Defeat Of Japan Research Articles

Maritime Quarantine and Repatriation Immediately after the Defeat of Japan

Maritime Quarantine and Repatriation Immediately after the Defeat of Japan

Disabled people and the labor market in the 1950s: the Japanese experience

AbstractOutbreaks of war create large numbers of disabled people. After Japan's defeat in World War II, the Japanese government, under the policy of GHQ, began to create labor policies for disabled soldiers and the general disabled. However, historical research on the labor market participation of the disabled in Japan has not progressed. This study examines the job placement program for the physically disabled in the immediate postwar period. The end of the war encouraged the participation of people with disabilities in the labor market. In the early 1950s, the Ministry of Labor actively tried to find jobs for the disabled to improve the lives of disabled soldiers and bring new labor market participation to disabled people. This research revealed an active debate on whether the participation of disabled people in the labor market should be promoted by coercive state policies requiring companies to hire people with disabilities or by public support. Through analysis of the labor market for disabled people in 1950s, we will provide hints for deeper thinking about who the workers are and what it means to work in our society.

Japan vs the United States (1941—1945). People and Machines

The authors study the military potential of the Japanese Empire and its changes during the Pacific War in order to understand the role of the Pacific Theater of Operations in World War II. In this regard, the authors basing on the losses suffered by Japan on various fronts define the role of the USSR in the defeat of militaristic Japan. They argue that the contribution of the USSR to the victory of the Anti-Hitler coalition in Asia consists mainly in shackling significant forces of the Japanese army in Manchuria and Korea until the end of the summer of 1945, which did not allow the Japanese military to win to a large extent in the southwestern provinces of China, thereby ensuring direct communication with Burma. As for the defeat of the Japanese Air Force, which was the main striking force of Japanese militarism, there was a decisive contribution of the United States, whose Air Force also caused significant damage to Japanese industry by the summer of 1945 with strategic bombing. In this regard, the authors question the need for atomic bombing, which accelerated the surrender of Japan, but did not make it, as the authors prove, inevitable. The authors see the main reason for Japan's defeat in the strategy of its High command, putting the economy in second place. The Japanese admirals exaggerated the capabilities of carrier-based aircraft too much, which became a fatal factor for Japan in the Pacific war. The authors also claim that the actions of the Allied troops in Burma played a significant role in the defeat of Japan.

Wybrane komponenty współczesnej mentalności koreańskiej związane z grzecznością

Selected components of contemporary Korean mentality related to politeness In the twentieth century, Korea had a violent change in its history. Initially, Korea lost its independence and became a Japanese colony. It regained freedom after the defeat of Japan, but soon, the Korean War broke out. From that time until today, Korea has been divided into two parts: the southern one and the northern one. After the war, South Korea was a country under military dictatorship for a long time. South Korea after the Korean War belonged to one of the poorest countries over the world. In the present time, however, South Korea has become a country that has a great impact on the global economy. This change in history had a huge impact (positively and negatively) on the mentality of Koreans. The aim of my article is to present the economic development of South Korea from a Confucian point of view and to analyze the impact of Korean history in the twentieth century on the mentality of Koreans and its operation in Korean society (work ethos and ethos of science, Korean language, etc.).

Overcoming Empire in Post-Imperial East Asia: Repatriation, Redress and Rebuilding ed. by Barak Kushner and Sherzod Muminov, and: In the Ruins of the Japanese Empire: Imperial Violence, State Destruction, and the Reordering of Modern East Asia ed. by Barak Kushner and Andrew Levidis

