrated dwindling consumer confidence in the safety of the food supply and growing interest in purchasing "safe" foods. However, this research has painted no consistent picture of those concerned about food safety, nor has it investigated the relationship between environmental and food safety attitudes. A mail survey of Japanese and the United States consumers is used to evalulate whether selected environmental attitudes can explain food safety concerns and behavior.Findings indicate high concern about food safety in both countries, but income, age, education, and attitudes about the impacts of fossil fuel use explain little of the variance. Instead, that concern appears to be prompted largely by an interest in obtaining a healthy diet. It is also noted that Japanese consumers are more concerned about both food safety and the impacts of fossil fuel use, perhaps because of Japan's lack of natural resources and high food import levels.

The continuing evolution of Japan's business model

We need to recognize the abiding strengths of the Japanese business model and adapt them to a changing world, says Yoshinori Usui, Director of International Affairs at the Institute for International Economic Studies in Tokyo. In this article, Usui points out that rekindling economic expansion in Japan is indispensable to economic recovery in Southeast Asia and to the lasting growth of the global economy. He discusses the merits of the Japanese business model and argues that its basic elements remain entirely sound and effective. Japan's lack of competitiveness in non‐manufacturing sectors, he says, is more due to excessive regulation than to any failings of its business model. Usui speaks in optimistic terms about the potential for combining the best elements of the traditional Japanese model with the worthy elements of the Anglo‐Saxon model.

Trade warfare and regional integration in the Pacific: The USA, Japan and the Asian NICs

US Secretary of State's celebrated comment that the United States now regards Asia as a more strategic economic partner than Japan. A few months after the APEC summit, however, economic antagonism between the United States and Japan, the two superpowers in the group, reached a new level as Japan refused numerical targets for US and other foreign imports and the US responded by reviving 'Super 301', a provision in the US Trade Act that mandates retaliation against those perceived as 'unfair traders'. Moreover, the voices of dissent that had been overshadowed by the US drive to display consensus in Seattle reemerged with even greater vigour. China and several South-eastern Asian governments declared their opposition to the US efforts to turn APEC from a consultative body into a more formal trading block based on free trade. And Prime Minister Mohamad Mahathir's trenchant view that the USA was intent on turning APEC into an instrument to reassert US hegemony in a part of the world that is fast spinning out of the American orbit was gaining greater resonance. The East Asian countries' response to developments n APEC is conditioned by the reality that America's relationship to Asia in the past decade has been dominated by one central fact: trade warfare carried out in the name of free trade. From their perspective, the US design to transform APEC into a formal association based on ever freer trade would be tantamount to 'multeralising' and institutionalising the aggressive campaign that the USA has waged on a bilateral basis in the last few years. In these countries' view, that campaign has had, as its fundamental objective, the dismantling of protected markets, foreign investment restrictions, and state-assisted capitalism-the very mechanisms that, from their perspective, have been responsible for East Asia's economic success. A third attitude coexisted with the Asian 'newly industrialising countries' (NICS') opposition to a free-trade APEC and the USA's enthusiasm for it: Japan's lack of initiative in pushing APEC in any form. While the Japanese government gave ritual endorsements to the consultative body, it played no significant role in its economic diplomacy. As a Thai member of APEC'S 'Eminent Persons Group' put it, Japan's stance was marked by 'an unwillingness to speak out its mind' on the direction of the regional forum.'

Japanese national policy towards the automobile

This paper discusses Japanese policies to minimize the social costs of car use. The government has not been against the use of cars, but the cumulative effect of policies has been to discourage it. The background to policy is described: Japan's historical lack of roads for wheeled vehicles and the notion that private use of cars is luxurious and wasteful. Despite rapid motorization, vestiges of Japan's lack of experience with wheeled vehicles and the hesitancy of the Japanese to use the car like their American counterparts have created a particular attitude to it. In developing policies to reduce the social costs of car use, Japan has produced regulations over the years which affect the use and types of vehicles. Driver's licence tests are difficult and the prerequisite driving practice is expensive. These regulations present obstacles to potential users as well as improving safety standards. The vehicle inspection system also helps control the social cost of cars. Japan requires biennial inspection of private cars. The costs of this and standardization of testing have increased the cost of car ownership as well as ensuring proper safety and emission standards. Inspection discourages owners from holding onto vehicles for long periods, thus addressing the issues of safety, environment and energy by promoting newer, cleaner and more efficient vehicles. Taxation may also affect levels of use. Lower taxes for light vehicles may be one explanation of their popularity in Japan. In a country where space is at a premium, parking and garage regulations have been effective in controlling motor vehicle use. The availability and cost of parking in Japan is discussed, together with employee parking policies which provide a glimpse of the use of regulations to control commuter behaviour. However, to conclude that Japanese national policy simply has sought to limit car use would be incorrect. The popularity of cars has grown despite governmental policies and convenient public transport. What is commendable about national policy is that when policies to discourage use have not had the desired effect, complementary efforts have been made to resolve the problems. Traffic cells, street closures and pedestrian precincts in new suburban malls are examples of how Japanese society is seeking to live with the motor vehicle. (Author/TRRL)

Japan's Isolation in the International Arena — Over the New Stage of Currency Adjustment

Fear of Japan's Isolation: Last year [1971] was marked by a series of events which gave rise to fear that Japan was headed, internationally, for gradual isolation in the political and economic spheres. Japan's lack of independent thinking in political and economic affairs was clearly revealed in its handling of Chinese entry into the United Nations, the Japan-U.S. textile talks, and the multinational negotiations on the currency adjustment. In the international arena, one event after another added to the suspicion that the Japanese government lacked a long-range vision and could not see things in proper perspective. Having observed the succession of recent events from the shift in U.S. economic policy to the multinational currency realignment, I cannot suppress fundamental doubt about Japan's qualification for a place in the club of advanced free countries. These events raise doubts about whether Japan has attained sufficient maturity in political democracy and the economic liberalism required for members...