Reviewed by: Overcoming Empire in Post-Imperial East Asia: Repatriation, Redress and Rebuilding ed. by Barak Kushner and Sherzod Muminov, and: In the Ruins of the Japanese Empire: Imperial Violence, State Destruction, and the Reordering of Modern East Asia ed. by Barak Kushner and Andrew Levidis Philip Seaton Overcoming Empire in Post-Imperial East Asia: Repatriation, Redress and Rebuilding. Edited by Barak Kushner and Sherzod Muminov. London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2020. 264 pages. ISBN: 9781350127050 (hardcover, also available as softcover and e-book). In the Ruins of the Japanese Empire: Imperial Violence, State Destruction, and the Reordering of Modern East Asia. Edited by Barak Kushner and Andrew Levidis. Hong Kong University Press, 2020. 252 pages. ISBN: 9789888528288 (hardcover, also available as e-book). Overcoming Empire in Post-Imperial East Asia and In the Ruins of the Japanese Empire (hereafter, "Overcoming Empire" and "Ruins," respectively) were produced as part of a 2013–2019 group research project called "The Dissolution of the Japanese Empire and the Struggle for Legitimacy in Postwar East Asia, 1945–1965," managed by Barak Kushner and funded by a European Research Council grant. A simple review of just the two books would comment on the high quality of scholarship across nineteen chapters penned by scholars from a wide range of disciplinary and geographical backgrounds, with the requisite introductory chapters by the editors—in other words, a professional job well done. It would also pick up a few of the key arguments in individual chapters, probably with a little more focus on those chapters to which the reviewer's own research is closely connected. I will adopt that approach in the second half of this review, but first I feel it is important to review the project itself with an eye to the new things its conception allows us to say about the year 1945 and its broader lessons for researchers of East Asian history and beyond. But I should start with a declaration of interest. In November 2016, Barak Kushner invited me to one of his project events at the University of Cambridge to give a talk about my recent fieldwork on contents tourism. Although my paper was not published as part of the project—it ultimately appeared in Japan Review—this experience gave me an appreciation of what was being attempted. Kushner writes on his website that the project coordinated postdoctoral research associates and offered PhD scholarships to investigate "the impact of the fall of the Japanese empire in East Asia."1 The project members held symposia, produced numerous other stand-alone articles, and published a book that predates the two under review here: The Dismantling of Japan's Empire in East Asia: (hereafter "Dismantling").2 It is particularly important to read Overcoming Empire and Ruins with reference to this earlier book if we are to grasp the total scope of the project. Kushner's introduction to Dismantling sets out the project's aims: The [Japanese] empire did not end as cleanly as is often perceived in domestic national histories of Japan, which until recently tended to ignore the legacy of empire outside Japan's [End Page 423] occupied main islands. It is necessary to bring empire back to discussions of postwar East Asian identity and to fold it into a history for the region as a whole with Japan at the center.3 Kushner notes that while there is much scholarship on the creation of the Japanese empire, the common image of Japan's defeat in war has left the dismantling of the empire comparatively underresearched, particularly in transnational perspective. The ambitious scope of these aims mean that they can only realistically be achieved by a team that pools its research expertise in diverse geographical areas, archival material, cultural memories, and disciplinary approaches. Dismantling comprises sixteen research papers, which makes a total of thirty-five papers across the three books. Dismantling has more of a Japanese focus supplemented by a European perspective; Overcoming Empire focuses more on mainland China, Taiwan, and Korea; and Ruins is somewhere in between with coverage across Japan, South Korea, Taiwan, and China. The geographical focus of the project, therefore, was East Asia. However, it would have been nice to have a little...

The Crown & The Capitalists, The Ethnic Chinese and the Founding of the Thai Nation by Wasana Wongsurawat

Reviewed by: The Crown & The Capitalists, The Ethnic Chinese and the Founding of the Thai Nation by Wasana Wongsurawat Mala Rajo Sathian The Crown & The Capitalists, The Ethnic Chinese and the Founding of the Thai Nation (2019). by WASANA WONGSURAWAT. Seattle: University of Washington Press and Chiang Mai: Silkworm Books. 216 pp. ISBN 0295746262, 9780295746265 The Crown and The Capitalists examines the making of the Thai nation state through a focus on the ethnic Chinese in Thailand and their association with the Thai court. The changing relations and policies of Thailand towards its largest ethnic minority is scrutinized within a complex trans-national web of European colonial geopolitics, Chinese national politics and Japanese militarism of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. The contributions of the Chinese entrepreneur class, from crown traders to European colonial subjects with privileges of extra-territoriality, towards the coffers of the kingdom as well as in fostering Siam-China diplomatic relations largely shaped Siam's policies towards the ethnic Chinese, between the fourth and sixth reigns. Wasana examines these policies from the lens of education, print media, economy, regional diplomacy in the period of the Greater East Asia War and finally the global impact of the Cold War. Each of these themes are discussed in five separate chapters. The monitoring of Chinese education and newspapers discussed in the first two chapters sets the tone for the ensuing anti-Chinese sentiments in the country. Despite the compulsory Education Act, the state faced limitations in providing public education to the masses and private Chinese education compensated for this insufficiency. It produced a part of the manpower for Siam's civil service. Essentially Chinese education through the use of the standard Mandarin created an 'imagined' solidarity with China and its national politics. It was the latter, particularly, the anti-monarchist and republican leanings coming out of China in the post-revolutionary period that displeased the Siamese King Vajiravudh, in turn prompting nationalization of Thai education. The Chinese educated in Siam, including leading capitalists and journalists, began publishing Chinese newspapers in the country. Publisher-owners of these newspapers were also subject to stringent state surveillance. A transnational imagined community is evoked through Chinese language publications that connected host and home over generations and trans-distance. The outcome is a plurality of imagined communities that connected overseas Chinese to their respective ancestral clans in southern China, prompting a provincial 'Nanyang solidarity', while Chinese newspapers, in standard script, connected diaspora Chinese with mainland politics. Diaspora identities became intertwined with both subdialect and Chinese national identities. Chinese newspapers were another turf for rival Chinese capitalists for prominence in the Siamese Chinese community and thus the content reflected different inclinations towards Chinese politics, morphing from reformist, revolutionary to republican nationalist. However despite their slant, ethnic Chinese publishers were alternately wary and strategic in courting the trust of the Thai court. Overseas Chinese in Siam were indeed strong allies of the Thai monarchy, and their involvement in the kingdom's economy profited both parties. In a similar vein, they were also a transnational resource for China's post-war reforms and [End Page 223] development. This prompted demands for ethnic Chinese entrepreneurs to show their undivided loyalty to the nation, pursued through an economic nationalization or Thai-ification policy by Rama VI. The scheme turned propagandist and racial under post revolution Thailand; ethnic Chinese entrepreneurs were targeted, in part to cripple the royalist-elite Chinese clique and their strong control of the national economy. Stoking anti-Chinese sentiments through writings and policies, demonstrated under the sixth reign and People's Party eras, clearly heightened Thai nationalism. It served to validate Thailand's nation building process, inspired by alliance with Japan and its ultra-nationalist model. Japanese imperialism polarized Thai society into various political camps; from Phibun (pro-Japan), Pridi (pro-Allied) to the return of the old royalists led by Seni Pramoj through the Free Thai Movement (US-based, pro-Allied, pro-China camp). With Japan's defeat Thailand reverted to royalist nationalism with strong military alliances. The book underscores the continuity of the royalist clique as a formidable force in Thai politics, albeit a transition from absolutism to constitutional monarchism under the People's Party...

Reexamining Threat Perception in Early Cold War Japan

This article discusses whether Japanese military and political elites perceived the Soviet Union and the People's Republic of China (PRC) as threats during the Cold War. Realist scholars have argued that Japan's security alliance with the United States and the global balance of power were such that most Japanese officials did not perceive either of the Communist giants as a serious military threat. Reaching a similar conclusion but for starkly different reasons, constructivist scholars have argued that cultural, normative, and identity factors explain why Japanese elites did not perceive the Soviet Union or China as militarily threatening. Neither of these arguments holds up. Archival data and oral history collections from Japan's Self-Defense Force and National Diet Library reveal that Japan's defense establishment and political leaders perceived both the Soviet Union and the PRC as extremely threatening and that these perceptions fluctuated in intensity over time, across sectors, and among actors. Psychological factors, including affect, behavioral tendencies, and cognitive beliefs (the ABC model), may better explain why Japanese judged the intensity and source of perceived threats in the manner that they did. These findings underscore why threat perception in the international system is best evaluated by aggregating individual judgments and their distribution among larger groups.

Analysis of Emergency Rescue Responses in Large-Scale Disasters in Japan

This study analyzed emergency rescue responses in large-scale disasters in Japan using White Paper on Japan Fire Service, White Paper on Japan Police, Defense of Japan (Annual White Paper), White Paper on Land, Infrastructure, Transport and Tourism in Japan, and Annual Health, Labour and Welfare Report published by the Fire and Disaster Management Agency (FDMA), the National Police Agency (NPA), the Ministry of Defence (MOD), the Ministry of Land, Infrastructure, Transport and Tourism (MLITT), and the Ministry of Health, Labour and Welfare (MHLW), to contribute to establishing emergency rescue responses during large-scale disasters in Korea. When the resources of disaster areas in Japan are inadequate for emergency response during a disaster due to its large-scale, prefectural governors request to mobilize the Emergency Fire Response Team (EFRT) of FDMA, the Inter-Prefectural Emergency Rescue Unit (IERU) of NPA, the Self-Defense Force of MOD, the Technical Emergency Control Force of MLITT, and the Disaster Medical Assistance Team of MHLW. These teams mobilized from the entire country perform emergency rescue activities through strong connection and collaboration under the command of prefectural governors.

Japan’s Defense Strategy : The Alternative for The Dynamic Asian Pasific

Since defense became a vital aspect in a sustainability of a country, its presence were inseparable from a policy-making process, especially foreign policy. A country needs a foreign policy to reach the national interest in keeping their existence due to respond several kinds of threats, or challenges in the international environment that was in an anarchic condition. Amidst the rivalries of many interests of various actors, Japan decided to make a change in their policy related with the defense strategy as the plan that Shinzo Abe proposed to finally allow Japan to be more offensive for some cases. As a research objective, this article will analyze how Japan defense policy framework developed from time to time, and mainly talk about how can Japan set aims in their own policy change from defensive to offensive by seeing internal and external factors. Therefore, there’ll be a link between how Japan run the policy as resolutions for several problems that arose surround Japan and prevented any harm or disturbance in national security, as the basic things to make sure the national interests are fulfilled. This research used qualitative method in analyzing the relevancy of internal and external factors towards Japan’s defense strategy, so that this research will contribute in the form of foreign policy analysis

FROM FRIENDSHIP TO ENMITY SOVIET-IRANIAN RELATIONS (1945-1965)

FROM FRIENDSHIP TO ENMITY SOVIET-IRANIAN RELATIONS (1945-1965)

Contributions Published in Strategic Analysis in 2019

DefenceArticles● India–Japan Defence Ties: Building a Strategic Partnership Ishida Yasuyuki and G. V. C. Naidu (Vol 43, No. 1, January–February 2019)● Strategic Wisdom from the Orient: Evaluating...

Japan's ‘Indo-Pacific’ question: countering China or shaping a new regional order?

Abstract Japan's primary objective of the ‘free and open Indo-Pacific’ (FOIP) strategy is to shape and consolidate regional order in the Indo-Pacific region based on the existing rules-based international order. The concept initially aimed to achieve two different objectives—shaping a regional order in the Indo-Pacific and ensuring the defence of Japan; however, Japan has gradually shifted its strategic focus onto the former, separating national defence from the FOIP concept, which reflects a change in the degree of its commitment to the two objectives. On the one hand, as its overall security strategy, Japan has determined to steadily enhance its national defence by increasing its own defence capabilities and strengthening the US–Japan alliance, while transforming its partnerships with like-minded states, such as Australia and India, into a diplomatic, and potentially military, alignment. This has been brought about by shifts in the regional balance of power, particularly the rise of China and the relative decline of the United States. On the other hand, as part of its FOIP strategy, Japan's attempts to build a new regional order in the Indo-Pacific region aim to defend the existing rules-based order established by the United States from challengers, particularly China. Yet, given the strategic uncertainty over Japan's international coalition-building efforts to create a new regional order, Japan has made its approach flexible; Tokyo is using its ambiguous FOIP concept to gauge other states' responses, understand their perspectives, and change its strategic emphases accordingly—so-called ‘tactical hedging’. Japan has pursued similar means to achieve the two key objectives. Nevertheless, the country's core interest, the defence of Japan, is more imperative than building a regional order in the Indo-Pacific region, and Japan faces different types of challenges in the future.

Alliances Adrift: Is This the End of America's Asian Alliances?

Alliances Adrift: Is This the End of America's Asian Alliances?

Liminality of the Japanese Empire: Border Crossings from Okinawa to Colonial Taiwan by Hiroko Matsuda

Reviewed by: Liminality of the Japanese Empire: Border Crossings from Okinawa to Colonial Taiwan by Hiroko Matsuda Michele M. Mason (bio) Liminality of the Japanese Empire: Border Crossings from Okinawa to Colonial Taiwan. By Hiroko Matsuda. University of Hawai'i Press, Honolulu, 2019. xii, 205 pages. $68.00, cloth; $28.00, paper. Liminality of the Japanese Empire is an important work that addresses a long-overlooked topic and region while recognizing the complexity of history and human experience. Hiroko Matsuda examines the various motivations for and lives of Okinawan migrants crossing the watery border to Taiwan during Japan's colonial era and repatriating after Japan's defeat. In an introduction, epilogue, and six clearly organized chapters, Matsuda fleshes out the complex political, social, and cultural contexts of the perennially [End Page 482] shifting burdens on and desires of the people of Okinawa. The analysis is framed through the concept of liminality to good effect. Matsuda highlights the precarious place of the Ryukyu Kingdom/Okinawa (understood as the numerous islands that make up what we now call Okinawa Prefecture), which has been forced to negotiate its own identity and agency vis-à-vis China, Japan, and the West. Set against the backdrop of Japan's radical transformation through nation-state and empire building, modernization, and industrialization, this scholarly treatment of Okinawa's imposed identity as the "southern gate" of Japanese empire investigates both the liminal spaces and identities that settlers inhabited and the biases and discrimination they navigated. This is not just a sweeping history. Through firsthand accounts of personal journeys, hardships, and achievements, Liminality of the Japanese Empire portrays diverse trajectories of Okinawans in schooling, employment, and social integration in Okinawa and Taiwan during and after Japan's colonial rule. Matsuda captures the dramatic changes in Taiwan and Okinawa under the cloud of Japanese imperialism featuring both individual life stories and multiple generations of families. Crucially, Matsuda's focus extends beyond the main island of Okinawa and the ordeals of the Battle of Okinawa, thus enriching our perspective of this period and people's experience. Many of her informants hailed from the southwestern part of the archipelago—specifically, the Yaeyama and Miyako islands. While tracing their multifaceted marginalization within dominant mainland Japan and Taiwan under Japanese colonial rule, Matsuda skillfully integrates topics such as class and gender throughout the work. The inclusion of a wide range of supplementary materials—including maps, photographs, tables, and advertisements—enhances the reader's ability to imagine the macro and micro picture of the realities and meanings of the border crossings. The introduction offers clarifying historical contextualization of the Ryukyu Kingdom, its complex and contested relationships with Japan and China, and the predicaments caused by the region's engagement with the United States from the late nineteenth century. Matsuda situates her theoretical underpinnings within a broad range of scholarship in colonial, border, and ethnographic studies, putting her ideas in conversation with the works of Victor W. Turner, Ann Stoler, Edward Said, and Oguma Eiji. At its heart, this book is an examination of the lived experience of Okinawans caught in a state of betwixt-and-between-ness not just amidst political entities or countries but also the constructed and contested lines demarcating the superiority and inferiority of peoples. Matsuda therefore attends to the material and discursive nature of the terms "boundary" and "border" as they interact with the conceptualization of "liminality." To use Matsuda's language, this project sheds light on "the intricate relationship between the geographic borders and the boundaries of Japan and the Japanese by examining the narratives and practices of people living in the border zone" [End Page 483] (p. 7), which brings to the fore "the malleable nature of the ruler and the ruled" and the "dynamic use of the border between the Inner Territory and the Outer Territories" (p. 5). The first chapter, "Migration in the Age of Modern Colonialism," contextualizes labor migration patterns from both Japan and Okinawa within larger geopolitical transformations in the late 1800s and early 1900s. Common destinations promoted by government and private agencies for Japanese/Okinawans included Hawai'i, the west coast of the United States, South America (Brazil, Peru, and Argentina), the Philippines, and the...

The Clandestine activities of Japanese settlers in colonial Korea on US-Korea alienation after US occupation after Liberation

The purpose of this study is to examine the perception of the situation of the Japanese Government General of Korea, the Japanese settlers in colonial Korea toward Japan defeat, and the intention of the conflict between South Korea and the US by the Japanese return group, especially the Japanese Relief Society, during the period of US military in South Korea. The Japanese government decided that the sovereignty of the Korean peninsula remained in Japan until it ratified a peace treaty that would define Japan’s postwar status, and informed the Japanese Government General of Korea on August 24 1945. The Japanese government retained the conventional view that Japan’s sovereignty over colonial territories, including the Korean Peninsula, was not in the signing of the Potsdam Declaration to surrender to the Allies, but in a signing of a treaty with the Allies even after the defeat. After the defeat, the Japanese Military Police and the Tokodai movement was very significant. They were planning to form a subterranean secret organization to distract South Korea’s order, and to alienate between the US military and Koreans. Another secret organization was under investigation by the US military intelligence agency in October 1945, when a clandestine group of former military policemen, who led the operation of the US-Korea separation after US occupation, was being caught by the US military’s CIC. The object was the organization of Japanese Relief Society. These groups advocated private organizations aiming for the safe return of Japanese citizens, but they were formed with enormous financial support and support from the Japanese Government General of Korea and the Japanese Military Command in Korea. In addition, the ‘Kim Ke Cho incident’ was revealed. Kim Ke Cho, a pro-Japanese leader sponsored by the Japanese Government General of Korea, was brought to trial after being caught by the US military in preparation for the work between Korea and the United States in connection with the Japanese Relief Society. In other words, this event can be evaluated as showing that the space of liberation was not free from the influence of Japanese imperialism, and thus the space of continuity is stronger than disconnection.

A Study on the Growth Engines of Japan's Defense Industry: Empirical Analysis on the Spin-on-Off Effect between Military and Private Industries

A Study on the Growth Engines of Japan's Defense Industry: Empirical Analysis on the Spin-on-Off Effect between Military and Private Industries

The Increase In Child-Friendly Learning Management Towards The Formation of Character Students in SD Inclusive

Teachers are an essential component in improving the quality of education. It can even be said that a teacher is a strategic key for the development of quality education. How vital role of teachers in training, so it is not surprising that the Emperor of Japan, Hirohito after the defeat of Japan from the allies asked how many teachers are still alive. It was on the teacher’s shoulders that Emperor Hirohito put his trust in rebuilding Japan through education and succeeding. The method used in this paper is library research (library research). The study finds that one of the progress of knowledge in various countries such as Japan, China, Korea, India, which later became the instrument to solve the nation’s problems is through the improvement and development of professional teachers. In Indonesia, the effort to improve the professionalism of teachers is made through training called Teacher Professional Training (PLPG) and Teacher Professional Education (PPG). By building professional teachers the reinforcement of developer-based and discovery-based philosophical aspects make a significant contribution to improving the quality of education in Indonesia.

Improving Teacher Professionalism Toward Education Quality in Digital Era

Teachers are an important component in improving the quality of education. It can even be said that teacher is a strategic key for the development of quality education. How important role of teachers in education, so it is not surprising that the Emperor of Japan, Hirohito after the defeat of Japan from the allies asked how many teachers are still alive. It was on the teacher’s shoulders that Emperor Hirohito put his trust in rebuilding Japan through education and succeeding. The method used in this paper is library research (library research). The study finds that one of the progress of education in various countries such as Japan, China, Korea, India, which later became the instrument to solve the nation’s problems is through the improvement and development of professional teachers. In Indonesia the effort to improve the professionalism of teachers is done through training called Teacher Professional Training (PLPG) and Teacher Professional Education (PPG). By building professional teachers the reinforcement of developer-based and discovery-based philosophical aspects make a significant contribution to improving the quality of education in Indonesia.

‘전후’ 재일조선인 스포츠커뮤니티의 기원과 형성(1945-1950)

이 논문은 ‘전후(戰後, 일본 패전 이후)’인 1945년부터 1950년에 이르는 기간에 주목하여 재일조선인 스포츠커뮤니티의 기원과 형성 문제를 다루고자 했다. 재일조선인의 스포츠활동과 스포츠커뮤니티에 대한 논의는 ‘재일조선인’을 다층적으로 살필 수 있는 새로운 지평이다. 이 글은 예비적 고찰로, 식민지조선의 근대스포츠 수용과 전전(戰前, 일본 패전 이전) 재일 조선유학생들의 스포츠활동과 스포츠네트워크에 주목했다. 이들 유학생은 다이쇼 시대 이후 대중화된 근대스포츠를 향유하며 식민지조선에 이를 보급 확산하는 전파자, 확산자, 지도자의 역할을 자임했다. 이들의 스포츠활동은 국내 순회경기와 일본팀과의 친선경기로 이어지면서 스포츠내셔널리즘의 성향을 띠기도 했다. 이들은 조선체육회 결성에 기여했을 뿐만 아니라 근대스포츠를 국가 부재의 상태에서 민족 역량의 우위를 과시하고 일제와 경합하는 주역이었다. 전후 일본에서 재일조선인 사회는 모국의 정세 변화에 따라 分立했다. 재일조선인 사회가 친공, 반공 진영으로 나누어지면서 스포츠단체의 조직 또한 각각 다른 방식의 스포츠커뮤니티를 만들어 나갔다. 이들은 ‘해방된 민족’으로서 재일조선인들의 권익 보호와 함께 모국의 스포츠 지원, 현지사회와의 친선교류에 스포츠를 활용했다.

Social Status Shift and Collapse of Uleebalang in Aceh of 1900-1946

This paper explores the Social Status Shift and Collapse of Uleebalang in Aceh of 1900-1946. The conflict between ulama and ulebalang increasingly entered a critical phase, especially after news of Japan's defeat. This research is conducted by using qualitative research design. The results shows that the surrender of the uleebalang did not dampen the ulama's determination to continue to expel the Dutch from the land of Aceh in various regions, both in Aceh City, Pidie, North Aceh, West Aceh, Central Aceh and Southeast Aceh fall on the battlefield. The Aceh War had a great impact on the people of Aceh, especially the scholars. The direct impact of the Aceh war can be seen from the division of ulama into three groups, there are 1) The ulama who was the Kadli in the government of the uleebalang who recognized Dutch sovereignty; 2) The ulama who only give religious lessons in dayah-dayah; and 3) The ulama who still continued the struggle against the Dutch. In addition, the fundamental impact is the strengthening of the position of ulama in Acehnese society. Another impact is the widening of the distance between the ulama and the uleebalang. The Dutch tried to break the Acehnese community through politics.